2016 Italian constitutional referendum
| ||
Do you approve the constitutional bill concerning the dispositions to overcome the perfect bicameralism, the reduction of the number of members of the Parliament, the restraint of the institutions' operating costs, the abolition of CNEL and the revision of Titolo V of the 2nd part of the Constitution, which was approved by the Parliament and published on the Gazzetta Ufficiale n. 88, on April 15, 2016? | ||
Results by voting areas |
A constitutional referendum is planned to be held in Italy on Sunday 4 December 2016. Voters are to be asked whether they approve of amending the Italian Constitution to reform the appointment and powers of the Parliament of Italy,[1] as well as the partition of powers of State, Regions, and administrative entities.
The constitutional bill, proposed by Prime Minister Matteo Renzi and his centre-left Democratic Party in 2014, was approved by an absolute majority of the MPs in both houses of the Italian Parliament. In accordance with article 138 of the Constitution, a referendum may be called within three months of the publication of the law in the Gazzetta Ufficiale (Official Gazette) if, as in this case, the law has not been approved in the second voting by a qualified majority of two-thirds in each house.[2] This will be the third constitutional referendum in the history of the Italian Republic: the other two were in 2001 and 2006.
The bill was first introduced by the government in the Senate on 8 April 2014. After several amendments by both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, the bill received its first approval on 13 October 2015 (Senate) and 11 January 2016 (Chamber), and, eventually, its second and final approval on 20 January 2016 (Senate) and 12 April 2016 (Chamber).[3]
Should the electors approve the bill, it would achieve the most extensive constitutional reform in Italy since the end of the monarchy, not only influencing the organization of the Parliament, but also improving, according to its proponents, on the poor government stability of the country. Opposition parties have harshly criticised the bill, claiming that it is badly written and that it will make the government too powerful.[4]
Constitutional background
The Italian Parliament is described as a perfectly symmetric bicameral legislature, in that it has a lower house (the Chamber of Deputies) and an upper house (the Senate of the Republic) with the following characteristics:
- The two houses are elected simultaneously and for the same five-year term.
- The Government must have each house's confidence, and is responsible to both of them.
- All legislation must be passed in the same text by both houses: whenever a bill is amended by either house, it must be sent to the other one in a potentially endless process known as the navetta parlamentare (parliamentary shuttle).
Political background
The first concrete attempts at reforming the Senate took place in the 1980s, when the first bicameral committee for constitutional reform headed by Aldo Bozzi was created (1983). A second bicameral committee (headed by Ciriaco De Mita, later replaced by Nilde Iotti) operated in 1993–1994, followed in 1997 by the third committee headed by the leader of the Left Democrats, Massimo D'Alema. These three attempts were completely unsuccessful.
A reform bill proposed by Silvio Berlusconi's government was finally approved by the parliament in 2005. This proposal, which would also have considerably strengthened the powers of the Prime Minister, at the same time weakening the role of the President, was ultimately rejected in the 2006 referendum.
In 2011, with the financial crisis ensuing and Berlusconi forced to resign from the position of Prime Minister, the Parliament reprised discussions on constitutional reforms at the urging of president Giorgio Napolitano. However, strong disagreements between the two main parties (the People of Freedom and the Democratic Party) prevented the Parliament from deciding on a reform.
After the 2013 general election, constitutional reform remained a prominent political topic. However, the first real breakthrough occurred when Matteo Renzi, the new Secretary of the Democratic Party, was appointed Prime Minister in February 2014. As part of his government's program, Renzi pledged to implement a number of reforms, including the abolition of the perfectly symmetric bicameralism, with a substantial decrease in the membership and power of the Senate.
As well as effectively abolishing the current Senate, the package also included a new electoral law, aimed at giving the party that won the most votes in elections for the Chamber of Deputies a great many additional seats, allowing the formation of a stronger government.
After the proposals passed both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate multiple[clarification needed] times, Renzi announced that he would hold a referendum to secure the endorsement of the Italian people for the change. In January 2016, announcing an October date for the referendum, Matteo Renzi stated that if his reforms were rejected he would resign as Prime Minister and leave politics.[5] Some opposition parties, predominantly Five Star Movement, Lega Nord and Italian Left, and also some newspapers like Il Fatto Quotidiano and Il manifesto, accused Renzi of turning the referendum into a plebiscite on his premiership with those comments.[6] However, after some months, Renzi said that his government will continue until the end of the legislature.
On 15 January 2016, La Repubblica announced that Renzi had hired American political adviser Jim Messina, who had previously managed Barack Obama's presidential campaigns, to oversee the campaign for "Yes".[7]
Details of the proposed reform
Role and powers of the Senate
The Senate represents territorial institutions. It shares the legislative power with the Chamber of Deputies, but the vote of the Senate is only required to enact laws regarding specific matters. For all other laws, the vote of the Senate is optional and can be overruled by a second vote of the Chamber of Deputies.
Senators enjoy the same immunities as the deputies, but receive no remuneration.
The Government does not need to have the confidence of the new Senate, and the Senate cannot pass a motion of no confidence against the Government.
Composition of the Senate
- 95 senators are elected by the Regional Councils and by the Councils of the Autonomous Provinces of Trento and Bolzano. In each Region and Autonomous Province, one senator must be elected from among the mayors of the respective territories; the remaining senators must be elected from among the members of the Councils themselves.
- 5 senators are appointed by the President of Italy for a seven-year term.
- Former Presidents of Italy are senators for life.
The Senate is not subject to dissolution; instead, when a Regional Council ends its five years term, so do the senators elected by it; other senators will be elected after the regional council is renewed.
Apportionment of seats among Regions
Region | Seats | Region | Seats | Region | Seats |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Abruzzo | 2 | Friuli-Venezia Giulia | 2 | Sardinia | 3 |
Aosta Valley | 2 | Lazio | 8 | Sicily | 7 |
Apulia | 6 | Liguria | 2 | South Tyrol | 2 |
Basilicata | 2 | Lombardy | 14 | Tuscany | 5 |
Calabria | 3 | Marche | 2 | Trentino | 2 |
Campania | 9 | Molise | 2 | Umbria | 2 |
Emilia-Romagna | 6 | Piedmont | 7 | Veneto | 7 |
Legislative procedure
The reform differentiates between two main legislative procedures: an unicameral procedure (in which the role of the Senate is mostly consultative) and a bicameral procedure (in which a bill must be approved by both Chambers).[8]
Under the unicameral procedure (which is used every time the Constitution does not require a special procedure), bills can be adopted by a vote of the Chamber of Deputies. At that point, the approved bill is sent to the Senate, which has 10 days to decide whether to examine it to propose changes, or let it be enacted without modification. If one-third of the senators ask to review the bill, the Senate has 30 days to formulate amendments and send the bill back to the Chamber of Deputies. Then the deputies will take the final decision on the Senate's proposals and on the bill as a whole: no further approval of the Senate is needed; however, a qualified majority might be required to overcome the Senate's veto for laws adopted under the supremacy clause.
The bicameral procedure works in a similar way to the current legislative procedure, in that bills must be approved in the same text by both houses to be enacted, and will be forwarded from one house to the other until approved by both. This procedure is required for bills regarding:
- territorial subdivisions of Italy (regions, municipalities, metropolitan cities, and the special municipality of Rome)
- participation of Italy in the European Union (e.g. ratification of EU treaties)
- the Senate itself (e.g. its electoral law)
- protection of linguistic minorities
- referendums and other forms of popular consultation
Opponents to the referendum argue that the legislative procedures under the reformed Constitution would be much more than two, because of the several articles that introduce exceptions.[9][10]
National and regional competences
The reform draws a different partition of matters reserved to the State and to the Regions. The so-called "concurrent competence", according to which the State law would state principles that should later be implemented by Regional laws, is abolished. All concurrent matters are reassigned to either the State's or the Regions' competence.
The Government can propose that the Parliament adopt a law on matters that are not reserved to the State, when this is required to protect the juridical or economic unity of Italy, or to protect national interests. Such laws are adopted according to the unicameral legislative procedure: however, when modifications are proposed by an absolute majority of the members of the Senate, the Chamber of Deputies can override the proposals only by voting against them with an absolute majority of its members.
CNEL and provinces
The National Council for Economics and Labour[11] (CNEL), a consultative assembly of experts and representatives of the economic categories is abolished.
Provinces (the second level territorial subdivision of Italy) are removed from the Constitution, except for the autonomous provinces of Bolzano and Trento. This opens the door for ordinary laws to abolish or radically reform them. In 2014-2015 fourteen provinces were already replaced by "metropolitan cities" (that still exist in the reformed Constitution).
Other changes
- The majority required to elect the President is increased to three fifths of the members of the Parliament in joint session after the third round of balloting, and changed to three fifths of votes after the sixth round. (Today an absolute majority of the members of Parliament is needed after the second round of balloting.)
- Two judges of the Constitutional Court are elected by the Senate, three by the Chamber of Deputies. (Today, the Parliament in joint session elects five judges.)
- The initiative of 150,000 voters is required to propose new legislation. (Today a bill needs only 50,000 proponents.)
- When a referendum is requested by more than 800,000 electors, it will only require a reduced turnout to be valid (more than half of the turnout of the last general election, down from the current absolute majority of electors).
- Electoral laws are subject to a preemptive constitutional review by the Constitutional Court, as an additional guarantee for parliamentary minorities.
- A state of war can be declared by the Chamber of Deputies only (rather than by both chambers); however, an absolute majority of its members is required (currently, a simple majority of the votes is sufficient).
Reactions
Prime Minister Renzi was accused by some law scholars and politicians, such as Stefano Rodotà and Fausto Bertinotti, of being an authoritarian and anti-democratic leader in proposing these changes,[12][13][14][15][16] while others, like Gianfranco Pasquino, argue that the adopted texts are badly written.[17][18]
In April 2016, a paper called "Appello dei costituzionalisti" was written by 56 law scholars (mainly constitutional law scholars), showing criticism of the proposed reform and their numerous concerns: among them there are Francesco Amirante, Paolo Caretti, Lorenza Carlassare, Ugo De Siervo, Giovanni Maria Flick, Paolo Maddalena, Valerio Onida, Alfonso Quaranta and Gustavo Zagrebelsky.
Later, in May 2016, other 184 law scholars and professors of various disciplines (among whom Franco Bassanini, Massimo Bordignon, Stefano Ceccanti, Francesco Clementi, Carlo Fusaro, Claudia Mancina, Stefano Mannoni, Angelo Panebianco, Pasquale Pasquino, Francesco Pizzetti, Michele Salvati, Tiziano Treu) have signed, instead, an appeal in favour of the constitutional reform.[19]
Campaign positions
Committees
Choice | Logo | Campaign | Slogan | Website |
---|---|---|---|---|
Yes | ||||
No | ||||
Main political parties
European political parties
Choice | Parties | Political orientation | Leaders | Ref | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Yes | style="background-color: Template:Party of European Socialists/meta/color" | | Party of European Socialists (PES) | Social democracy | Sergei Stanishev | [44] |
No | Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM 25) | Alter-Europeanism | Yanis Varoufakis | [45] |
Trade unions and business organisations
Choice | Organisations | Political and cultural orientation | Secretaries |
---|---|---|---|
Yes | General Confederation of Italian Industry (Confindustria)[46] | Employers and businesses' organisation | Vincenzo Boccia |
Italian Confederation of Workers' Trade Unions (CISL) | Centrism | Anna Maria Furlan | |
No | Italian General Confederation of Labour (CGIL)[47] | Democratic socialism | Susanna Camusso |
Neutral/Undeclared | Italian Labour Union (UIL)[48] | Social democracy | Carmelo Barbagallo |
Newspapers
Choice | Newspapers | Political and cultural orientation |
---|---|---|
Yes | L'Unità[49] | Social democracy[50] |
Il Sole 24 Ore | Business newspaper | |
Il Foglio[51] | Conservatism | |
No | Il Fatto Quotidiano[52] | Anti-establishment, Populism |
Il Giornale[53] | Conservatism[54] | |
Libero[55] | Liberal conservatism | |
Il manifesto[56] | Communism | |
Neutral/Undeclared | La Repubblica | Social liberalism |
Corriere della Sera | Centrism | |
La Stampa | Centrism |
Periodicals
Choice | Periodicals | Political and cultural orientation |
---|---|---|
Yes | La Civiltà Cattolica[57][58] | Periodical published by the Society of Jesus |
Mondoperaio[59] | Monthly journal, official organ of the Italian Socialist Party |
Other organisations
Choice | Organisations | Political and cultural orientation | Leaders |
---|---|---|---|
Yes | Christian Associations of Italian Workers (ACLI)[60] | Catholic social teaching | Roberto Rossini |
No | National Association of the Italian Partisans (ANPI)[61] | Anti-fascism | Carlo Smuraglia |
Neutral | Libera[62] | Anti-mafia | Luigi Ciotti |
TV debates
Date | Channel | Program | Moderator | Participants | Audience | Notes | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
YES | NO | Audience | Share | |||||
16 September | La7 | Sì o No | Enrico Mentana | Roberto Giachetti | Massimo D'Alema | 792,000 | 3.4% | [63][64] |
23 September | Gian Luca Galletti, Dario Nardella |
Renato Brunetta, Giuseppe Civati |
574,000 | 2.7% | [65] | |||
30 September | Matteo Renzi | Gustavo Zagrebelsky | 1,747,000 | 8.0% | [66][67] | |||
14 October | Luciano Violante | Tomaso Montanari | 626,000 | 3.8% | [68] | |||
23 September | La7 | Otto e Mezzo | Lilli Gruber | Matteo Renzi | Marco Travaglio | 2,280,000 | 9.4% | [69] |
7 October | Maria Elena Boschi | Matteo Salvini | 2,000,000 | 8.4% | [70] |
Opinion polls
Date | Polling Firm | Total | Considering only Yes/No vote | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Yes | No | None / Don't know | Lead | Yes | No | Lead | |||
28–30 Oct 2016 | EMG Acqua | 34.7 | 37.6 | 27.7 | 2.9 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
27–29 Oct 2016 | Istituto Tecnè | 23.0 | 25.8 | 51.2 | 2.8 | 47.1 | 52.9 | 5.8 | |
27–28 Oct 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 25.2 | 27.8 | 47.0 | 2.6 | 47.5 | 52.5 | 5.0 | |
26–27 Oct 2016 | Demopolis | 36.1 | 36.9 | 27.0 | 0.8 | 49.5 | 50.5 | 1.0 | |
26–27 Oct 2016 | Index Research | 39.5 | 41.5 | 19.0 | 2.0 | 48.7 | 51.3 | 2.6 | |
24–27 Oct 2016 | Demos&Pi | 35.0 | 39.0 | 26.0 | 4.0 | 47.3 | 52.7 | 5.4 | |
26 Oct 2016 | Eumetra Monterosa | 23.0 | 27.0 | 50.0 | 4.0 | 46.0 | 54.0 | 8.0 | |
26 Oct 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 37.0 | 40.0 | 23.0 | 2.0 | 48.1 | 51.9 | 3.8 | |
22–23 Oct 2016 | EMG Acqua | 34.7 | 37.8 | 27.5 | 3.1 | 47.9 | 52.1 | 4.2 | |
21–22 Oct 2016 | IPR Marketing | 24.1 | 24.9 | 51.0 | 0.8 | 49.2 | 50.8 | 1.6 | |
21–22 Oct 2016 | Tecnè | 23.3 | 25.7 | 51.0 | 2.4 | 47.5 | 52.5 | 5.0 | |
21–22 Oct 2016 | Tecnè | 23.3 | 25.7 | 51.0 | 2.0 | 47.5 | 52.5 | 5.0 | |
21 Oct 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 25.9 | 28.1 | 46.0 | 2.2 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
18–19 Oct 2016 | Index Research | 38.8 | 41.2 | 20.0 | 2.4 | 48.5 | 51.5 | 3.0 | |
17–19 Oct 2016 | Demopolis | 37.2 | 35.8 | 27.0 | 1.4 | 51.0 | 49.0 | 2.0 | |
18 October 2016 | |||||||||
15–16 Oct 2016 | EMG Acqua | 33.8 | 37.0 | 29.2 | 3.2 | 47.7 | 52.3 | 4.6 | |
15 Oct 2016 | IPR Marketing | 23.3 | 24.7 | 52.0 | 1.4 | 48.5 | 51.5 | 3.0 | |
14–15 Oct 2016 | Tecnè | 23.5 | 25.5 | 51.0 | 2.0 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
14 Oct 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 25.4 | 28.6 | 46.0 | 3.2 | 47.0 | 53.0 | 6.0 | |
11–12 Oct 2016 | Index Research | 38.9 | 41.1 | 20.0 | 2.2 | 48.6 | 51.4 | 2.8 | |
12 Oct 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 37.0 | 37.0 | 26.0 | 0.0 | 50.0 | 50.0 | 0.0 | |
10–12 Oct 2016 | Demopolis | 35.0 | 36.0 | 29.0 | 1.0 | 49.3 | 50.7 | 1.4 | |
8–9 Oct 2016 | EMG Acqua | 32.3 | 36.3 | 31.4 | 3.0 | 47.1 | 52.9 | 5.8 | |
5 Oct 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 38.0 | 37.0 | 25.0 | 1.0 | 50.7 | 49.3 | 1.4 | |
3–5 Oct 2016 | Sondaggi Bidimedia–Bi3 | 23.2 | 26.8 | 50.0 | 3.6 | 46.5 | 53.5 | 7.0 | |
3–4 Oct 2016 | Index Research | 37.7 | 40.3 | 22.0 | 2.6 | 48.3 | 51.7 | 3.4 | |
1–2 Oct 2016 | EMG Acqua | 31.4 | 36.0 | 32.6 | 2.2 | 46.6 | 53.4 | 6.8 | |
30 Sep–1 Oct 2016 | Ipsos SRL | 23.0 | 25.0 | 44.0 | 2.0 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
29–30 Sep 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 25.2 | 27.8 | 47.0 | 2.6 | 47.5 | 52.5 | 5.0 | |
28 Sep 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 38.0 | 36.0 | 26.0 | 2.0 | 51.4 | 48.6 | 2.8 | |
27–28 Sep 2016 | Index Research | 34.4 | 36.6 | 29.0 | 2.2 | 48.5 | 51.5 | 3.0 | |
25–27 Sep 2016 | Demopolis | 35.6 | 36.4 | 28.0 | 0.8 | 49.5 | 50.5 | 1.0 | |
26 September 2016 | |||||||||
24–25 Sep 2016 | EMG Acqua | 29.6 | 35.5 | 34.9 | 5.9 | 45.5 | 54.5 | 9.0 | |
22–23 Sep 2016 | Lorien Consulting | 37.0 | 36.0 | 27.0 | 1.0 | 50.7 | 49.3 | 1.4 | |
21 Sep 2016 | Eumetra Monterosa | 17.0 | 21.0 | 62.0 | 4.0 | ||||
21 Sep 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 38.0 | 35.0 | 27.0 | 3.0 | 52.1 | 47.9 | 4.2 | |
20–21 Sep 2016 | Index Research | 35.8 | 37.2 | 27.0 | 1.4 | 49.0 | 51.0 | 2.0 | |
17–18 Sep 2016 | EMG Acqua | 30.1 | 34.1 | 35.8 | 4.0 | 46.9 | 53.1 | 6.2 | |
14 Sep 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 39.0 | 37.0 | 24.0 | 2.0 | 52.0 | 48.0 | 4.0 | |
10–11 Sep 2016 | EMG Acqua | 28.5 | 30.8 | 40.7 | 2.3 | 48.1 | 51.9 | 3.8 | |
7 Sep 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 40.0 | 36.0 | 24.0 | 4.0 | 52.6 | 47.4 | 5.2 | |
3–4 Sep 2016 | EMG Acqua | 26.9 | 28.4 | 44.7 | 1.5 | 48.7 | 51.3 | 2.6 | |
31 Aug 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 42.0 | 35.0 | 23.0 | 7.0 | 54.5 | 45.5 | 9.0 | |
24–26 Aug 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 23.5 | 27.5 | 49.0 | 4.0 | 46.0 | 54.0 | 8.0 | |
9–11 Aug 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 23.0 | 26.0 | 51.0 | 3.0 | 47.0 | 53.0 | 6.0 | |
3 Aug 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 45.0 | 36.0 | 19.0 | 9.0 | 55.6 | 44.4 | 11.2 | |
30–31 Jul 2016 | EMG Acqua | 28.9 | 29.5 | 42.0 | 0.6 | 49.1 | 50.9 | 1.8 | |
27–28 Jul 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 21.8 | 24.2 | 54.0 | 2.4 | 47.5 | 52.5 | 5.0 | |
27 Jul 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 44.0 | 38.0 | 18.0 | 6.0 | 53.7 | 46.3 | 7.4 | |
23–24 Jul 2016 | EMG Acqua | 28.5 | 30.1 | 41.4 | 1.6 | 48.6 | 51.4 | 2.8 | |
16–17 Jul 2016 | EMG Acqua | 27.8 | 29.5 | 42.7 | 1.7 | 48.5 | 51.5 | 3.0 | |
16–18 Jul 2016 | Demopolis | 37.0 | 37.0 | 26.0 | 0.0 | 50.0 | 50.0 | 0.0 | |
12–13 Jul 2016 | Ipsos SRL | 26.0 | 25.0 | 49.0 | 1.0 | 51.0 | 49.0 | 2.0 | |
11 Jul 2016 | Demos&Pi | 37.0 | 30.0 | 33.0 | 7.0 | 55.2 | 44.8 | 10.4 | |
9–10 Jul 2016 | EMG Acqua | 26.9 | 28.7 | 44.4 | 1.8 | 48.4 | 51.6 | 3.2 | |
15 Jul 2016 | IPR Marketing | 24.0 | 26.0 | 50.0 | 2.0 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
6 Jul 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 27.0 | 32.0 | 41.0 | 5.0 | 45.8 | 54.2 | 8.4 | |
4 Jul 2016 | Euromedia Research | 28.6 | 34.0 | 37.4 | 5.4 | 45.7 | 54.3 | 8.6 | |
2–3 Jul 2016 | EMG Acqua | 27.4 | 29.9 | 42.7 | 2.5 | 47.8 | 52.2 | 4.4 | |
27 Jun 2016 | Euromedia Research | 29.0 | 33.5 | 37.5 | 4.5 | 46.4 | 53.6 | 7.2 | |
25–26 Jun 2016 | EMG Acqua | 29.3 | 29.0 | 41.7 | 0.3 | 50.3 | 49.7 | 0.6 | |
23–24 Jun 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 22.1 | 25.9 | 52.0 | 3.8 | 46.0 | 54.0 | 8.0 | |
23 Jun 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 34.6 | 37.4 | 28.0 | 2.8 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
19 Jun 2016 | |||||||||
18–19 Jun 2016 | EMG Acqua | 28.6 | 27.2 | 44.2 | 1.4 | 51.3 | 48.7 | 2.6 | |
15 Jun 2016 | Euromedia Research | 29.0 | 33.0 | 38.0 | 4.0 | 46.8 | 53.2 | 6.4 | |
6 Jun 2016 | Euromedia Research | 29.9 | 32.5 | 37.6 | 2.6 | 47.9 | 52.1 | 4.2 | |
5 Jun 2016 | |||||||||
3–4 Jun 2016 | Index Research | 42.0 | 38.0 | 20.0 | 4.0 | 52.5 | 47.5 | 5.0 | |
3–4 Jun 2016 | EMG Acqua | 26.0 | 24.2 | 49.8 | 1.8 | 51.8 | 48.2 | 3.6 | |
21 May 2016 | |||||||||
18 May 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 33.1 | 35.9 | 31.0 | 2.8 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
16–17 May 2016 | IPR Marketing | 32.0 | 23.0 | 55.0 | 4.5 | 54.0 | 46.0 | 9.0 | |
16 May 2016 | Istituto Piepoli | 41.0 | 33.0 | 26.0 | 8.0 | 55.4 | 44.6 | 10.8 | |
14–15 May 2016 | EMG Acqua | 26.1 | 23.7 | 50.2 | 2.4 | 52.4 | 47.6 | 4.8 | |
12–14 May 2016 | Index Research | 44.0 | 34.0 | 22.0 | 10.0 | 56.4 | 43.6 | 12.8 | |
13 May 2016 | Tecnè | 29.1 | 25.9 | 45.0 | 3.2 | 53.0 | 47.0 | 6.0 | |
10–13 May 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 29.7 | 30.3 | 40.0 | 0.6 | 49.5 | 50.5 | 1.0 | |
11 May 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 33.1 | 38.9 | 28.0 | 5.8 | 46.0 | 54.0 | 8.0 | |
9 May 2016 | Istituto Piepoli | 46.0 | 28.0 | 26.0 | 8.0 | 62.0 | 38.0 | 24.0 | |
4 May 2016 | Eumetra Monterosa | 17.0 | 26.0 | 57.0 | 9.0 | 39.5 | 60.5 | 21.0 | |
2 May 2016 | Euromedia Research | 30.0 | 32.5 | 37.5 | 2.5 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
29–30 Apr 2016 | Index Research | 50.0 | 30.0 | 20.0 | 20.0 | 62.5 | 37.5 | 25.0 | |
27 Apr 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 35.7 | 34.3 | 30.0 | 1.4 | 51.0 | 49.0 | 2.0 | |
26–27 Apr 2016 | Demopolis | 27.3 | 19.7 | 53.0 | 7.6 | 58.0 | 42.0 | 16.0 | |
20 Apr 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 36.6 | 32.4 | 31.0 | 4.2 | 53.0 | 47.0 | 6.0 | |
18 Apr 2016 | Euromedia Research | 25.3 | 24.7 | 50.0 | 0.3 | 50.3 | 49.7 | 0.6 | |
15 Apr 2016 | Euromedia Research | 26.0 | 28.1 | 45.9 | 2.1 | 48.1 | 51.9 | 3.8 | |
12–13 Apr 2016 | ScenariPolitici–Winpoll | 29.0 | 32.0 | 39.0 | 3.0 | 47.5 | 52.5 | 5.0 | |
12 Apr 2016 | |||||||||
29 Mar 2016 | Euromedia Research | 26.2 | 25.8 | 48.0 | 0.4 | 50.4 | 49.6 | 0.8 | |
10–11 Mar 2016 | Index Research | 52.0 | 25.0 | 23.0 | 27.0 | 68.0 | 32.0 | 36.0 | |
22–25 Feb 2016 | Demetra | 60.0 | 21.0 | 19.0 | 39.0 | 74.0 | 26.0 | 48.0 | |
22–25 Feb 2016 | Demos&Pi | 50.0 | 24.0 | 26.0 | 16.0 | 68.0 | 32.0 | 36.0 | |
17 Feb 2016 | Index Research | 53.0 | 17.0 | 30.0 | 36.0 | 76.0 | 24.0 | 52.0 | |
8 Feb 2016 | Istituto Piepoli | 42.2 | 23.8 | 34.0 | 21.6 | 64.0 | 36.0 | 28.0 | |
5 Jan 2016 | Euromedia Research | 24.0 | 25.0 | 51.0 | 1.0 | 49.0 | 51.0 | 2.0 | |
27–28 Jan 2016 | Ipsos SRL | 21.0 | 16.0 | 63.0 | 5.0 | 57.0 | 43.0 | 14.0 | |
27 Jan 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 45.0 | 36.0 | 19.0 | 9.0 | 56.0 | 44.0 | 12.0 | |
25 Jan 2016 | Ipsos SRL | 22.0 | 15.0 | 63.0 | 7.0 | 59.0 | 41.0 | 18.0 | |
23–24 Jan 2016 | EMG Acqua | 34.5 | 14.8 | 50.7 | 19.7 | 69.9 | 30.1 | 39.8 | |
15–20 Jan 2016 | Index Research | 59.8 | 28.2 | 12.0 | 31.6 | 68.0 | 32.0 | 36.0 | |
13 Jan 2016 | Istituto Ixè | 44.0 | 32.0 | 24.0 | 12.0 | 58.0 | 42.0 | 16.0 | |
9–11 Jan 2016 | Demopolis | 60.0 | 21.0 | 19.0 | 18.2 | 74.0 | 26.0 | 48.0 | |
9–10 Jan 2016 | EMG Acqua | 36.1 | 17.9 | 46.0 | 18.2 | 66.8 | 33.2 | 33.6 | |
16–24 Nov 2015 | Demetra | 60.0 | 18.3 | 21.7 | 18.3 | 68.3 | 31.7 | 36.6 | |
9 Nov 2015 | Euromedia Research | 50.0 | 30.4 | 19.6 | 9.8 | 59.8 | 40.2 | 19.6 | |
30 Oct 2015 | |||||||||
14 Oct 2015 | Istituto Ixè | 32.0 | 34.0 | 34.0 | 2.0 | 48.0 | 52.0 | 4.0 | |
11–13 Oct 2015 | Demopolis | 67.0 | 18.0 | 15.0 | 49.0 | 79.0 | 21.0 | 58.0 | |
12 Oct 2015 | IPR Marketing | 46.0 | 33.0 | 21.0 | 13.0 | 58.0 | 42.0 | 16.0 | |
12 Oct 2015 | Tecnè | 41.0 | 35.0 | 24.0 | 6.0 | 54.0 | 46.0 | 8.0 | |
5 Oct 2015 | Euromedia Research | 32.8 | 32.5 | 34.7 | 0.3 | 50.2 | 49.8 | 0.4 | |
21 Sep 2015 | Istituto Piepoli | 48.0 | 41.0 | 11.0 | 7.0 | 54.0 | 46.0 | 8.0 | |
31 May 2015 | |||||||||
11 Mar 2015 | Istituto Ixè | 28.0 | 41.0 | 31.0 | 4.0 | 41.0 | 59.0 | 18.0 | |
4 Ago 2014 | Istituto Piepoli | 46.0 | 41.0 | 13.0 | 5.0 | 52.9 | 47.1 | 5.8 | |
7 Jul 2014 | Istituto Piepoli | 53.0 | 35.0 | 12.0 | 18.0 | 60.0 | 40.0 | 20.0 | |
28-30 Jun 2014 | Lorien Consulting | 29.0 | 21.0 | 50.0 | 4.0 | 54.0 | 46.0 | 8.0 | |
25 May 2014 | |||||||||
7 Apr 2014 | IPR Marketing | 57.0 | 23.0 | 20.0 | 34.0 | 71.0 | 29.0 | 42.0 | |
31 Mar 2014 | Istituto Piepoli | 66.0 | 24.0 | 10.0 | 42.0 | 73.0 | 27.0 | 46.0 | |
31 Mar 2014 | Ipsos SRL | 63.0 | 24.0 | 13.0 | 39.0 | 72.0 | 28.0 | 44.0 | |
Source: Sondaggi Politico Elettorali – Italian Government |
Results
Choice | Votes | % |
---|---|---|
Yes | 0.00% | |
No | 0.00% | |
Invalid/blank votes | 0.00% | |
Total | 0.00% | |
Registered voters/turnout | 0.00% | |
Source: |
References
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