Combining insights from International Relations theory and Comparative Politics, this chapter dis... more Combining insights from International Relations theory and Comparative Politics, this chapter discusses the effect of international politics on the political fortune of populist parties in the world as well as the impact of populist parties on their countries' foreign policies. It argues that at least four different types of populist parties can be distinguished, each with a distinct foreign policy agenda.
This chapter investigates the strategies of, and interactions between, mainstream and populist ra... more This chapter investigates the strategies of, and interactions between, mainstream and populist radical right parties (PRR) in the Netherlands in order to assess to which extent the success (or failure) of Dutch PRR parties can be explained by the different ways in which mainstream parties in the Netherlands engage with their PRR niche contender. The chapter focuses on how mainstream and PRR parties compete over immigration and integration.
Why do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than wo... more Why do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than women still vote for the PRR? Can attitudes regarding gender and gender equality explain these differences (if they exist)? These are the questions that Spierings and Zaslove explore in this article. They begin with an analysis of men's and women's voting patterns for PRR parties in seven countries, comparing these results with voting for mainstream (left-wing and right-wing) parties. They then examine the relationship between attitudes and votes for the populist radical right, focusing on economic redistribution, immigration, trust in the European Union, law and order, environmental protection, personal freedom and development, support for gender equality, and homosexuality. They conclude that more men than women do indeed support PRR parties, as many studies have previously demonstrated. However, the difference is often overemphasized in the literature, in part since it is examined in isolation and not compared with voting for (centre-right) mainstream parties. Moreover, the most important reasons that voters support PRR parties seem to be the same for men and for women; both vote for the populist radical right because of their opposition to immigration. In general, there are no consistent cross-country patterns regarding gender attitudes explaining differences between men and women. There are some recurring country-specific findings though. Most notably: first, among women, economic positions seem to matter less; and economically more left-wing (and those with anti-immigrant attitudes) women also vote for the PRR in Belgium, France, Norway and Switzerland; and, second, those who hold authoritarian or nativist views in combination with a strong belief that gays and lesbians should be able to ‘live their lives as they choose’ are disproportionately much more likely to vote for PRR parties in Sweden and Norway. Despite these findings, Spierings and Zaslove argue that the so-called ‘gender gap’ is often overemphasized. In other words, it appears that populist radical-right parties, with respect to sex and gender, are in many ways simply a more radical version of centre-right parties.
A special issue (Patterns of Prejudice) on how populist radical right politics is gendered, in te... more A special issue (Patterns of Prejudice) on how populist radical right politics is gendered, in terms of leadership, voting behaviour, and party ideologies. Are these parties across Western Europe a clear party family when it comes to gender? And are they 'men's parties'? The special issue includes 6 contributions of leading scholars in the field and compares populist radical right parties in Western Europe with Eastern European parties, left-wing populists in latin america, main right-wing parties, and neoliberal populist. It touches upon issues of anti-immigration, family traditionalism, anti-Islam feminism, masculine leadership, anti-Islam LGBT rhetoric, masculine culture, 9/11, and more. Additionally, the issue opens with a general framework in the introduction and present the core findings and a research agenda in a seperate and summarizing conclusion.
Combining insights from International Relations theory and Comparative Politics, this chapter dis... more Combining insights from International Relations theory and Comparative Politics, this chapter discusses the effect of international politics on the political fortune of populist parties in the world as well as the impact of populist parties on their countries' foreign policies. It argues that at least four different types of populist parties can be distinguished, each with a distinct foreign policy agenda.
This chapter investigates the strategies of, and interactions between, mainstream and populist ra... more This chapter investigates the strategies of, and interactions between, mainstream and populist radical right parties (PRR) in the Netherlands in order to assess to which extent the success (or failure) of Dutch PRR parties can be explained by the different ways in which mainstream parties in the Netherlands engage with their PRR niche contender. The chapter focuses on how mainstream and PRR parties compete over immigration and integration.
Why do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than wo... more Why do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than women still vote for the PRR? Can attitudes regarding gender and gender equality explain these differences (if they exist)? These are the questions that Spierings and Zaslove explore in this article. They begin with an analysis of men's and women's voting patterns for PRR parties in seven countries, comparing these results with voting for mainstream (left-wing and right-wing) parties. They then examine the relationship between attitudes and votes for the populist radical right, focusing on economic redistribution, immigration, trust in the European Union, law and order, environmental protection, personal freedom and development, support for gender equality, and homosexuality. They conclude that more men than women do indeed support PRR parties, as many studies have previously demonstrated. However, the difference is often overemphasized in the literature, in part since it is examined in isolation and not compared with voting for (centre-right) mainstream parties. Moreover, the most important reasons that voters support PRR parties seem to be the same for men and for women; both vote for the populist radical right because of their opposition to immigration. In general, there are no consistent cross-country patterns regarding gender attitudes explaining differences between men and women. There are some recurring country-specific findings though. Most notably: first, among women, economic positions seem to matter less; and economically more left-wing (and those with anti-immigrant attitudes) women also vote for the PRR in Belgium, France, Norway and Switzerland; and, second, those who hold authoritarian or nativist views in combination with a strong belief that gays and lesbians should be able to ‘live their lives as they choose’ are disproportionately much more likely to vote for PRR parties in Sweden and Norway. Despite these findings, Spierings and Zaslove argue that the so-called ‘gender gap’ is often overemphasized. In other words, it appears that populist radical-right parties, with respect to sex and gender, are in many ways simply a more radical version of centre-right parties.
A special issue (Patterns of Prejudice) on how populist radical right politics is gendered, in te... more A special issue (Patterns of Prejudice) on how populist radical right politics is gendered, in terms of leadership, voting behaviour, and party ideologies. Are these parties across Western Europe a clear party family when it comes to gender? And are they 'men's parties'? The special issue includes 6 contributions of leading scholars in the field and compares populist radical right parties in Western Europe with Eastern European parties, left-wing populists in latin america, main right-wing parties, and neoliberal populist. It touches upon issues of anti-immigration, family traditionalism, anti-Islam feminism, masculine leadership, anti-Islam LGBT rhetoric, masculine culture, 9/11, and more. Additionally, the issue opens with a general framework in the introduction and present the core findings and a research agenda in a seperate and summarizing conclusion.
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Papers by Andrej Zaslove
The special issue includes 6 contributions of leading scholars in the field and compares populist radical right parties in Western Europe with Eastern European parties, left-wing populists in latin america, main right-wing parties, and neoliberal populist. It touches upon issues of anti-immigration, family traditionalism, anti-Islam feminism, masculine leadership, anti-Islam LGBT rhetoric, masculine culture, 9/11, and more.
Additionally, the issue opens with a general framework in the introduction and present the core findings and a research agenda in a seperate and summarizing conclusion.
The special issue includes 6 contributions of leading scholars in the field and compares populist radical right parties in Western Europe with Eastern European parties, left-wing populists in latin america, main right-wing parties, and neoliberal populist. It touches upon issues of anti-immigration, family traditionalism, anti-Islam feminism, masculine leadership, anti-Islam LGBT rhetoric, masculine culture, 9/11, and more.
Additionally, the issue opens with a general framework in the introduction and present the core findings and a research agenda in a seperate and summarizing conclusion.