In 913 Nicholas Mystikos, the patriarch of Constantinople, wrote a letter to the Muslim ruler of ... more In 913 Nicholas Mystikos, the patriarch of Constantinople, wrote a letter to the Muslim ruler of Crete whom he addressed as his "best and most excellent of friends." 1 The patriarch, who at this point was the leading member of the regency for the underage emperor, Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, pointed out in this letter the friendship of his predecessor, Patriarch Photios, to the father of the amīr of Crete. Photios knew that, although the barrier of religion stood between us, yet a strong intelligence, wit and character, a love of humanity, and all other qualities which adorn and dignify man's nature, arouse in the breasts of good men an affection for those in whom the loved qualities are found. And so he loved your Father […] even though the difference of religious faith stood between. Nicholas Mystikos proceeds to say that he wished the same friendship between the amīr and himself, undoubtedly because Nicholas hoped to liberate Christian captives detained by the amīr. However, although the intention of the letter explains Nicholas's friendly, even obsequious tone, it is somewhat surprising to find a patriarch, the head of the Byzantine church, associating with a Muslim ruler. Examples of pragmatic, sometimes even friendly contacts between Byzantine Christians and Muslims can be found in other areas as well: Muslims engaged in trade in the Byzantine empire 2 or served in the later Byzantine army. Even in Byzantine hagiography Muslims can appear as trustworthy partners: according to his vita, Saint Antony the Younger was the military head of a coastal city in southern Asia Minor when the city was attacked by an Arab fleet in the ninth century. The (later) saint negotiated with the Arab commander of the fleet and they agreed that the Arabs would spare the city if the Byzantines would pay a tributereligious divisions did not play a role in the negotiations. 3 Lilie interprets this complex of Arab-Byzantine relations as a clear indication that the Christian Byzantines respected the Muslims and acted very pragmatically towards Muslim rulers as well as towards Muslim subjects under Byzantine rule. He concludes in his Byzanz und die Kreuzzüge that because of this pragmatic attitude which came about simply because 1 Nicholas I, Letter 2.21-27, ed. Jenkins and Westerink, 14-15: this letter was probably addressed to Muḥammed ibn Shuʿayb I. 2 See Koray Durak's essay in this volume. 3 Lilie, Byzanz und die Kreuzzüge, 27.
The holy man cried out into the tombs, saying: 'My Godloving fathers who have died in the Orthodo... more The holy man cried out into the tombs, saying: 'My Godloving fathers who have died in the Orthodox Faith, do you command me to subscribe to the Tome of Leo? [.. .]' and at once, as from a single mouth, the bones of the holy men cried out saying: 'Anathema to the synod of Chalcedon! Anathema to the one who would be in communion with them! Anathema to the one who would say 'Hail' to them! Anathema to the one who would divide Emmanuel into two natures or two forms!' Panegyric on Macarius, Bishop of Tkôw (Johnson :-)
Die Reorganisation der Konziliengeschichteu nd der Kirchenordnung durch Chalkedon Idon'trecall….I... more Die Reorganisation der Konziliengeschichteu nd der Kirchenordnung durch Chalkedon Idon'trecall….Idon'trecall….Idon't recall…….Idon'trecall… Idon'trecall… US-Justizminister Jeff Sessions,J une 2017¹ Theologie &Politik In seinem Aufsatz "Über die Reichskonzilien vonT heodosius bis Justinian" hob der Altmeister der Konzilienforschung,E duardS chwartz, die dominierende Stellung der Bischöfe vonA lexandria innerhalb der antiken Kirchen (zumindest im Osten) wie auch dasp olitische Element in den theologischen Auseinandersetzungen der spätantiken Kirche hervor: Diese in der Abgeschlossenheit des Nillandes vone chten Herrschernaturen geschaffeneM acht erzeugte einen Machtwillen, der nicht ruhte, bis er die Reichskirche zum mindesten des Ostens sich unterworfenhatte. Niehat die Welt so rücksichtslose Hierarchen gesehen wie die Männer, die in den anderthalb Jahrhunderten vonder großen Verfolgung bis zum chalkedonischen Konzil auf dem Thron des heiligen Marcus saßen. Sie brauchtena lle politischenM ittel ohne jede Bedenklichkeit,L ist und Gewalt, Bestechungu nd Intrige und vora llem eine Publizistik, die, als Schriftstellerei monotonu nd reizlos, am Erfolge gemessen, eine Leistunge rstenR angesw ar.² Bischöfe wie Athanasius, Theophilus und Kyrill haben nicht nur die Kirchengeschichte Alexandrias und Ägyptens,s ondern des gesamten (östlichen) Mittelmeerraumes geprägt. Allerdings greift EduardS chwartz' harsches Urteil über die Machtversessenheit und Rücksichtslosigkeit in seiner Ausschließlichkeit die Bischöfe von Fürd ie Einladung zurK onferenz "Konziliare Entscheidungsfindung in Spätantikeu nd frühem Mittelalter" in Frankfurt danke ich ganz herzlich den Organisatoren WolframBrandes undHartmut Leppin. Der vorliegende BeitragerörtertA spekte, die ich ausführlicher in einer Monographie "The Last Pharaoh of Alexandria: Patriarch Dioscorus and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Later Roman Empire" behandeln werde.
Dona Lucrezia: Gennaro! Sais-tu qui tu es?Sais-tu qui je suis?T uignores combien je te tiens de p... more Dona Lucrezia: Gennaro! Sais-tu qui tu es?Sais-tu qui je suis?T uignores combien je te tiens de près! Faut-il tout lui dire? Le même sang coule dans nos veines, Gennaro!¹
hen the first Christian emperor, Constantine, came to power in Eburacum in Britain in 306, at the... more hen the first Christian emperor, Constantine, came to power in Eburacum in Britain in 306, at the other end of the Roman Empire, in Nisibis, Ephrem, arguably the most important poet of the Syrian tongue, was born into a Christian family. 1 While the new Emperor slowly made his way from the province to the centres of power-having defeated Maxentius in the famous battle at the Milvian bridge outside Rome in 312, and having founded his new capital in Constantinople in 324-Ephrem remained provincial. Ephrem may have been acquainted with Greek education and philosophy, and was not the purely Syrian-Semitic poet scholars once believed. 2 However, Ephrem never saw the Roman centres of powers with his own eyes: 3 he served 1
Introduction: Gifts, Bribes, and Blessings in the Later Roman Empire At the very end of Antiquity... more Introduction: Gifts, Bribes, and Blessings in the Later Roman Empire At the very end of Antiquity Pope Gregory the Great (590-604) claimed 'that in the churches of the East no one is promoted to holy orders unless with the gift (datione) of bribes (praemiorum)'. 2 Here datio is not an innocent gift but a pecuniary reward in exchange for promoting a clerical candidate who thereby advanced his social status (and income). 3 With Constantine's conversion almost 300 years earlier and his sponsorship of the Christian Church the range of offices that were attractive to men with ambitions expanded. 4 Particularly episcopal offices became positions of respect and influence, and were therefore also subject to fierce competition and strife. In order to increase their chances of ordination, episcopal candidates therefore also took recourse to 'simony', that is, to be ordained in exchange for a payment. 5 The extensive epistolary corpus of Gregory indicates that simony was a major issue towards the end of the sixth century. 6 However, it was not a new problem as already the fourth-century Canons of the Apostles explicitly forbade simony and threatened clergy who ordained someone for money with deposition (can. 29). 7 This sentence was picked up by the Council of Chalcedon in 451 which was the first ecumenical council to tackle simony (can. 2): If any bishop should perform an ordination for money and put on sale the grace that cannot be sold, and ordain for money a bishop, chorepiscopus, presbyter, deacon […] the one who has attempted this, if convicted, endangers his own rank, while the person ordained is to benefit nothing from his purchased ordination or promotion but is to be deprived of the dignity or responsibility which he obtained for money. 8
The Eucharist formed the visible boundary between Chalcedonians and non-Chalcedonians in the fift... more The Eucharist formed the visible boundary between Chalcedonians and non-Chalcedonians in the fifth and sixth centuries. Non-Chalcedonian texts emphasize the difference of the Eucharists, but this does not necessarily imply that it was a widely accepted view. This paper analyzes the understanding of the Eucharist among parish priests and the laity. [1] At the end of the fifth century, the non-Chalcedonian John Rufus, allegedly the bishop of Maiuma in Palestine, wrote about his deceased spiritual father Peter the Iberian who had been bishop of Maiuma in 452/3 CE: 1 GAnd he celebrated the entire [liturgy of * I would like to thank Peter Brown, Manolis Papoutsakis, Craig Caldwell, Brooke Blower and an anonymous reviewer for helpful comments.
This comprehensive volume offers new insights into a seminal period of medieval Eastern Roman imp... more This comprehensive volume offers new insights into a seminal period of medieval Eastern Roman imperial history: the rule of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (913/945–959). Its fifteen chapters are organized around the concepts of center, province and periphery and take the reader from the splendor of Constantinople to the fringes of the empire. They examine life in the imperial city in the age of Constantine VII, the cultural revivals in Byzantium and the Carolingian West, as well as the emperor’s historiographical projects, including his historical excerpts and the famous Book of Ceremonies. Entering the sphere of the provinces, the authors explore visual messages on the coinage of Romanos I Lekapenos and Constantine Porphyrogennetos and its circulation through the provinces, provincial legal culture in the tenth-century empire, and offer a new analysis of Constantine VII’s two military harangues. Spotlights on the empire’s periphery include chapters on borderland trade with the Muslim world, a compelling new theory of the untimely deaths of the children of King Hugh of Italy, and the origins of medieval Croatia in relation to information gained from Constantine VII’s De administrando imperio. The final chapter offers intriguing insights into Constantine VII’s legacy and reception, from later middle Byzantine historiography via the Renaissance editions of the emperor’s treatises to Bavarian King Louis II’s Constantinople-inspired building projects. The volume combines leading scholars and new voices and contains survey chapters with detailed case studies.
In 913 Nicholas Mystikos, the patriarch of Constantinople, wrote a letter to the Muslim ruler of ... more In 913 Nicholas Mystikos, the patriarch of Constantinople, wrote a letter to the Muslim ruler of Crete whom he addressed as his "best and most excellent of friends." 1 The patriarch, who at this point was the leading member of the regency for the underage emperor, Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, pointed out in this letter the friendship of his predecessor, Patriarch Photios, to the father of the amīr of Crete. Photios knew that, although the barrier of religion stood between us, yet a strong intelligence, wit and character, a love of humanity, and all other qualities which adorn and dignify man's nature, arouse in the breasts of good men an affection for those in whom the loved qualities are found. And so he loved your Father […] even though the difference of religious faith stood between. Nicholas Mystikos proceeds to say that he wished the same friendship between the amīr and himself, undoubtedly because Nicholas hoped to liberate Christian captives detained by the amīr. However, although the intention of the letter explains Nicholas's friendly, even obsequious tone, it is somewhat surprising to find a patriarch, the head of the Byzantine church, associating with a Muslim ruler. Examples of pragmatic, sometimes even friendly contacts between Byzantine Christians and Muslims can be found in other areas as well: Muslims engaged in trade in the Byzantine empire 2 or served in the later Byzantine army. Even in Byzantine hagiography Muslims can appear as trustworthy partners: according to his vita, Saint Antony the Younger was the military head of a coastal city in southern Asia Minor when the city was attacked by an Arab fleet in the ninth century. The (later) saint negotiated with the Arab commander of the fleet and they agreed that the Arabs would spare the city if the Byzantines would pay a tributereligious divisions did not play a role in the negotiations. 3 Lilie interprets this complex of Arab-Byzantine relations as a clear indication that the Christian Byzantines respected the Muslims and acted very pragmatically towards Muslim rulers as well as towards Muslim subjects under Byzantine rule. He concludes in his Byzanz und die Kreuzzüge that because of this pragmatic attitude which came about simply because 1 Nicholas I, Letter 2.21-27, ed. Jenkins and Westerink, 14-15: this letter was probably addressed to Muḥammed ibn Shuʿayb I. 2 See Koray Durak's essay in this volume. 3 Lilie, Byzanz und die Kreuzzüge, 27.
The holy man cried out into the tombs, saying: 'My Godloving fathers who have died in the Orthodo... more The holy man cried out into the tombs, saying: 'My Godloving fathers who have died in the Orthodox Faith, do you command me to subscribe to the Tome of Leo? [.. .]' and at once, as from a single mouth, the bones of the holy men cried out saying: 'Anathema to the synod of Chalcedon! Anathema to the one who would be in communion with them! Anathema to the one who would say 'Hail' to them! Anathema to the one who would divide Emmanuel into two natures or two forms!' Panegyric on Macarius, Bishop of Tkôw (Johnson :-)
Die Reorganisation der Konziliengeschichteu nd der Kirchenordnung durch Chalkedon Idon'trecall….I... more Die Reorganisation der Konziliengeschichteu nd der Kirchenordnung durch Chalkedon Idon'trecall….Idon'trecall….Idon't recall…….Idon'trecall… Idon'trecall… US-Justizminister Jeff Sessions,J une 2017¹ Theologie &Politik In seinem Aufsatz "Über die Reichskonzilien vonT heodosius bis Justinian" hob der Altmeister der Konzilienforschung,E duardS chwartz, die dominierende Stellung der Bischöfe vonA lexandria innerhalb der antiken Kirchen (zumindest im Osten) wie auch dasp olitische Element in den theologischen Auseinandersetzungen der spätantiken Kirche hervor: Diese in der Abgeschlossenheit des Nillandes vone chten Herrschernaturen geschaffeneM acht erzeugte einen Machtwillen, der nicht ruhte, bis er die Reichskirche zum mindesten des Ostens sich unterworfenhatte. Niehat die Welt so rücksichtslose Hierarchen gesehen wie die Männer, die in den anderthalb Jahrhunderten vonder großen Verfolgung bis zum chalkedonischen Konzil auf dem Thron des heiligen Marcus saßen. Sie brauchtena lle politischenM ittel ohne jede Bedenklichkeit,L ist und Gewalt, Bestechungu nd Intrige und vora llem eine Publizistik, die, als Schriftstellerei monotonu nd reizlos, am Erfolge gemessen, eine Leistunge rstenR angesw ar.² Bischöfe wie Athanasius, Theophilus und Kyrill haben nicht nur die Kirchengeschichte Alexandrias und Ägyptens,s ondern des gesamten (östlichen) Mittelmeerraumes geprägt. Allerdings greift EduardS chwartz' harsches Urteil über die Machtversessenheit und Rücksichtslosigkeit in seiner Ausschließlichkeit die Bischöfe von Fürd ie Einladung zurK onferenz "Konziliare Entscheidungsfindung in Spätantikeu nd frühem Mittelalter" in Frankfurt danke ich ganz herzlich den Organisatoren WolframBrandes undHartmut Leppin. Der vorliegende BeitragerörtertA spekte, die ich ausführlicher in einer Monographie "The Last Pharaoh of Alexandria: Patriarch Dioscorus and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Later Roman Empire" behandeln werde.
Dona Lucrezia: Gennaro! Sais-tu qui tu es?Sais-tu qui je suis?T uignores combien je te tiens de p... more Dona Lucrezia: Gennaro! Sais-tu qui tu es?Sais-tu qui je suis?T uignores combien je te tiens de près! Faut-il tout lui dire? Le même sang coule dans nos veines, Gennaro!¹
hen the first Christian emperor, Constantine, came to power in Eburacum in Britain in 306, at the... more hen the first Christian emperor, Constantine, came to power in Eburacum in Britain in 306, at the other end of the Roman Empire, in Nisibis, Ephrem, arguably the most important poet of the Syrian tongue, was born into a Christian family. 1 While the new Emperor slowly made his way from the province to the centres of power-having defeated Maxentius in the famous battle at the Milvian bridge outside Rome in 312, and having founded his new capital in Constantinople in 324-Ephrem remained provincial. Ephrem may have been acquainted with Greek education and philosophy, and was not the purely Syrian-Semitic poet scholars once believed. 2 However, Ephrem never saw the Roman centres of powers with his own eyes: 3 he served 1
Introduction: Gifts, Bribes, and Blessings in the Later Roman Empire At the very end of Antiquity... more Introduction: Gifts, Bribes, and Blessings in the Later Roman Empire At the very end of Antiquity Pope Gregory the Great (590-604) claimed 'that in the churches of the East no one is promoted to holy orders unless with the gift (datione) of bribes (praemiorum)'. 2 Here datio is not an innocent gift but a pecuniary reward in exchange for promoting a clerical candidate who thereby advanced his social status (and income). 3 With Constantine's conversion almost 300 years earlier and his sponsorship of the Christian Church the range of offices that were attractive to men with ambitions expanded. 4 Particularly episcopal offices became positions of respect and influence, and were therefore also subject to fierce competition and strife. In order to increase their chances of ordination, episcopal candidates therefore also took recourse to 'simony', that is, to be ordained in exchange for a payment. 5 The extensive epistolary corpus of Gregory indicates that simony was a major issue towards the end of the sixth century. 6 However, it was not a new problem as already the fourth-century Canons of the Apostles explicitly forbade simony and threatened clergy who ordained someone for money with deposition (can. 29). 7 This sentence was picked up by the Council of Chalcedon in 451 which was the first ecumenical council to tackle simony (can. 2): If any bishop should perform an ordination for money and put on sale the grace that cannot be sold, and ordain for money a bishop, chorepiscopus, presbyter, deacon […] the one who has attempted this, if convicted, endangers his own rank, while the person ordained is to benefit nothing from his purchased ordination or promotion but is to be deprived of the dignity or responsibility which he obtained for money. 8
The Eucharist formed the visible boundary between Chalcedonians and non-Chalcedonians in the fift... more The Eucharist formed the visible boundary between Chalcedonians and non-Chalcedonians in the fifth and sixth centuries. Non-Chalcedonian texts emphasize the difference of the Eucharists, but this does not necessarily imply that it was a widely accepted view. This paper analyzes the understanding of the Eucharist among parish priests and the laity. [1] At the end of the fifth century, the non-Chalcedonian John Rufus, allegedly the bishop of Maiuma in Palestine, wrote about his deceased spiritual father Peter the Iberian who had been bishop of Maiuma in 452/3 CE: 1 GAnd he celebrated the entire [liturgy of * I would like to thank Peter Brown, Manolis Papoutsakis, Craig Caldwell, Brooke Blower and an anonymous reviewer for helpful comments.
This comprehensive volume offers new insights into a seminal period of medieval Eastern Roman imp... more This comprehensive volume offers new insights into a seminal period of medieval Eastern Roman imperial history: the rule of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (913/945–959). Its fifteen chapters are organized around the concepts of center, province and periphery and take the reader from the splendor of Constantinople to the fringes of the empire. They examine life in the imperial city in the age of Constantine VII, the cultural revivals in Byzantium and the Carolingian West, as well as the emperor’s historiographical projects, including his historical excerpts and the famous Book of Ceremonies. Entering the sphere of the provinces, the authors explore visual messages on the coinage of Romanos I Lekapenos and Constantine Porphyrogennetos and its circulation through the provinces, provincial legal culture in the tenth-century empire, and offer a new analysis of Constantine VII’s two military harangues. Spotlights on the empire’s periphery include chapters on borderland trade with the Muslim world, a compelling new theory of the untimely deaths of the children of King Hugh of Italy, and the origins of medieval Croatia in relation to information gained from Constantine VII’s De administrando imperio. The final chapter offers intriguing insights into Constantine VII’s legacy and reception, from later middle Byzantine historiography via the Renaissance editions of the emperor’s treatises to Bavarian King Louis II’s Constantinople-inspired building projects. The volume combines leading scholars and new voices and contains survey chapters with detailed case studies.
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