Books by Francisco Javier Moreno Fuentes
Aunque Noruega y España presentan diferencias significativas en sus marcos institucionales (como ... more Aunque Noruega y España presentan diferencias significativas en sus marcos institucionales (como su relación con la UE o su régimen de bienestar), ambos países comparten un interés en mantener la cohesión social y hacer frente a los llamados Nuevos Riesgos Sociales que afectan actualmente a las sociedades post-industriales. En este libro se analizan el alcance y los desafíos que el envejecimiento de la población, el nuevo papel de las mujeres y las características de las familias actuales, el desempleo de larga duración y el desempleo juvenil, entre otros, plantean a los Estados de Bienestar de los dos países. Además, se examinan las políticas públicas noruegas y españolas actuales relacionadas con estos sectores y se reflexiona sobre hasta qué punto consiguen dar respuesta a los retos mencionados y acerca de cómo podrían mejorarse.
Globalised Minds, Roots in the City utilises empirical evidence from four European cities to expl... more Globalised Minds, Roots in the City utilises empirical evidence from four European cities to explore the role of urban upper middle classes in the transformations experienced by contemporary European societies.
Presents new empirical evidence collected through an original comparative research about professionals and managers in four European cities in three countries
Features an innovative combination of approaches, methods, and techniques in its analyses of European post-national societies.
Reveals how segments of Europe’s urban population are adopting “exit” or “partial exit” strategies in respect to the nation state.
Utilises approaches from classic urban sociology, globalization and mobility studies, and spatial class analysis
Includes in depth interviews, social networking techniques, and classic questions of political representation and values.
The distinctiveness of the Mediterranean Welfare model has often been highlighted when analyzing ... more The distinctiveness of the Mediterranean Welfare model has often been highlighted when analyzing the economic, social and political institutional arrangements that characterize the Southern European States. This model is known for its combination of social insurance welfare schemes with universalist programs, as well as for having relied heavily on the role of the family as the main provider of services across a whole range of fields such as childcare, unemployment and precarious incorporation into the labour market, care for the elderly and the disabled, and housing.
For a long time surveys have shown that familistic values in Southern Europe were stronger than anywhere else in the Western world. Unlike other areas in the continent, modernization apparently did not bring a significant decline in the intensity of contacts and solidaristic ties within the extended kinship in this region. The strong institutionalization of marriage, the pivotal role of women in providing domestic services and care and the existence of broad family support networks, enables states to rely on the family to meet the caring needs of their members and guarantee their basic economic security, thus keeping political demand for public assistance down. Solidaristic expectations and resource pooling within the household are supposed to have also deactivated demands for the de-segmentation of labour markets, where women and young people have traditionally operated as “outsiders” occupying less desirable jobs than male breadwinners (either in the informal economy, or under short-term contractual arrangements).
Are we likely to see an increase in the intra-area variation in welfare traditions within the Mediterranean Welfare cluster? Are welfare systems in these countries converging with other models? What are the likely consequences of these trends for the quality and equity of care provision? Which are the social and political actors driving such changes? These are some of the questions that addressed in this book.
FORO 14 INMIGRACIÓN Y CIUDADANÍA "España, al igual que otros países de la UE, se enfrenta a un de... more FORO 14 INMIGRACIÓN Y CIUDADANÍA "España, al igual que otros países de la UE, se enfrenta a un desafío demográfico sin precedentes y la inmigración puede contribuir a aminorar algunos de los efectos negativos de dicho cambio demográfico. No obstante, para un mejor diseño de las políticas económicas y de la gestión de los flujos migratorios, conviene tener claro cuáles son las razones por las que la inmigración puede tener una contribución positiva al crecimiento económico y en qué circunstancias es probable que tal aportación positiva se materialice." J. F. J. S. LA SOSTENIBILIDAD ECONÓMICA Y SOCIAL DEL MODELO MIGRATORIO ESPAÑOL FORO 14 LA SOSTENIBILIDAD ECONÓMICA Y SOCIAL DEL MODELO MIGRATORIO ESPAÑOL 10,00 €
Articles in Scopus by Francisco Javier Moreno Fuentes
Revista de Estudios Autonómicos y Federales, Nº 18, octubre 2013: 238-266
Universalismo y descentralización constituyen las características centrales del SNS español. Adem... more Universalismo y descentralización constituyen las características centrales del SNS español. Además de las presiones presupuestarias comunes a todos los sistemas sanitarios de los países occidentales (crecimiento del gasto sanitario vinculado al envejecimiento, el incremento de las expectativas sociales, las
consecuencias de la creciente desigualdad social y el desarrollo tecnológico) existen tensiones estructurales específicas que señalan los puntos débiles en la arquitectura institucional del sistema sanitario español (complejidad de la gobernanza multinivel). El actual contexto de crisis económica y fiscal
ha llevado a las autoridades sanitarias a adoptar una serie de medidas (recortes presupuestarios, reducción de la cobertura del sistema, privatización y reforma de la gobernanza sanitaria) que amenazan con desvirtuar el SNS como el sistema sanitario público, universalista y descentralizado construido durante las tres últimas décadas.
Social Policy & Administration, 2019
The introduction of cash‐for‐care (CfC) schemes in different
European countries over the last yea... more The introduction of cash‐for‐care (CfC) schemes in different
European countries over the last years has responded to a
plurality of strategies aimed at attending the rising demand
and increasing costs of the long‐term care needs of an
ageing population. The specific system of care provision in
each country shaped the response given to those challenges,
as well as the room for manoeuvre for policymakers
when trying to transform the domain of care into a sphere
where markets may play a larger role, partly relieving families,
and also the state, from these responsibilities. Policy
debates and scholarly analyses largely overlooked the
contribution of these schemes to the creation and shaping
of employment. This article provides a comparative analysis
of how CfC‐based policies entail—alongside the regulation
of informal care—a(n implicit or explicit) connection with
care employment and may contribute to structuring
employment relations in this sector. It looks jointly at the
specific features of CfC and at the institutional context—
welfare regime—in which they are embedded in order to
assess the extent to which these schemes contributed
(generally unintendedly) to a transformation of the care
employment size and features in seven European countries.
Urban Geography, 2018
The rise of mobilities has paved the way for important changes
within cities and the possibility ... more The rise of mobilities has paved the way for important changes
within cities and the possibility for urban upper-middle classes to
exit from their cities and national societies, disinvesting on them,
while still taking profits in a process of deterritorialization with
important consequences at the collective level. Investigating the
extent to which upper-middle classes shaped and are still rooted
(or not) in their cities is a challenge, even more when international
comparison is involved. In this paper we focus on two methodological
aspects: 1) the different social meaning that upper-middle
classes and the social groups composing them can have considering
three Western European countries and four cities: Paris, Lyon,
Milan and Madrid. 2) How we generated our data through personal
interviews with European managers, and the conceptual framework
that informed the understanding of rootedness, exit or
partial exit of our managers.
South European Society & Politics, 2017
The complex and multidimensional economic crisis experienced by Spain since 2008 significantly al... more The complex and multidimensional economic crisis experienced by Spain since 2008 significantly altered migration patterns in this country. Large scale unemployment contributed to slow down migrant inflows and accelerated out-migration flows in Spain. The media coverage of these processes created a distorted image of the patterns of migration affecting Spain during the crisis. Although the incipient economic recovery has not had a major impact in terms of modifying the migration dynamics triggered by the crisis, the media attention to this issue has substantially decreased without questioning its previous approach to the phenomenon. This article presents extensive data from a wide range of sources covering the period 2008–2016 to extract detailed information about the reality of crisis-era migration flows in Spain, and discusses the extent to which the media treatment of the issue has contributed to a partial and misleading view of the causes and consequences of the new Spanish emigration.
This manuscript reviews the literature on race and ethnicity in the political context. It discuss... more This manuscript reviews the literature on race and ethnicity in the political context. It discusses the most important scholarship on international migration, political mobilization, and the welfare state to date, to identify current gaps and emerging lines of inquiry. Future studies are needed to better understand the mobilization of immigrants by political parties, the role of local politics for a national electoral mobilization, and the relationship between local and national political areas for policy development.
International Journal of Public Opinion Research (Online Early View), Jan 4, 2014
Literature on welfare attitudes has reached a stylized scheme in which egalitarian values and sel... more Literature on welfare attitudes has reached a stylized scheme in which egalitarian values and self-interest concerns are the two main determinants of welfare attitudes. We aim to bring forward existing research by identifying additional values that people draw on to elaborate opinions on welfare issues. Using data from the European Social Survey 2008 and 26 countries, we find that values such as multiculturalism or authoritarianism, among others, lie at the roots of welfare attitudes. However, egalitarianism is the only value with a significant effect in all countries. Differences between welfare regimes in the values associated with welfare opinions exist but are unconnected with aggregate support for the welfare state, suggesting that this institution can achieve a high level of legitimacy on different moral grounds.
European Societies, Vol. 15 (4): 475-492 (ISSN: 1461-6696; DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2013.835853)., Sep 2013
The discussion on the existence of a distinctive ‘Mediterranean’ welfare model has focused on the... more The discussion on the existence of a distinctive ‘Mediterranean’ welfare model has focused on the historical and politico-institutional dynamics, as well as on the policy traits of the welfare arrangements found in Southern European countries. Particular attention has been given to the external pressures and internal constraints faced by the welfare systems of these countries, as well as to what extent there is a common response to such challenges. In this article, we claim that while researchers were embarked in this scholarly effort, Southern European societies kept changing, transforming the nature of existing arrangements in not always forecasted directions, to the point of questioning the adequacy of clustering them under a common type. The current context of economic and financial crisis introduces additional factors in the process of transformation and reform of the welfare schemes of these countries, placed at the epicentre of the turmoil shattering European economies and societies.
European Societies, Vol. 15 (4): 577-596 (ISSN: 1461-6696; DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2013.836405). , Sep 2013
The development of personal social services and female employment is intertwined, not only in the... more The development of personal social services and female employment is intertwined, not only in the domain of childcare. With the ageing of the population, the changing forms of care and the developments in the eldercare labour market become crucial issues. The new risk of dependency represents a challenge, but also an opportunity. This paper provides an overview of the relationship between the development of long-term care policies and services in distinct European countries and female employment in the care sector. Whereas Northern European countries have developed policies in the field at an earlier stage and continental countries intervened with new policies in the last 10–15 years, in Southern Europe policies remain weak and fragmented. The paper concentrates on the case of Southern European countries, where the weakness of social policies and low development of services did not prevent the rise of a new care labour market. Next to still low employment rates among women, long-term care tends to be provided mainly by migrant care workers often in the underground economy regardless of their legal status. The last development is a key issue for Southern European countries, as discussed in the paper, not only for the current consequences on migrant workers, older people and their families, but also because it is likely to structure any possible future development in long-term care policies.
Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, No. 141, enero-marzo 2013: 61-90 (ISSN: 0210-5233; DOI: 10.5477/cis/reis.141.61)., 2013
En este artículo se analiza la relación entre la distribución de valores en la ciudadanía de los ... more En este artículo se analiza la relación entre la distribución de valores en la ciudadanía de los países europeos, y los equilibrios institucionales de los sistemas de protección social de los diferentes países según lo conceptualizado por las tipologías de los regímenes de bienestar más comúnmente utilizadas. Tras analizar la distribución de los valores en Europa, y medir su efecto sobre las actitudes hacia el bienestar en los diferentes regímenes de bienestar, se comprueba que dichos valores no se distribuyen siguiendo los límites de la tipología básica de estos regímenes. El estudio de las actitudes favorables a la intervención del Estado en el ámbito de las políticas de protección social a través de un modelo de regresión multinivel muestra, sin embargo, la existencia de características diferenciales en el apoyo a dichos regímenes de bienestar en cada país, dando lugar a la agregación de determinados valores específi cos en cada uno de dichos regímenes.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research (IJURR) Vol. 37 (2): 576-597 597 (ISSN: 1468-2427; DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2427.2012.01177.x)., 2013
"This article presents an open discussion of the processes of urban secession and gentrification ... more "This article presents an open discussion of the processes of urban secession and gentrification in contemporary European cities, arguing that intergroup social dynamics in urban spaces are generally more complex than either extreme mutual avoidance or the colonization of neighbourhoods by the wealthiest groups. We analyse the residential strategies of urban upper-middle class managers in various European metropolitan areas through in-depth semi-structured interviews to argue that these groups develop complex strategies of proximity and distance in relation to other social groups. The development of these ‘partial exit’ strategies takes place through specific combinations of practices that allow groups to select the dimensions they are willing to share with other social groups, and those in which they prefer a more segregated social environment for themselves and their families. The responses of our interviewees were consistently more nuanced and complex than suggested by a simplistic theory about their drive to withdraw from society, forcing us to develop more sophisticated conceptual frameworks to account for the growing prevalence of multi-layered identities and spheres of reference
and solidarity, specific combinations of elective segregation and local involvement, and more active patterns of mobility combined with local embeddedness."
Global Networks Vol. 13 (1): 41-59 (ISSN: 1470-2266; DOI: 10.1111/j.1471-0374.2012.00365.x)., Feb 2013
Some authors argue that ‘mobilities’ form the distinctive feature of late modern societies and re... more Some authors argue that ‘mobilities’ form the distinctive feature of late modern societies and represent a new social cleavage between cosmopolitan mobile élites and urban residents more rooted in their local neighbourhoods. One assumption in contemporary discourses of rootedness is that this new transnational or global society entails an ongoing process of uprooting individuals and a mainly mobile élite packing up and relocating. In this article, we draw on empirical comparative research to examine the patterns and dynamics of mobility and belonging across European borders among upper-middle-class managers in four cities – Paris, Madrid, Milan and Lyon. We suggest that these new urban upper-middle-class managers display flight responses, or ‘partial exit’ strategies, which operate at various levels to enable them to protect and control their interests while holding onto the reins of power in their local communities. Our study adopts a micro-level perspective to explore individual experiences, strategies, motivations and values based on interviews with 480 managers in these cities.
International Migration Review, Vol. 46 (3):625–655 (ISSN: 0197-9183; DOI: 10.1111/j.1747-7379.2012.00899.x)., 2012
"This article analyzes the links between migratory processes and the
evolution of nationality le... more "This article analyzes the links between migratory processes and the
evolution of nationality legislation in Spain. We argue that this case
challenges the theoretical models that link immigration to liberalizing
reforms in citizenship law. Despite large-scale immigration experienced over the last two decades, Spanish nationality law has remained
strongly focused on keeping ties with Spanish communities abroad.
To account for the high degree of stability of Spanish citizenship law
we structure our analysis along three basic lines: the historical conceptions derived from Spain’s past as a colonial power, as well as its
tradition as a country of emigration; the lack of incentives for political
actors to introduce the reform of citizenship law in the political
agenda; and the strategies adopted by those political actors in relation
to the politicization of immigration."
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Books by Francisco Javier Moreno Fuentes
Presents new empirical evidence collected through an original comparative research about professionals and managers in four European cities in three countries
Features an innovative combination of approaches, methods, and techniques in its analyses of European post-national societies.
Reveals how segments of Europe’s urban population are adopting “exit” or “partial exit” strategies in respect to the nation state.
Utilises approaches from classic urban sociology, globalization and mobility studies, and spatial class analysis
Includes in depth interviews, social networking techniques, and classic questions of political representation and values.
For a long time surveys have shown that familistic values in Southern Europe were stronger than anywhere else in the Western world. Unlike other areas in the continent, modernization apparently did not bring a significant decline in the intensity of contacts and solidaristic ties within the extended kinship in this region. The strong institutionalization of marriage, the pivotal role of women in providing domestic services and care and the existence of broad family support networks, enables states to rely on the family to meet the caring needs of their members and guarantee their basic economic security, thus keeping political demand for public assistance down. Solidaristic expectations and resource pooling within the household are supposed to have also deactivated demands for the de-segmentation of labour markets, where women and young people have traditionally operated as “outsiders” occupying less desirable jobs than male breadwinners (either in the informal economy, or under short-term contractual arrangements).
Are we likely to see an increase in the intra-area variation in welfare traditions within the Mediterranean Welfare cluster? Are welfare systems in these countries converging with other models? What are the likely consequences of these trends for the quality and equity of care provision? Which are the social and political actors driving such changes? These are some of the questions that addressed in this book.
Articles in Scopus by Francisco Javier Moreno Fuentes
consecuencias de la creciente desigualdad social y el desarrollo tecnológico) existen tensiones estructurales específicas que señalan los puntos débiles en la arquitectura institucional del sistema sanitario español (complejidad de la gobernanza multinivel). El actual contexto de crisis económica y fiscal
ha llevado a las autoridades sanitarias a adoptar una serie de medidas (recortes presupuestarios, reducción de la cobertura del sistema, privatización y reforma de la gobernanza sanitaria) que amenazan con desvirtuar el SNS como el sistema sanitario público, universalista y descentralizado construido durante las tres últimas décadas.
European countries over the last years has responded to a
plurality of strategies aimed at attending the rising demand
and increasing costs of the long‐term care needs of an
ageing population. The specific system of care provision in
each country shaped the response given to those challenges,
as well as the room for manoeuvre for policymakers
when trying to transform the domain of care into a sphere
where markets may play a larger role, partly relieving families,
and also the state, from these responsibilities. Policy
debates and scholarly analyses largely overlooked the
contribution of these schemes to the creation and shaping
of employment. This article provides a comparative analysis
of how CfC‐based policies entail—alongside the regulation
of informal care—a(n implicit or explicit) connection with
care employment and may contribute to structuring
employment relations in this sector. It looks jointly at the
specific features of CfC and at the institutional context—
welfare regime—in which they are embedded in order to
assess the extent to which these schemes contributed
(generally unintendedly) to a transformation of the care
employment size and features in seven European countries.
within cities and the possibility for urban upper-middle classes to
exit from their cities and national societies, disinvesting on them,
while still taking profits in a process of deterritorialization with
important consequences at the collective level. Investigating the
extent to which upper-middle classes shaped and are still rooted
(or not) in their cities is a challenge, even more when international
comparison is involved. In this paper we focus on two methodological
aspects: 1) the different social meaning that upper-middle
classes and the social groups composing them can have considering
three Western European countries and four cities: Paris, Lyon,
Milan and Madrid. 2) How we generated our data through personal
interviews with European managers, and the conceptual framework
that informed the understanding of rootedness, exit or
partial exit of our managers.
and solidarity, specific combinations of elective segregation and local involvement, and more active patterns of mobility combined with local embeddedness."
evolution of nationality legislation in Spain. We argue that this case
challenges the theoretical models that link immigration to liberalizing
reforms in citizenship law. Despite large-scale immigration experienced over the last two decades, Spanish nationality law has remained
strongly focused on keeping ties with Spanish communities abroad.
To account for the high degree of stability of Spanish citizenship law
we structure our analysis along three basic lines: the historical conceptions derived from Spain’s past as a colonial power, as well as its
tradition as a country of emigration; the lack of incentives for political
actors to introduce the reform of citizenship law in the political
agenda; and the strategies adopted by those political actors in relation
to the politicization of immigration."
Presents new empirical evidence collected through an original comparative research about professionals and managers in four European cities in three countries
Features an innovative combination of approaches, methods, and techniques in its analyses of European post-national societies.
Reveals how segments of Europe’s urban population are adopting “exit” or “partial exit” strategies in respect to the nation state.
Utilises approaches from classic urban sociology, globalization and mobility studies, and spatial class analysis
Includes in depth interviews, social networking techniques, and classic questions of political representation and values.
For a long time surveys have shown that familistic values in Southern Europe were stronger than anywhere else in the Western world. Unlike other areas in the continent, modernization apparently did not bring a significant decline in the intensity of contacts and solidaristic ties within the extended kinship in this region. The strong institutionalization of marriage, the pivotal role of women in providing domestic services and care and the existence of broad family support networks, enables states to rely on the family to meet the caring needs of their members and guarantee their basic economic security, thus keeping political demand for public assistance down. Solidaristic expectations and resource pooling within the household are supposed to have also deactivated demands for the de-segmentation of labour markets, where women and young people have traditionally operated as “outsiders” occupying less desirable jobs than male breadwinners (either in the informal economy, or under short-term contractual arrangements).
Are we likely to see an increase in the intra-area variation in welfare traditions within the Mediterranean Welfare cluster? Are welfare systems in these countries converging with other models? What are the likely consequences of these trends for the quality and equity of care provision? Which are the social and political actors driving such changes? These are some of the questions that addressed in this book.
consecuencias de la creciente desigualdad social y el desarrollo tecnológico) existen tensiones estructurales específicas que señalan los puntos débiles en la arquitectura institucional del sistema sanitario español (complejidad de la gobernanza multinivel). El actual contexto de crisis económica y fiscal
ha llevado a las autoridades sanitarias a adoptar una serie de medidas (recortes presupuestarios, reducción de la cobertura del sistema, privatización y reforma de la gobernanza sanitaria) que amenazan con desvirtuar el SNS como el sistema sanitario público, universalista y descentralizado construido durante las tres últimas décadas.
European countries over the last years has responded to a
plurality of strategies aimed at attending the rising demand
and increasing costs of the long‐term care needs of an
ageing population. The specific system of care provision in
each country shaped the response given to those challenges,
as well as the room for manoeuvre for policymakers
when trying to transform the domain of care into a sphere
where markets may play a larger role, partly relieving families,
and also the state, from these responsibilities. Policy
debates and scholarly analyses largely overlooked the
contribution of these schemes to the creation and shaping
of employment. This article provides a comparative analysis
of how CfC‐based policies entail—alongside the regulation
of informal care—a(n implicit or explicit) connection with
care employment and may contribute to structuring
employment relations in this sector. It looks jointly at the
specific features of CfC and at the institutional context—
welfare regime—in which they are embedded in order to
assess the extent to which these schemes contributed
(generally unintendedly) to a transformation of the care
employment size and features in seven European countries.
within cities and the possibility for urban upper-middle classes to
exit from their cities and national societies, disinvesting on them,
while still taking profits in a process of deterritorialization with
important consequences at the collective level. Investigating the
extent to which upper-middle classes shaped and are still rooted
(or not) in their cities is a challenge, even more when international
comparison is involved. In this paper we focus on two methodological
aspects: 1) the different social meaning that upper-middle
classes and the social groups composing them can have considering
three Western European countries and four cities: Paris, Lyon,
Milan and Madrid. 2) How we generated our data through personal
interviews with European managers, and the conceptual framework
that informed the understanding of rootedness, exit or
partial exit of our managers.
and solidarity, specific combinations of elective segregation and local involvement, and more active patterns of mobility combined with local embeddedness."
evolution of nationality legislation in Spain. We argue that this case
challenges the theoretical models that link immigration to liberalizing
reforms in citizenship law. Despite large-scale immigration experienced over the last two decades, Spanish nationality law has remained
strongly focused on keeping ties with Spanish communities abroad.
To account for the high degree of stability of Spanish citizenship law
we structure our analysis along three basic lines: the historical conceptions derived from Spain’s past as a colonial power, as well as its
tradition as a country of emigration; the lack of incentives for political
actors to introduce the reform of citizenship law in the political
agenda; and the strategies adopted by those political actors in relation
to the politicization of immigration."
como una de las respuestas más adecuadas
para afrontar el envejecimiento de la población
y facilitar el equilibrio presupuestario de
la Seguridad Social. En la etapa de expansión
previa a la crisis, la inmigración funcionó
como dinamizador económico y contribuyó
de manera clara al desarrollo y financiación
del Estado de bienestar en nuestro país. El
presente artículo analiza los efectos de la
inmigración sobre la situación presente y
futura del Estado de bienestar español tras la
gran crisis. Utilizando información estadística
de diversas instituciones, el artículo repasa
la interacción de la población inmigrante
con cuatro áreas clave de nuestro Estado de
bienestar (Seguridad Social, servicios sociales,
sanidad y atención a la dependencia). Los
resultados muestran la particular vulnerabilidad
de las personas de origen inmigrante en
un modelo de bienestar en el que la mayor
parte de los programas están marcados por
una lógica de aseguramiento escasamente
redistributiva que penaliza a los grupos con
inserción precaria en el mercado laboral.
Como desarrollaremos en las siguientes páginas, estas cuestiones interpelan directamente al marco cognitivo y al sistema de valores socialdemócratas, situando al fenómeno migratorio en una posición central en la reflexión acerca del futuro de la socialdemocracia en Europa.
la situación socioeconómica de los inmigrantes en
España, frecuentemente abocados a empleos en la
economía sumergida que les excluyen del Estado de
bienestar. Este artículo analiza cómo está afectando la
crisis económica a los derechos sociales de la población
inmigrante en España. Utilizando datos recientes
de múltiples fuentes, el artículo analiza la situación de
los inmigrantes en cuatro áreas de políticas sociales: el
aseguramiento social, los servicios sociales, la vivienda
y la sanidad. El fuerte impacto de la crisis sobre las
poblaciones más vulnerables plantea un reto de gran
envergadura a nuestro sistema de bienestar.
considerable impacto social y demográfico. El Estado de bienestar se ha adaptado razonablemente bien a esta evolución de la población, proporcionando un alto grado de protección a las poblaciones de origen inmigrante asentadas en España. En el actual contexto de crisis económica y fiscal que atraviesan los países de la periferia sur de la zona Euro, las autoridades sanitarias españolas han adoptado una serie de medidas que amenazan con desvirtuar el funcionamiento del Sistema
Nacional de Salud como un sistema sanitario de carácter universalista. La exclusión de los inmigrantes indocumentados del ámbito de cobertura del sistema sanitario público constituye la más grave de dichas medidas.
Sin que existan argumentos claros de naturaleza económica o sanitaria que justifiquen la adopción de dicha medida, cabe categorizarla como una iniciativa de carácter fundamentalmente político, destinada a enviar un mensaje de dureza ante el fenómeno migratorio. La compleja articulación de responsabilidades políticas y financieras en el ámbito
sanitario ha supuesto una desigual aplicación de dicha medida, vetada en algunas regiones, implementada con celo en otras. El resultado es una situación extremadamente confusa por la que se amplían los márgenes para la discrecionalidad burocrática, así como para el surgimiento de desigualdades en salud en el seno de la sociedad española.
Le cas de l’Espagne reflète de façon flagrante cette tendance. L’assistance sanitaire en Espagne a traditionnellement été dispersée en un entrelacs institutionnel dissocié, tributaire des différents niveaux d’autorité (nationale, provinciale et municipale). La création du SNS en tant que système décentralisé a impliqué une réorganisation très importante de cet entrelacs, en reconsidérant de façon sensible les équilibres institutionnels et en érigeant comme principaux acteurs institutionnels en lice, les gouvernements autonomes et le Ministère de la Santé. Dans le secteur de la santé nous rencontrons également les associations professionnelles, les organisations syndicales ainsi que d’autres organismes sociaux particuliers (ONG, associations de patients, etc.) qui, avec plus ou moins grand succès, ont essayé d’influer sur la détermination de l’action politique sanitaire.
Dans le présent exposé on analysera l’évolution du réseau d’acteurs impliqués dans la « gouvernance sanitaire » en Espagne, évolution qui se caractérise à la fois par une tendance décentralisatrice forte ainsi que par le développement de nouvelles formes de gestion publique, souvent marquées par un renforcement du rôle régulateur de l’Etat.
A pesar de esto, la cobertura de los riesgos sociales (desempleo, enfermedad, pensiones, etc.) a los que está expuesta la población de origen inmigrante en nuestro país dista mucho de ser suficiente. Los inmigrantes presentan tasas de pobreza sustancialmente superiores a los autóctonos, se encuentran infra-representados entre los perceptores de prestaciones y subsidios de desempleo, sufren condiciones residenciales más precarias, y encuentran mayores dificultades para acceder a los servicios sanitarios y educativos. Todo esto evidencia la existencia de una brecha entre las necesidades objetivas y las respuestas proporcionadas desde el ámbito de las políticas públicas.
En el presente artículo analizamos las causas de los déficits de integración de los inmigrantes en nuestro sistema de bienestar, prestando atención tanto a las dificultades derivadas de la propia naturaleza de dicho sistema, como a las vinculadas al profundo deterioro de la situación económica experimentado por nuestro país en los últimos años. Este deterioro ha repercutido claramente tanto sobre la situación de las poblaciones de origen inmigrante, como sobre la efectividad de las políticas de protección social
sistema sanitario, servicios sociales, sistema educativo o políticas de vivienda). De otra, confrontan la necesidad de articular mecanismos de respuesta a las demandas de una población cambiante (tanto en términos de estructura socio-demográfica, como en perfiles culturales, lingüísticos e incluso biológicos). El
sistema de protección social está sujeto además a una modificación en la percepción social de su legitimidad derivada del aumento de la heterogeneidad interna de la sociedad. Además de un reto, este fenómeno constituye una oportunidad de identificar los puntos débiles del sistema con objeto de reforzarlo y garantizar así su sostenibilidad futura.
Hasta ahora se ha prestado escasa atención a la responsabilidad que las políticas sanitarias de cada país han tenido, y tienen, en la producción y mantenimiento de esas desigualdades o, por el contrario, en su reducción. En este artículo, tras realizar una breve descripción del fenómeno migratorio en el Reino Unido, Francia y España, trataremos de avanzar en este terreno a través de un análisis comparado de las políticas de sanidad dirigidas a estos colectivos.
net receiver of immigrants. This shift can be traced to an important transformation of
its economic structure and its incorporation into the European Economic Community.
Up to the mid-1990s, immigration policy was determined by objectives defined at the
European level. In the absence of a national stand, “Europeanization” of immigration
policies represented carte blanche acceptance of EU policy objectives, resulting in a
highly restrictive policy unsuited to Spain’s early migratory processes. Over time, a
growing conflict between external policy directions and needs perceived at the national
level (e.g., large numbers of undocumented immigrants; demand for unskilled labor;
foreign policy interests in sending regions, particularly North Africa) resulted in the
development of a more sophisticated set of policies that, while trying to comply with
EU requirements, increased the autonomy of Spanish authorities. Among the new foreign
residents, North Africans constitute one of the most important visible and politically
sensitive groups. Being the first potential candidates to migrate to Spain, they have
been particularly affected by restrictive border control policies and constitute the most
distrusted and disliked group among the foreign communities settled in Spain. The
fight against their discriminatory treatment constitutes a critical issue of justice, not
only in the present, but also in the future, if the second generation of North Africans
born and raised in Spain is to be fully incorporated into this society.
Pese a la imagen claramente favorable del SNS que transmiten la mayor parte de indicadores, un análisis detallado de la evolución de dicho sistema desde la crisis económica iniciada en 2008 y que se ha arrastrado prácticamente hasta la actualidad, revela una serie de fracturas y tensionamientos internos que amenazan con desvirtuar la naturaleza y funcionamiento del sistema sanitario público español de modo irreversible, con el riesgo de que dicho sistema pueda quedar seria e irremediablemente dañado.
This chapter focuses on the path followed by Spain between 2010-2015 to achieve the objective of reducing poverty and social exclusion within the framework of the Europe 2020 Strategy. We will focus on the transformations of policies (outputs) in their interpretive frameworks, as well as in their content and resources. Particular attention will be paid to the impact (outcomes) that this strategy is having on situations of poverty and social exclusion among the Spanish population, since there is already significant evidence (both in Spain, and in Europe as a whole) about the low effectiveness of this general approach.
más graves para la población inmigrante. La mayor vulnerabilidad de este colectivo se debe en gran medida al fuerte incremento del desempleo y al carácter eminentemente laboral de la inmigración en España (Arango, 2009). Se trata de un colectivo que depende casi exclusivamente de rentas salariales para su subsistencia (Mahía y del Arce, 2010) y que cuenta con una posición poco consolidada en la
sociedad española, dado lo reciente de su llegada y sus relativamente débiles redes
sociales de apoyo. La Encuesta de Condiciones de Vida (ECV) de 2013 evidencia
que, dentro de un deterioro generalizado de la renta, los ingresos disponibles entre los extracomunitarios divergen cada año más de los de la población general. Otra razón fundamental para explicar el impacto particularmente acusado de la crisis sobre la población inmigrante es la débil incorporación de estos grupos en el Estado de bienestar español. La lógica fuertemente contributiva del sistema se traduce en vulnerabilidad para la población inmigrante que posee trayectorias laborales más cortas que las de los autóctonos, ocupa con frecuencia empleos temporales y sufre elevadas tasas de informalidad.
Ces régimes d’assistance à base familiale jouissent d’une légitimité considérable chez les analystes et les responsables politiques car il constitue un modèle relativement efficace, qui est bien plus économique que d’autres et qui a bénéficié d’un degré relativement élevé de soutien social dans les pays sud-européens grâce à la force des relations intergénérationnelles au sein de ses sociétés. Néanmoins, nous soutenons dans ce chapitre que ce modèle d’assistance est actuellement en situation de crise profonde du fait des changements radicaux des conditions socio-économiques dans lesquelles l’institution familiale œuvre au sein de ces pays.
En effet, les familles réagissent à un Etat-providence pauvrement développé en ayant moins d’enfants voire en n’en ayant pas ou en retardant l’âge d’émancipation effective des jeunes adultes, comme cela a été le cas en Espagne lors de ces deux dernières décennies ; mais ils ne peuvent pas cesser d’avoir des parents âgés. Le vieillissement est inévitable et la dégradation physique et psychologique qu’il entraîne conduit à une perte graduelle de l’autonomie personnelle et, dans certains cas, à une dépendance presque complète.
Le domaine dans lequel la transformation des structures et pratiques familiales montre le plus de problèmes pour assurer ses fonctions d’assistance est celui de la prise en charge des parents dépendants. Le rôle d’assistance traditionnellement attribué aux femmes en Espagne ne s’est accompagné que d’interventions publiques très limitées pour soutenir les familles dans ces tâches. Lorsque elle a existé, cette intervention a été caractérisée par sa nature faible, fragmentée et résiduelle, laissant l’essentiel des responsabilités juridiques dans les mains des familles (Millar & Warman, 1996, Naldini & Saraceno, 2008). En Espagne, les politiques d’assistances pour personnes dépendantes ont traditionnellement été extrêmement déficientes en ressources, basées d’abord sur des transferts d’argent, et seulement marginalement sur la fourniture de services publics. Les mesures en faveur du logement public et du développement de résidences médicalisées pour personnes âgées sont remarquablement limitées (Costa-Font & Garcia Gonzalez, 2007). De surcroît, en dépit du nombre élevé de personnes très dépendantes vivant avec leurs proches, les systèmes d’assistance à domicile sont très faiblement développés, tant en termes de quantité (heures d’assistance disponibles par semaine) que de couverture (avec seulement 3 à 4% environ de la population bénéficiant de ces programmes) (Da Roit & Castegnaro, 2004).
La demande sociale de politiques d’aide aux familles espagnoles dans leur soutien aux personnes âgées dépendantes a donc été relativement importante ces dernières années car les familles ne peuvent pas continuer à fournir le niveau d’assistance que l’on attend d’elles. Une mesure de politique publique clé adoptée pour répondre à cette exigence croissante de la société espagnole a été la préparation d’une « loi sur la promotion de l’autonomie personnelle et la protection des personnes dépendantes », connue comme la « loi dépendance » et adoptée en 2006 après huit années de débat public et politique. Le nouveau texte définit le droit individuel à recevoir de l’assistance quand une personne se trouve en situation de dépendance et établir une base normative commune pour les prestations et services que doivent fournir les Communautés Autonomes. La loi est très ambitieuse et vise ainsi à établir, aux côtés du système de santé, de la sécurité sociale et de l’éducation, le quatrième pilier de l’Etat-providence espagnol.
Bien que les transformations économiques et sociales subies par la société espagnole ces dernières années ont rendu ce secteur de politique publique indispensable, le contexte actuel de coupes budgétaires et d’austérité fiscale menace sa mise en œuvre et encourage les administrations publiques à réorienter le système vers celles des mesures qui peuvent réduire le coût total du programme. Dans ce cadre, la demande croissante d’assistance n’a pas trouvé de réponse dans la création d’emplois selon des schémas d’assistance financés et administrés publiquement. Bien que la loi envisage la possibilité de cofinancer la fourniture privée de services d’assistance à travers des systèmes relevant du marché, cette option n’apparaît pas comme une alternative viable pour la plupart des familles espagnoles en raison de son coût très élevé. Cette combinaison de facteurs a déplacé la fourniture d’assistance vers un marché informel non régulé capable d’offrir flexibilité et coûts plus réduits. Cette niche (essentiellement souterraine) du marché du travail a été largement occupée par des femmes immigrées, en premier lieu originaires d’Amérique latine mais aussi d’Europe orientale et dans une moindre mesure des Philippines et du Maroc.
Dans ce chapitre, nous passerons en revue les principales caractéristiques du régime d’Etat-providence espagnol en analysant la façon dont les transformations socio-économiques éprouvées par la société espagnole ces dernières années l’ont affectée. Nous évoquerons ensuite l’évolution des politiques d’assistance pour personnes dépendantes en montrant comment l’immigration est devenue un facteur clé pour rendre compte des manières par lesquelles ce régime a répondu aux défis posées par le vieillissement de la population.
The elaboration of a more accurate picture of the evolution of political events in Europe in recent years would require complementing the “centrifugal” tendencies with what we could call “centripetal” forces according to which people would be responding to globalisation and standardisation by reasserting local and regional identities. Although that identification with smaller territorial units of reference (generally) do not question the centrifugal tendencies affecting the economic sphere, for they do not (can not) propose viable and coherent alternatives to the growing interdependence of the global markets of goods, services, and particularly capitals, they do problematize the political scenario by bringing diversity to it. Partly in response to that demand for a bigger role for regional actors in the political sphere and in the policy-making arenas, and partly because of a search for more efficient ways of dealing with public issues, a process of decentralisation has been developed in most Western European countries.
In Spain, these conflicting trends have to be understood in the context of the emergence of a multi-level governance structure built at the beginning of the 1980s with the objective of overcoming the profound legitimacy deficit of the authoritarian regime left by General Franco at his death, and within the process of transition towards a democratic regime. This whole process was conceived as a part of the pre-conditions to join the European integration process, and perceived to be the best anchor for the country as a project of liberty and prosperity. The design of a power-sharing structure between the European Union, the central government and the newly created regions proved complex, and left a large number of issue unresolved, but allowed for the consolidation of a democracy that faces now the challenge of updating its own structures to respond to the large range of problems and dysfunctionalities that have emerged over the last three decades in the running of that complex multi-level governance system.
Este capítulo tiene por objeto la revisión de las iniciativas adoptadas por las autoridades españolas para responder a las necesidades de cuidados de larga duración de su población, y el análisis de cómo estas políticas han evolucionado en los últimos años atendiendo a la organización, estructura y gobernanza de los sistemas de provisión de atención. Con el fin de de explicar el progreso de estas políticas, revisaremos brevemente su evolución histórica, vinculando este análisis a la tipología básica de los modelos de regímenes de bienestar que se ha descrito anteriormente. Desde una perspectiva neo-institucionalista, tomar en consideración la importancia de las llamadas path dependencies (que podríamos traducir como “dependencias de la senda”) debe permitirnos entender las características determinantes de los programas introducidos en España bajo la conocida como “Ley de Dependencia”.
In contrast to other studies on mobility (Elliott and Urry, 2010), this chapter simultaneously deals with the dynamics of mobility and rootedness of managers living in neighbourhoods with different social composition (mixed and homogeneous). We explore how these people combine mobility and de-territorialized practices, together with their embeddedness in their urban context and neighbourhoods. Comparing socially contrasted neighbourhoods allows us to grasp how our interviewees develop different practices in relation to their social context. Our main hypothesis is that this social group is developing ‘partial exit’ strategies, investing resources outside the city, and developing transnational networks also to organize and defend its interests at the local level. In socially mixed neighbourhoods, where managers live with less privileged social groups, we expect these managers to put into practice ‘partial exit’ strategies to a larger extent than those managers living in homogeneous neighbourhoods.
analysis covered in this project includes three areas of public policy addressing NSR. First, dependency is one of the most daunting challenges for post‐industrial societies experiencing population ageing and with an increasing number of frail people in need of care. This situation
is forcing governments to rethink their long‐term care policies. Second, family and gender public programs need to respond to the growing difficulties of families in reconciling
professional and family life. Third, in the transition to a post‐industrial order, and in a context of mass unemployment, social protection systems have a renewed prominence. Along with the so‐called passive policies offering financial support to the unemployed, active labour market policies are geared to put people back into work. In our analysis we try to find answers to the following questions: What are the challenges that each of these policies have been trying to address in recent years? How have these policies evolved? What kinds of reforms have been implemented, and which ones have been neglected? Have the policy goals and targets of welfare programs been modified in any significant way? Have the policy tools (services, transfers, funding or models of provision) changed? To what extent have these policies been successful in coping with social and economic problems? To what extent a social demand in favour of these changes exist? What are the main political and social actors intervening as stakeholders in these policies? Finally, what are the major similarities and differences existing
between the two countries? To what extent are there policy proposals that might easily travel between them? Could they foster mutually enriching exchanges of information?
the nationality of origin and the reason for settling in the receiving country) by which those placed outside of the limits of citizenship may reach the status of member of the national community.
This report aims to describe the evolution of nationality legislation in Spain, an area of regulation that has remained strongly anchored in the paradigm of a country of emigration, and thus focused on maintaining the links with Spanish communities abroad. We also claim that Spain’s colonial past has played a crucial role in defining its nationality legislation, and that this area of legislation has not yet been included in the normative framework aimed at facilitating the integration of immigrant populations settled in Spain.
the increasing number of applications is becoming a considerable challenge for the
agencies responsible for handling the naturalisation procedure. The traditionally busy
administration of the Ministry of Justice (as well as the local civil registries in charge of
initiating the procedure) are literally overwhelmed by a massive wave of applications. This report analyses the mechanisms by which Spanish authorities manage the procedure of naturalization of immigrant populations.""
All in all, Spain confronts a new scenario, where the “catching up” dream is increasingly unlikely to be fulfilled. Spain remains one of the OECD countries where the redistributive impact of fiscal policy (both through taxes and transfers) is lower (see recent documents by the IMF and the OECD). It accounts for less than 10 point in absolute Gini reduction. From 2008 onwards, inequality has been growing at rates unseen in Europe since the Thatcher era. The deterioration of economic well-being is hitting particularly hard the worst-off segments of society (the bottom deciles in the income distribution, as well as migrants)."
España se enfrenta así a un nuevo escenario donde la aspiración a contar con un “Estado de bienestar a la europea” resulta cada vez más inalcanzable. En la actualidad continúa siendo uno de los países de la OCDE donde el impacto redistributivo de la política fiscal es menor, tanto a través de impuestos como de transferencias (véanse los documentos recientemente publicados por el FMI y por la OCDE), ya que representa menos de 10 puntos de la reducción absoluta del coeficiente de Gini. Desde 2008 la desigualdad en España ha estado creciendo a un ritmo nunca visto en Europa desde la era Thatcher. El deterioro del bienestar económico está golpeando con especial dureza a los segmentos más desfavorecidos de la sociedad (las decilas inferiores de la distribución del ingreso, así como a la población de origen inmigrante)."
La idea de que el pueblo catalán avanza unido hacia Ítaca casa mal con las evidencias demoscópicas del reciente barómetro autonómico del CIS.
La inmensa mayoría de las clases media-baja y obrera da la espalda a los argumentos independentistas.
La voz disonante de las clases más humildes, cuya lengua materna es con frecuencia el castellano, apenas tiene impacto en la agenda pública y política catalanas. Las clases desfavorecidas encuentran muchas dificultades para que sus preferencias sean tomadas en consideración por partidos políticos y gobiernos.