Papers by Burcu Culhaoglu Taskin (Alumni)
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Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 2024
The role of institutional factors on party system change has received increasing scholarly attent... more The role of institutional factors on party system change has received increasing scholarly attention. This article analyses the emergence of new trends in the structure of party competition in Turkey following the transition from parliamentarism to presidentialism in 2017. The newly-adopted presidential system endowed the president with extraordinary powers and reduced the role of the parliament. Presidential elections assumed central importance in electoral politics; competition was structured by pre-electoral coalitions and party alliances; more than two-thirds of the voters cast their ballots for one of the two main electoral alliances; and there was a trend towards the emergence of a bipolar party system. The analysis presented in this study emphasizes the role of institutional engineering, especially the introduction of presidentialism and changes in electoral laws, as major factors in the restructuring of the Turkish party system.
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Balkan araştırma enstitüsü dergisi, Jul 1, 2022
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Medeniyet araştırmaları dergisi, Dec 31, 2020
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Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Mar 21, 2020
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Regional & Federal Studies, Dec 16, 2020
ABSTRACT The March 2019 provincial and municipal elections in Turkey consolidated a two-bloc syst... more ABSTRACT The March 2019 provincial and municipal elections in Turkey consolidated a two-bloc system consisting of an AKP-led alliance in favour of a presidential system and an alliance headed by the CHP which is against a presidential system. An urban–rural cleavage underlies and increases the polarization among Turkey’s voters. The CHP has gained control over the wealthy and populous metropolitan municipalities whereas the AKP still holds majorities in the provincial assemblies. The 2019 local elections also highlight the increasing reliance of the AKP on the MHP to win absolute majorities. This gives the opposition parties hope that they may overcome AKP’s electoral dominance in the national parliament as well as in the provincial and municipal assemblies.
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Springer eBooks, Dec 2, 2021
Although Turkey’s legal arrangements stimulated by the EU harmonisation process has empowered the... more Although Turkey’s legal arrangements stimulated by the EU harmonisation process has empowered the number of NGOs and trade unions and increased women’s representation in decision-making institutions, EU gender equality incentives have been weakened by domestic factors, such as political polarisation between unions and the symbiotic relationship between conservative unions and Turkey’s ruling party, JDP. Based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with three confederation chairs and novel data from their public discourses between 2009 and 2020, this chapter examines how political polarisation in Turkey inhibits the representation of women’s interests in collective bargaining process. In light of neo-corporatist framework, we argue that although women union leaders are in higher executive positions in left-wing trade unions, and they particularly target gender-related issues, such as quotas, equal pay and parental leave, their ideological stances and legal constraints are the most significant determinants for including them in collective bargaining.
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Turkish Studies, Oct 2, 2015
Abstract This study evaluates the influence of party competitiveness, number of parties and inter... more Abstract This study evaluates the influence of party competitiveness, number of parties and intervention of non-elected actors, as well as socio-economic and institutional factors, with respect to voter turnout in Turkish parliamentary and local elections. While statistical results contradicted expectations, the application of compulsory voting proved to be the single most important determinant for an increase in voter turnout, whereas electoral type and electoral system difference become insignificant for electoral participation motivation. The first democratic elections following a military intervention generally shows a significant jump in voter turnout, but it also causes a decrease in the number of parties and diminishes party competition for the following electoral terms. Large numbers of registered voters and high voter turnout motivate parties to compete in the elections. Nevertheless, lack of party competition and a 10 percent electoral threshold enable only a few parties to take a piece of this enormous electoral pie.
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Journal of Civil Society, Jul 3, 2022
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Dieser Artikel analysiert Frauenreprasentation in der Turkei in sowohl deskriptiver als auch subs... more Dieser Artikel analysiert Frauenreprasentation in der Turkei in sowohl deskriptiver als auch substantieller Hinsicht. Obwohl der Anteil an weiblichen Politiker*innen im turkischen Parlament von nur 4% im Jahre 1999 auf 17,6% bei den Parlamentswahlen 2018 stieg, ging dies nicht mit einem Anstieg in der Effektivitat von weiblichen Abgeordneten einher. Andererseits brachte eine gleichmasigere Verteilung der Sitze auf unterschiedliche Parteien eine Erhohung der Reprasentation von Frauen. Wahrend der spaten 1990er und fruhen 2000er wurden diese institutionellen Moglichkeit zur Starkung der Reprasentation von Frauen und dem Durchbrechen traditioneller patron-client-Beziehungen durch Frauenbewegungen und die gesellschaftliche Forderung von Frauenrechten in der Turkei erganzt, die mit dem hoch willkommenen EU-Beitrittsprozess zusammenfielen. Insgesamt betrachtet hindern jedoch kulturelle Einschrankungen wie die starke Polarisierung zwischen Parteien und der Konflikt zwischen islamistischen ...
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Liberal Düşünce Dergisi, 2020
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Balkan Araştırma Enstitüsü Dergisi, 2020
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Social Partners and Gender Equality, 2021
Although Turkey’s legal arrangements stimulated by the EU harmonisation process has empowered the... more Although Turkey’s legal arrangements stimulated by the EU harmonisation process has empowered the number of NGOs and trade unions and increased women’s representation in decision-making institutions, EU gender equality incentives have been weakened by domestic factors, such as political polarisation between unions and the symbiotic relationship between conservative unions and Turkey’s ruling party, JDP. Based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with three confederation chairs and novel data from their public discourses between 2009 and 2020, this chapter examines how political polarisation in Turkey inhibits the representation of women’s interests in collective bargaining process. In light of neo-corporatist framework, we argue that although women union leaders are in higher executive positions in left-wing trade unions, and they particularly target gender-related issues, such as quotas, equal pay and parental leave, their ideological stances and legal constraints are the most significant determinants for including them in collective bargaining.
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Feminist Framing of Europeanisation, 2020
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Journal of Balkan Research Institute, 2022
Nationwide electoral thresholds (NETs) are known to secure a parliamentary majority for the large... more Nationwide electoral thresholds (NETs) are known to secure a parliamentary majority for the largest party, reduce party system fragmentation, and prevent extreme, minor, or non-core group parties from entering parliament. By comparing Greece and Turkey, which have applied NETs since 1993 and 1983 respectively, this article investigates why some of these aims have not been achieved. Using time-series data since 1950, we show that neither country needed to introduce NETs to establish single-party governments. Rather, they were implemented primarily to prevent noncore groups from entering parliament as a party. This caused disproportional legislative representation, especially in Turkey. Although Turkey's NET initially reduced the raw number of parties contesting elections, this effect weakened in the long run and, in contrast to the literature, increased party system fragmentation. Finally, extreme parties have benefitted from Greece's fragmented party system since 2012 whereas electoral engineering in Turkey has failed to prevent non-core groups from passing the electoral threshold.
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Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
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Research and Policy on Turkey, 2017
The Greek-Orthodox community, which was granted collective rights by the ‘millet
system’ in the O... more The Greek-Orthodox community, which was granted collective rights by the ‘millet
system’ in the Ottoman state and then by the 1923 Lausanne Treaty, today is
deprived of the necessary population number to enjoy these rights. Through the brief
analysis of the changes from the Ottoman period to the present time in representation
in state offices; efficiency in foundation management; functioning of cultural associations;
number of MPs; and number of school pupils, the paper argues that protection
of the ‘right to be equal’ and ‘right to participate’ are necessities for minority groups
to preserve their collective rights including the ‘right to the city’. Although there are
several solutions to ameliorate the radical reduction in the Greek-Orthodox population
in Istanbul, the present situation signals that the Greek language will not be the
dominant element within the Orthodox religion; and religion will be the binding factor
replacing Greek ethnic culture. This creates a trade off for the Greek-Orthodox
minority, as the existence of the Patriarchate will also be at stake if its community
withers away.
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Turkish Studies, 2015
This study evaluates the influence of party competitiveness, number of parties and intervention o... more This study evaluates the influence of party competitiveness, number of parties and intervention of non-elected actors, as well as socio-economic and institutional factors, with respect to voter turnout in Turkish parliamentary and local elections. While statistical results contradicted expectations, the application of compulsory voting proved to be the single most important determinant for an increase in voter turnout, whereas electoral type and electoral system difference become insignificant for electoral participation motivation. The first democratic elections following a military intervention generally shows a significant jump in voter turnout, but it also causes a decrease in the number of parties and diminishes party competition for the following electoral terms. Large numbers of registered voters and high voter turnout motivate parties to compete in the elections. Nevertheless, lack of party competition and a 10 percent electoral threshold enable only a few parties to take a piece of this enormous electoral pie.
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Papers by Burcu Culhaoglu Taskin (Alumni)
system’ in the Ottoman state and then by the 1923 Lausanne Treaty, today is
deprived of the necessary population number to enjoy these rights. Through the brief
analysis of the changes from the Ottoman period to the present time in representation
in state offices; efficiency in foundation management; functioning of cultural associations;
number of MPs; and number of school pupils, the paper argues that protection
of the ‘right to be equal’ and ‘right to participate’ are necessities for minority groups
to preserve their collective rights including the ‘right to the city’. Although there are
several solutions to ameliorate the radical reduction in the Greek-Orthodox population
in Istanbul, the present situation signals that the Greek language will not be the
dominant element within the Orthodox religion; and religion will be the binding factor
replacing Greek ethnic culture. This creates a trade off for the Greek-Orthodox
minority, as the existence of the Patriarchate will also be at stake if its community
withers away.
system’ in the Ottoman state and then by the 1923 Lausanne Treaty, today is
deprived of the necessary population number to enjoy these rights. Through the brief
analysis of the changes from the Ottoman period to the present time in representation
in state offices; efficiency in foundation management; functioning of cultural associations;
number of MPs; and number of school pupils, the paper argues that protection
of the ‘right to be equal’ and ‘right to participate’ are necessities for minority groups
to preserve their collective rights including the ‘right to the city’. Although there are
several solutions to ameliorate the radical reduction in the Greek-Orthodox population
in Istanbul, the present situation signals that the Greek language will not be the
dominant element within the Orthodox religion; and religion will be the binding factor
replacing Greek ethnic culture. This creates a trade off for the Greek-Orthodox
minority, as the existence of the Patriarchate will also be at stake if its community
withers away.
domestic policies, foreign politics and bilateral relations particularly since the establishment of
their nation-states from the Ottoman Empire. How nationalism is instrumented by political
elites was analyzed in Putnam’s ‘Two-level Game Model’ (1988). He asserts that the negotiating
behavior of politicians reflects the simultaneous imperatives of both a domestic political game
and an international game, and while nationalism sometimes increases their negotiation leverage,
it can also deter a possible peace to be achieved (Putnam 1988). While Putnam’s well-known
study discusses the linkage between domestic and international politics in a society, it does not
explain the factors that determine the particular political outcome (choice of confrontation or
peace) within same society. Neophytos Loizides’ well-documented book The Politics of Majority
Nationalism: Framing Peace, Stalemates, and Crises is derived from an interesting observation:
‘Why in the early 1990s did Greek society focus its attention on the least threatening Macedonia
issue instead of the traditional rivalries with Turkey or Albania?’ The author presents an impressive
cross-level study on majority nationalism and the role of elite framing in ethnic politics,
and aims to understand why societies succeed or fail in their choice of peace.
zayıf merkezî yapısı, siyasal ve ekonomik istikrarsızlıkları ile azınlıklar için
yine en tehlikeli bölgedir. Sömürge döneminde yapay sınırlarla farklı ülkelere
bölünen ancak etnik bağlılıklarını sürdüren birçok kabilenin yer aldığı kıtada
azınlık haklarının ve farklı toplulukların tanınması, güvence altına alınması ve
korunması uzun süreli barış ve istikrar sağlanması için önem taşımaktadır. Bu
çalışma ortaya koymaktadır ki siyasal kültürden ziyade yerleşmiş ve adil işleyen
siyasal kurumların eksikliğinden doğan belirsizlik ortamı darbe, ayaklanma,
iç savaş ve etnik katliam gibi olayların birincil sorumlusudur. Ulusal değil
kişisel menfaati ön planda tutan ve tüm yetkileri elinde bulunduran üniter aşırı-
başkanlık sistemleri, eski sömürge yönetiminin oligarşik yapısını nepotizm,
kabilecilik ve bölgecilik altında devam ettirmekte, dışlanan grupların siyasal
ve ekonomik kaynaklara erişiminin kısıtlanması etnik çatışmaları beraberinde
getirmektedir. Ruanda, Burundi ve Gine ülkelerinin karşılaştırmalı incelemesi
iktidar paylaşımının yanı sıra temsiliyetin de önemini ortaya koymaktadır.