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{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2018}}
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{{Use Indian English|date=October 2018}}
{{Infobox historian
⚫
'''Ziauddin Barani''' (1285–1358 CE) was a [[Muslim]] political [[Intellectual|thinker]] of the [[Delhi Sultanate]] located in present-day Northern India during [[Muhammad bin Tughlaq]] and [[Firuz Shah Tughluq|Firuz Shah]]'s reign. He was best known for composing the '''''Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi''''' (also called Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi), a work on [[medieval India]], which covers the period from the reign of [[Ghiyas ud din Tughluq]] to the first six years of reign of [[Firoz Shah Tughluq]] and the ''Fatwa-i-Jahandari'' which promoted a hierarchy among Muslim communities in the [[Indian subcontinent]], even if historian [[M. Athar Ali]] says that it's not on a racialist basis or even like the [[caste system]], but taking as a model [[Sassanid]] [[Iran]], which promoted an idea of aristocracy through birth and which was claimed by Persians to be "fully in accordance with the main thrust of Islamic thought as it had developed by that time", including in the works of his near-contemporary [[Ibn Khaldun]].<ref>M. Athat Ali, "Elements of Social Justice in Medieval Islamic Thought" in Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri, ''Recording the Progress of Indian History: Symposia Papers of the Indian History Congress, 1992-2010'', Primus Books, 2012, p. 197</ref>
| name = Ziauddin Barani
| image = <!-- Image of Ziauddin Barani, if available -->
| caption =
| birth_name = Ziauddin Barani
| birth_date = 1285
| birth_place = Baran, [[Delhi Sultanate]] (modern-day [[Bulandshahr]], [[India]])
| death_date = 1357
| death_place = Delhi Sultanate
| nationality = Indian
| occupation = Historian, Political Thinker
| notable_works = ''Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi'', ''Fatwa-i-Jahandari''
| era = Delhi Sultanate
| title = Nadim (Companion) of [[Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq]]
| influenced =
| influences = Sufi Mysticism
}}


⚫
'''Ziauddin Barani''' ({{lang-ur|{{Nastaliq|ضیاء الدین برنی}}}}&lrm;; 1285–1358 CE) was an Indian<ref>{{cite book |quote= Barani never called himself Turk for one intention that he wanted to be an Indian than anything else |title=Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatawa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barani|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rXmCAAAAMAAJ&q=Barani+never+called+himself+Turk+for+one+intention+that+he+wanted+to+be+an+Indian+than+anything+else |page=144 |author= Arbind Das · |date=1996 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=c7M_AAAAMAAJ&q=His+ignorance+of+the+geography+of+Central+Asia+and+Persia+is+surprising.+Barani+nowhere+calls+himelf+a+Turk+in+the+three+works+of+his+that+are+available. |quote=His ignorance of the geography of Central Asia and Persia is surprising...in his modes of thought and feeling he is hundred per cent Indian |title= Medieval India Quarterly: Volumes 1-5 |page=244 |author= Mohammad Habib |date=1950 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last1=Kassam |first1=Zayn R. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CSXCtAEACAAJ&q=Baran%C4%AB,+%C5%BBiy%C4%81%CA%BE+al-D%C4%ABn |title=Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism |last2=Greenberg |first2=Yudit Kornberg |last3=Bagli |first3=Jehan |date=2018-07-16 |publisher=Springer Netherlands |isbn=978-94-024-1266-6 |language=en|page=114|quote="Żiyāʾ al-Dīn Baranī (ca. 1285–1357) ... was a native of Baran, a town just east of Delhi, known today as Bulandshahr in Uttar Pradesh, India."}}</ref> political [[Intellectual|thinker]] of the [[Delhi Sultanate]] located in present-day Northern India during [[Muhammad bin Tughlaq]] and [[Firuz Shah Tughluq|Firuz Shah]]'s reign. He was best known for composing the '''''Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi''''' (also called ''Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi''), a work on [[medieval India]], which covers the period from the reign of [[Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq]] to the first six years of the reign of [[Firoz Shah Tughluq]]; and the ''Fatwa-i-Jahandari'' which promoted a hierarchy among Muslim communities in the [[Indian subcontinent]], although according to [[M. Athar Ali]] it was not based on race or even like the [[caste system]], but taking as a model of [[Sassanid]] [[Iran]], which promoted an idea of aristocracy through birth and which was claimed by Persians to be "fully in accordance with the main thrust of Islamic thought as it had developed by that time", including in the works of his near-contemporary [[Ibn Khaldun]].<ref>M. Athat Ali, "Elements of Social Justice in Medieval Islamic Thought" in Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri, ''Recording the Progress of Indian History: Symposia Papers of the Indian History Congress, 1992–2010'', Primus Books, 2012, p. 197.</ref>
⚫
==Life==
⚫
Barani was born to an Arab Muslim family in 1285 in which his father, uncle, and grandfather all worked in high government posts under the [[Sultanate of Delhi|Sultan of Delhi]]. His maternal grandfather Husam-ud-Din, was an important officer of [[Ghiyas ud din Balban]] and his father Muwayyid-ul-Mulk held the post of ''naib'' of Arkali Khan, the son of Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji. His uncle Qazi Ala-ul-Mulk was the ''Kotwal'' (police chief) of Delhi during the reign of Ala-ud-Din Khalji.<ref name=mahajan>Mahajan, V.D. (1991, reprint 2007). ''History of Medieval India'', Part I, New Delhi: S. Chand, {{ISBN|81-219-0364-5}}, pp.174-6</ref> Barani never held a post, but was a ''nadim'' (companion) of [[Muhammad bin Tughlaq]] for seventeen years. During this period he was very close to [[Amir Khusro]]. After Tughlaq was deposed, he fell out of favor. In "Exile" he wrote two pieces dealing with government, religion, and history, which he hoped would endear him to the new sultan, [[Firuz Shah Tughluq]]. He was not rewarded for his works and died poor in 1357.{{sfn|A. L. Basham|1958|p=458}}


⚫
==Life==
He was a native of Baran (now [[Bulandshahr]]) in northern India, hence his [[Nisba (onomastics)|nisba]] ''Barani''.<ref>Auer B. (2018) Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn. In: Kassam Z.R., Greenberg Y.K., Bagli J. (eds) Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism. ''Encyclopedia of Indian Religions''. [[Springer Publishing|Springer]], Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_790.</ref> His gravestone lies in the courtyard of Nizamuddin Auliya's [[Nizamuddin Dargah|dargah]] in Delhi, at the entrance of the ''dalan'' of Mirdha Ikram, and near the tomb of Amir [[Amir Khusrow|Khusrau]].
⚫
Barani was born in 1285, to an Indian Muslim family native to [[Bulandshahr|Baran]], (now [[Bulandshahr]]) in northern India, hence his [[Nisba (onomastics)|nisba]] ''Barani''.<ref>Auer B. (2018) Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn. In: Kassam Z.R., Greenberg Y.K., Bagli J. (eds) Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism. ''Encyclopedia of Indian Religions''. [[Springer Publishing|Springer]], Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_790.</ref> His ancestors had immigrated to Baran from the Indian town of [[Kaithal]], [[Haryana]].<ref>{{cite book |quote= The ancestors of this noted historian originally hailed from Kaithal . When the family shifted to Baran|title=Sources of the History of India: Rajasthan. Haryana. Meghalaya. Uttar Pradesh. Jammu and Kashmir|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XgW2AAAAIAAJ&q=The+ancestors+of+this+noted+historian+originally+hailed+from+Kaithal+.+When+the+family+shifted+to+Baran |page=129 |author= Siba Pada Sen |date=1978 }}</ref> His father, uncle, and grandfather all worked in high government posts under the [[Sultanate of Delhi|Sultan of Delhi]]. His maternal grandfather Husam-ud-Din, was an important officer of [[Ghiyas ud din Balban]] and his father Muwayyid-ul-Mulk held the post of ''naib'' of Arkali Khan, the son of Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji. His uncle Qazi Ala-ul-Mulk was the ''Kotwal'' (police chief) of Delhi during the reign of Ala-ud-Din Khalji.<ref name=mahajan>Mahajan, V.D. (1991, reprint 2007). ''History of Medieval India'', Part I, New Delhi: S. Chand, {{ISBN|81-219-0364-5}}, pp.174-6</ref> Barani never held a post, but was a ''nadim'' (companion) of [[Muhammad bin Tughlaq]] for seventeen years. During this period he was very close to [[Amir Khusro]]. After Tughlaq was deposed, he fell out of favor. In "Exile" he wrote two pieces dealing with government, religion, and history, which he hoped would endear him to the new sultan, [[Firuz Shah Tughluq]]. He was not rewarded for his works and died poor in 1357.{{sfn|A. L. Basham|1958|p=458}}[[File:Ziauddin Barani.JPG|thumb|Tombstone of Barani|334x334px]]
[[File:Ziauddin Barani.JPG|thumb|Tombstone of Barani|334x334px]]


His gravestone lies in the courtyard of Nizamuddin Auliya's [[Nizamuddin Dargah|dargah]] in Delhi, at the entrance of the ''dalan'' of Mirdha Ikram, and near the tomb of Amir [[Amir Khusrow|Khusrau]].
==Works==
==Works==


Line 16: Line 32:
<ref>{{Cite book|last=Roy|first=Himanshu|title=Indian Political Thought Themes and Thinker|publisher=Pearson|year=2020|isbn=978-93-325-8733-5|page=81}}</ref>
<ref>{{Cite book|last=Roy|first=Himanshu|title=Indian Political Thought Themes and Thinker|publisher=Pearson|year=2020|isbn=978-93-325-8733-5|page=81}}</ref>


His fatwa would condone segregation of the Muslim ''ashraf'' upper castes and ''ajlaf'' low castes, in addition to the ''azral'' under-castes or the converted Muslims who are regarded as "ritually polluted" by the ashraf.<ref name="one">[http://www.anti-caste.org/social-stratification-among-muslims-in-india.html Social Stratification Among Muslims in India] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110718181635/http://www.anti-caste.org/social-stratification-among-muslims-in-india.html |date=18 July 2011 }} by Zarina Bhatty</ref>{{sfn|Partap C. Aggarwal|1978}}{{sfn|Bhimrao Ambedkar|1945}} [[Muzaffar Alam]] argues that, contrarily to what many think, through this aristocratic view of power he doesn't follow secular models (Iranian or Indian), "rather, the interests of the Muslim community define the contours of his ideas on the heredity question", as he saw that during times of political troubles "frequent changes within ruling classes lead to the ruination of illustrious Muslim families", and thus preserving these upper class families, themselves at such place for diverse administrative or military qualities, would lead to the advent of more capable rulers and in the longer run help Muslim interests, Alam to conclude that this hierarchization "was a conscious choice exercized by Barani to serve the narrowly sectarian interests of the early Islamic regime in India<ref>Muzaffar Alam, ''The Languages of Political Islam in India: c. 1200-1800'', The University of Chicago Press, 2004, pp. 41-42</ref>
His fatwa would condone segregation of the Muslim ''ashraf'' upper castes and ''ajlaf'' low castes, in addition to the ''azral'' under-castes or the converted Muslims who are regarded as "ritually polluted" by the ashraf.<ref name="one">[http://www.anti-caste.org/social-stratification-among-muslims-in-india.html Social Stratification Among Muslims in India] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110718181635/http://www.anti-caste.org/social-stratification-among-muslims-in-india.html |date=18 July 2011 }} by Zarina Bhatty</ref>{{sfn|Partap C. Aggarwal|1978}}{{sfn|Bhimrao Ambedkar|1945}} [[Muzaffar Alam]] argues that, contrarily to what many think, through this aristocratic view of power he doesn't follow secular models (Iranian or Indian), "rather, the interests of the Muslim community define the contours of his ideas on the heredity question", as he saw that during times of political troubles "frequent changes within ruling classes lead to the ruination of illustrious Muslim families", and thus preserving these upper class families, themselves at such place for diverse administrative or military qualities, would lead to the advent of more capable rulers and in the longer run help Muslim interests, Alam to conclude that this hierarchization "was a conscious choice exercised by Barani to serve the narrowly sectarian interests of the early Islamic regime in India".<ref>Muzaffar Alam, ''The Languages of Political Islam in India: c. 1200-1800'', The University of Chicago Press, 2004, pp. 41-42</ref>


The work delves into aspects of religion and government and the meeting of those two, as well as political philosophy. He notes:
The work delves into aspects of religion and government and the meeting of those two, as well as political philosophy. He notes:
Line 25: Line 41:
At the same time, the book makes it clear that the kings of the [[Delhi Sultanate]] did not hold similar views. Barani rues that they honoured and favoured the Hindus, and had granted them the status of [[dhimmi]]s (protected persons). The Muslim kings appointed Hindus to high posts, including governorships. Barani further laments that the Muslim kings were pleased with the prosperity of Hindus in their capital Delhi, even when poor Muslims worked for them and begged at their doors.{{sfn|Banarsi Prasad Saksena|1992|p=355-356}}
At the same time, the book makes it clear that the kings of the [[Delhi Sultanate]] did not hold similar views. Barani rues that they honoured and favoured the Hindus, and had granted them the status of [[dhimmi]]s (protected persons). The Muslim kings appointed Hindus to high posts, including governorships. Barani further laments that the Muslim kings were pleased with the prosperity of Hindus in their capital Delhi, even when poor Muslims worked for them and begged at their doors.{{sfn|Banarsi Prasad Saksena|1992|p=355-356}}


===Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi===
=== Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi ===
The ''Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi'' or ''Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi'' (Firuz Shah's History) (1357) was an interpretation of the history of the [[Delhi Sultanate]] up to the then-present [[Firuz Shah Tughlaq]]. Then interpretation noted that the sultans who followed the rules of Barani had succeeded in their endeavors while those that did not, or those who had sinned, met the [[Nemesis (mythology)|Nemesis]].{{sfn|A. L. Basham|1958|p=458}}
The ''Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi'' or ''Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi'' (Firuz Shah's History) (1357) was an interpretation of the history of the [[Delhi Sultanate]] up to the then-present [[Firuz Shah Tughlaq]]. Then interpretation noted that the sultans who followed the rules of Barani had succeeded in their endeavors while those that did not, or those who had sinned, met the [[Nemesis (mythology)|Nemesis]].{{sfn|A. L. Basham|1958|p=458}}


But, though Barani refers many times to the sources of information, he did not consult his contemporary works. This resulted in the sketchy description of Ala-ud-Din Khalji’s wars in Chittor, Ranthambhor and Malwa and the Deccan campaigns of [[Malik Kafur]]. The later medieval historians, Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad, Badaoni, [[Ferishta]] and Haji-ud-Dabir depended upon the ''Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi'' for their account of history of the period covered in this work. Abdul Haq Dehlvi in his ''Akhbar-ul-Akhyar'' depended upon the work for the biographical sketches of Nizam-ud-Din Auliya and the other Sufi saints.<ref name=mahajan/>
But, though Barani refers many times to the sources of information, he did not consult his contemporary works. This resulted in the sketchy description of Ala-ud-Din Khalji’s wars in Chittor, Ranthambhor and Malwa and the Deccan campaigns of [[Malik Kafur]]. The later medieval historians, Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad, Badaoni, [[Ferishta]] and Haji-ud-Dabir depended upon the ''Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi'' for their account of history of the period covered in this work. Abdul Haq Dehlvi in his ''Akhbar-ul-Akhyar'' depended upon the work for the biographical sketches of Nizam-ud-Din Auliya and the other Sufi saints.<ref name=mahajan />


;Zawabit
<u>'''Zawabit'''</u><ref>{{Cite book|last=roy;singh|first=himanshu;M.P.|title=Indian Political Thought|publisher=Pearson|year=2020|isbn=978-93-325-8733-5|page=86}}</ref>


Barani categorized the law into two kinds , the [[Sharia]]t and the Zawabit. The Zawabit were the state laws formulated by the monarch in consultation with the nobility in the changed circumstances to cater to the new requirements which the [[Sharia]]t was unable to fulfill.
Barani categorized the law into two kinds, the [[Sharia]]t and the Zawabit. The Zawabit were the state laws formulated by the monarch in consultation with the nobility in the changed circumstances to cater to the new requirements which the [[Sharia]]t was unable to fulfill.<ref>{{Cite book|last=roy;singh|first=himanshu;M.P.|title=Indian Political Thought|publisher=Pearson|year=2020|isbn=978-93-325-8733-5|page=86}}</ref>


The Zawabit, he said must be in the spirit of the Shariat and enumerated four conditions for its formulation as guidelines. They are-
The Zawabit, he said must be in the spirit of the Shariat and enumerated four conditions for its formulation as guidelines. They are-


* The Zawabit should not negate the [[Sharia|Shariat.]]
* The Zawabit should not negate the [[Sharia]]t.
* It must increase the loyalty and hope among the nobles and common people towards the Sultan
* It must increase the loyalty and hope among the nobles and common people towards the Sultan
* Its sources and inspiration should be the [[Sharia]]t and pious Caliphs
* Its sources and inspiration should be the [[Sharia]]t and pious Caliphs
Line 43: Line 59:
===Other works===
===Other works===
* Salvat-i-Kabir (The Great Prayer)
* Salvat-i-Kabir (The Great Prayer)
* Sana-i-Muhammadi (Praises of Prophet Mohammad)
* Sana-i-Muhammadi (Praises of Mohammad)
* Hasratnama (Book of Regrets)
* Hasratnama (Book of Regrets)
* Tarikh-i-Barmaki
* Tarikh-i-Barmaki
Line 49: Line 65:
* Maasìr Saadat (Good Deeds of the Sayyids)
* Maasìr Saadat (Good Deeds of the Sayyids)
* Lubbatul Tarikh.
* Lubbatul Tarikh.
Fatawa-i-Dindari
* Fatawa-i-Dindari

==Work online==
⚫
*{{cite book|last=Elliot|first=H. M. (Henry Miers), Sir|author2=John Dowson|title=The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians. The Muhammadan Period (Vol 3.)|chapter=15. Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, of Ziauddin Barani| chapter-url=https://archive.org/stream/cu31924073036737#page/n107/mode/2up|publisher=London : Trübner & Co.|year=1867}}


==See also==
==See also==
Line 66: Line 79:
* {{Cite book |author=Bhimrao Ambedkar |author-link=B.R. Ambedkar |title=Pakistan or the Partition of India |publisher=Thackers |year=1945 |url=http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ambedkar_partition/ }}
* {{Cite book |author=Bhimrao Ambedkar |author-link=B.R. Ambedkar |title=Pakistan or the Partition of India |publisher=Thackers |year=1945 |url=http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ambedkar_partition/ }}
* {{cite book |author=Partap C. Aggarwal |title=Caste and Social Stratification Among Muslims in India |publisher=Manohar| year=1978 }}
* {{cite book |author=Partap C. Aggarwal |title=Caste and Social Stratification Among Muslims in India |publisher=Manohar| year=1978 }}

== Further reading ==
⚫
*{{cite book|last=Elliot|first=H. M. (Henry Miers), Sir|author2=John Dowson|title=The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians. The Muhammadan Period (Vol 3.)|chapter=15. Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, of Ziauddin Barani| chapter-url=https://archive.org/stream/cu31924073036737#page/n107/mode/2up|publisher=London : Trübner & Co.|year=1867}}


{{Authority control}}
{{Authority control}}
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[[Category:1357 deaths]]
[[Category:1357 deaths]]
[[Category:14th-century Indian historians]]
[[Category:14th-century Indian historians]]
[[Category:Chroniclers]]
[[Category:Muslim chroniclers]]
[[Category:Delhi Sultanate]]
[[Category:People from the Delhi Sultanate]]
[[Category:Historians of India]]
[[Category:Historians of India]]
[[Category:Indian Muslim historians of Islam]]
[[Category:Indian historians of Islam]]
[[Category:Indian political philosophers]]
[[Category:Indian political philosophers]]
[[Category:People from Bulandshahr]]
[[Category:People from Bulandshahr]]
[[Category:14th-century historians of the medieval Islamic world]]

Latest revision as of 11:44, 21 October 2024

Ziauddin Barani
Born
Ziauddin Barani

1285
Baran, Delhi Sultanate (modern-day Bulandshahr, India)
Died1357
Delhi Sultanate
NationalityIndian
Occupation(s)Historian, Political Thinker
TitleNadim (Companion) of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq
Academic background
InfluencesSufi Mysticism
Academic work
EraDelhi Sultanate
Notable worksTarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, Fatwa-i-Jahandari

Ziauddin Barani (Urdu: ضیاء الدین برنی‎; 1285–1358 CE) was an Indian[1][2][3] political thinker of the Delhi Sultanate located in present-day Northern India during Muhammad bin Tughlaq and Firuz Shah's reign. He was best known for composing the Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (also called Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi), a work on medieval India, which covers the period from the reign of Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq to the first six years of the reign of Firoz Shah Tughluq; and the Fatwa-i-Jahandari which promoted a hierarchy among Muslim communities in the Indian subcontinent, although according to M. Athar Ali it was not based on race or even like the caste system, but taking as a model of Sassanid Iran, which promoted an idea of aristocracy through birth and which was claimed by Persians to be "fully in accordance with the main thrust of Islamic thought as it had developed by that time", including in the works of his near-contemporary Ibn Khaldun.[4]

Life

[edit]

Barani was born in 1285, to an Indian Muslim family native to Baran, (now Bulandshahr) in northern India, hence his nisba Barani.[5] His ancestors had immigrated to Baran from the Indian town of Kaithal, Haryana.[6] His father, uncle, and grandfather all worked in high government posts under the Sultan of Delhi. His maternal grandfather Husam-ud-Din, was an important officer of Ghiyas ud din Balban and his father Muwayyid-ul-Mulk held the post of naib of Arkali Khan, the son of Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji. His uncle Qazi Ala-ul-Mulk was the Kotwal (police chief) of Delhi during the reign of Ala-ud-Din Khalji.[7] Barani never held a post, but was a nadim (companion) of Muhammad bin Tughlaq for seventeen years. During this period he was very close to Amir Khusro. After Tughlaq was deposed, he fell out of favor. In "Exile" he wrote two pieces dealing with government, religion, and history, which he hoped would endear him to the new sultan, Firuz Shah Tughluq. He was not rewarded for his works and died poor in 1357.[8]

Tombstone of Barani

His gravestone lies in the courtyard of Nizamuddin Auliya's dargah in Delhi, at the entrance of the dalan of Mirdha Ikram, and near the tomb of Amir Khusrau.

Works

[edit]

Fatwa-i-Jahandari

[edit]

The Fatwa-i-Jahandari is a work containing the political ideals to be pursued by a Muslim ruler in order to earn religious merit and the gratitude of his subjects.[7] It is written as nasihat(advices) for the Muslim kings. [9]

His fatwa would condone segregation of the Muslim ashraf upper castes and ajlaf low castes, in addition to the azral under-castes or the converted Muslims who are regarded as "ritually polluted" by the ashraf.[10][11][12] Muzaffar Alam argues that, contrarily to what many think, through this aristocratic view of power he doesn't follow secular models (Iranian or Indian), "rather, the interests of the Muslim community define the contours of his ideas on the heredity question", as he saw that during times of political troubles "frequent changes within ruling classes lead to the ruination of illustrious Muslim families", and thus preserving these upper class families, themselves at such place for diverse administrative or military qualities, would lead to the advent of more capable rulers and in the longer run help Muslim interests, Alam to conclude that this hierarchization "was a conscious choice exercised by Barani to serve the narrowly sectarian interests of the early Islamic regime in India".[13]

The work delves into aspects of religion and government and the meeting of those two, as well as political philosophy. He notes:

Religion and temporal government are twins; that is, head of religion and the head of government are twin brothers.[8][14]

Barani's Fatwa-i-Jahandari provides an example of his views on religion. He states that there is no difference between a Muslim king and a Hindu ruler, if the Muslim king is content in collecting jizya (poll-tax) and khiraj (tribute) from the Hindus. Instead, he recommends that a Muslim king should concentrate all his power on holy wars and completely uproot the "false creeds". According to him, a Muslim king could establish the supremacy of Islam in India only by slaughtering the Brahmins. He recommends that a Muslim king "should make a firm resolve to overpower, capture, enslave and degrade the infidels."[15]

At the same time, the book makes it clear that the kings of the Delhi Sultanate did not hold similar views. Barani rues that they honoured and favoured the Hindus, and had granted them the status of dhimmis (protected persons). The Muslim kings appointed Hindus to high posts, including governorships. Barani further laments that the Muslim kings were pleased with the prosperity of Hindus in their capital Delhi, even when poor Muslims worked for them and begged at their doors.[16]

Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi

[edit]

The Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi or Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (Firuz Shah's History) (1357) was an interpretation of the history of the Delhi Sultanate up to the then-present Firuz Shah Tughlaq. Then interpretation noted that the sultans who followed the rules of Barani had succeeded in their endeavors while those that did not, or those who had sinned, met the Nemesis.[8]

But, though Barani refers many times to the sources of information, he did not consult his contemporary works. This resulted in the sketchy description of Ala-ud-Din Khalji’s wars in Chittor, Ranthambhor and Malwa and the Deccan campaigns of Malik Kafur. The later medieval historians, Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad, Badaoni, Ferishta and Haji-ud-Dabir depended upon the Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi for their account of history of the period covered in this work. Abdul Haq Dehlvi in his Akhbar-ul-Akhyar depended upon the work for the biographical sketches of Nizam-ud-Din Auliya and the other Sufi saints.[7]

Zawabit

Barani categorized the law into two kinds, the Shariat and the Zawabit. The Zawabit were the state laws formulated by the monarch in consultation with the nobility in the changed circumstances to cater to the new requirements which the Shariat was unable to fulfill.[17]

The Zawabit, he said must be in the spirit of the Shariat and enumerated four conditions for its formulation as guidelines. They are-

  • The Zawabit should not negate the Shariat.
  • It must increase the loyalty and hope among the nobles and common people towards the Sultan
  • Its sources and inspiration should be the Shariat and pious Caliphs
  • If at all it had to negate the Shariat out of exigencies, it must follow charities and compensation in lieu of that negation

Other works

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  • Salvat-i-Kabir (The Great Prayer)
  • Sana-i-Muhammadi (Praises of Mohammad)
  • Hasratnama (Book of Regrets)
  • Tarikh-i-Barmaki
  • Inayat Nama-i-Ilahi (Book of Gods Gifts)
  • Maasìr Saadat (Good Deeds of the Sayyids)
  • Lubbatul Tarikh.
  • Fatawa-i-Dindari

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ Arbind Das · (1996). Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatawa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barani. p. 144. Barani never called himself Turk for one intention that he wanted to be an Indian than anything else
  2. ^ Mohammad Habib (1950). Medieval India Quarterly: Volumes 1-5. p. 244. His ignorance of the geography of Central Asia and Persia is surprising...in his modes of thought and feeling he is hundred per cent Indian
  3. ^ Kassam, Zayn R.; Greenberg, Yudit Kornberg; Bagli, Jehan (16 July 2018). Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism. Springer Netherlands. p. 114. ISBN 978-94-024-1266-6. Żiyāʾ al-Dīn Baranī (ca. 1285–1357) ... was a native of Baran, a town just east of Delhi, known today as Bulandshahr in Uttar Pradesh, India.
  4. ^ M. Athat Ali, "Elements of Social Justice in Medieval Islamic Thought" in Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri, Recording the Progress of Indian History: Symposia Papers of the Indian History Congress, 1992–2010, Primus Books, 2012, p. 197.
  5. ^ Auer B. (2018) Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn. In: Kassam Z.R., Greenberg Y.K., Bagli J. (eds) Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism. Encyclopedia of Indian Religions. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_790.
  6. ^ Siba Pada Sen (1978). Sources of the History of India: Rajasthan. Haryana. Meghalaya. Uttar Pradesh. Jammu and Kashmir. p. 129. The ancestors of this noted historian originally hailed from Kaithal . When the family shifted to Baran
  7. ^ a b c Mahajan, V.D. (1991, reprint 2007). History of Medieval India, Part I, New Delhi: S. Chand, ISBN 81-219-0364-5, pp.174-6
  8. ^ a b c A. L. Basham 1958, p. 458.
  9. ^ Roy, Himanshu (2020). Indian Political Thought Themes and Thinker. Pearson. p. 81. ISBN 978-93-325-8733-5.
  10. ^ Social Stratification Among Muslims in India Archived 18 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine by Zarina Bhatty
  11. ^ Partap C. Aggarwal 1978.
  12. ^ Bhimrao Ambedkar 1945.
  13. ^ Muzaffar Alam, The Languages of Political Islam in India: c. 1200-1800, The University of Chicago Press, 2004, pp. 41-42
  14. ^ Barani, Fatawa-yi-Jahandari, folios 247b-248a
  15. ^ Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 355.
  16. ^ Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 355-356.
  17. ^ roy;singh, himanshu;M.P. (2020). Indian Political Thought. Pearson. p. 86. ISBN 978-93-325-8733-5.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

References

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Further reading

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