... After that my eldest son went to work for the Yahud (Jews) on the new road connecting Sharm a... more ... After that my eldest son went to work for the Yahud (Jews) on the new road connecting Sharm al-Sheikh and Eilat. ... A new asphalt road was paved which stretched along the western coast and connected the city of Suez with Sharm al-Sheikh. ...
Abstract: This paper reviews events leading to the settlement of Al-Simākiya, a Jordanian village... more Abstract: This paper reviews events leading to the settlement of Al-Simākiya, a Jordanian village, about 1909. Settled by two tribes of Bedouin Christians under the leadership of Catholic missionaries from Palestine, the village is an eastern most outpost of the greater Mediterranean region, and as such, is symbolic of the continuous flux of Mediterranean influences on its eastern frontier. Though nomadic pastoralists had dominated the area, village formation of a Mediterranean type seems an inevitable response to modernity. Close examination, however, reveals that Al-Simākiya was formed in response to complex and interrelated economic, political and demographic trends in the region.
Can Ethnographers Contribute to an Anti-Torture Movement in the Middle East? Although campaigns f... more Can Ethnographers Contribute to an Anti-Torture Movement in the Middle East? Although campaigns for universal human rights have been intellectually and emotionally compelling for many anthropologists, they have tended to embroil them in fruitless polemics about cultural relativism with non-Western thinkers and policy-makers. Often "universalist" discourses about "rights" depend on values and distinctions that are far from universal and that stem, in fact, from Christian, secular, or "modernist" notions about punishment, suffering, and redemption. To make some practical contribution to the struggle for human dignity in the Middle East, it may be preferable to aim for a more limited goal: the abolition of torture in the region. Consensus about the illegitimacy of torture is more easily reached, since none of the Middle East's religious or philosophical traditions condone it. What is more, empirical data demonstrate that torture has increased in frequency in the region and is widely perceived, both by insiders and outsiders, as a growing problem. Ethnographers could play a role in documenting incidents of torture and in building coalitions of Middle Eastern and outsider activists who, working together, could expose torture and bring pressure to bear on those who inflict it.
Journal of nutrition in recipe & menu development, Jun 11, 1996
This paper offers a cross cultural interpretation of hospitality in Jordan and Britain. These two... more This paper offers a cross cultural interpretation of hospitality in Jordan and Britain. These two countries have been chosen to illustrate the more general differences between hospitality in most English-speaking countries and hospitality in most Arabic-speaking countries. The goal in pointing out the differences between British and Jordanian hospitality is to sensitize hospitality professionals to the historical and cultural backgrounds which inspire and guide the delivery of hospitality services.
Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on gener... more Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on generosity, while the spatial separation between female hosts and male guests has been held to express an Arab "honor and shame" value complex. These views obscure the use of hospitality for incorporating a guest into the hosts' household and also lead us to overlook the role of Arab women in hospitality. This analysis treats hospitality as a ritual which instantiates a mediated opposition between the senior woman of a household who gives food and shelter and a guest who receives it. [Eastern Sudan, Rashaayda Bedouin, ritual, hospitality, household structure, cross-cultural comparison, reciprocity, Arab gender] William C. Young, Ph.D. in Anthropology (University of California, Los Angeles 1988), researcher in Arabic (University of Maryland, Center for Advanced Study of Language, since 2003). His publications include: "From Local 'Tribe' to Transnational Arab Society. The 'New' Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan" (In: G. Spindler and J. E. Stockard [eds.], "Globalization and Change in Fifteen Cultures." Belmont 2007); "Women's Performance in Ritual Context. Weddings among the Rashaayda of Sudan" (In: S. Zuhur [ed.], "Images of Enchantment." Cairo 1998); "From Many, One. The Social Construction of the Rashayida Tribe in Eastern Sudan" (Northeast African Studies 1998); see also References Cited. Hospitality is a ubiquitous component of life in the Arab societies of the Middle East. Its importance for social relations has been well documented for every region in the Arab world.1 The Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan2 are no exception. Among the Rashaayda guests are greeted, fed, and entertained in accordance with a detailed and elaborate set of rules. Generous hospitality is highly valued and the quality of a household's hospitality contributes to its reputation and social standing. Three aspects of Rashiidi3 hospitality, however, are unexpected and puzzling. First, among the Rashaayda a household cannot make a complete offering of hospitality unless the senior woman of that household is present. If visitors approach a tent whose female household head is absent, 1 For descriptions of hospitality among the Al Murra Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Cole (1975: 49 f., 66-68); for the Rwala Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Lancaster (1981: 82 f.); for northwestern Arabia generally, see Doughty (1979/1: 287) and Sowayan (1985: 41); for agriculturalists in Jordan, see Antoun (1972: 110, 112, 136); for Syrian agriculturalists, see Sweet (1960: 128-132); for Palestinian agriculturalists, see Rosenfeld (1974); for agriculturalists in Asir, see Dostal's comments on the reception room (1983: 82); for Yemen, see Dorsky (1986: 68-71) and Meneley (1996); for Oman, see Eickelman (1984: 67-79); for Iraq, see Fernea (1969:116-125); for Egyptian Bedouin, see Abou-Zeid (1966) and Abu-Lughod (1986: 13, 15, 46, 49, 66, 92, 111, 116); for urban Egypt, see Lane (1871: 13, 183) and Berque (1957: 48 f., 63, 68); for Tunisia, see Demeerseman (1944a, 1944b, 1944c) and Lanfry (1938); for the Bedouin of Algeria, see Naphegyi (1868: 127, 132, 138140); for the Arabs of Chad and Darfur in the nineteenth century, see Nachtigal (1971: 11 f., 116, 245, 251-253, 362). 2 Fieldwork was carried out among the Rashaayda Bedouin in northeastern Sudan from January 1978 to December 1980. 3 The adjective "Rashiidi" and the name of the Rashaayda itself are derived from the name of the Rashaayda' s eponymous ancestor, rashiid. "Rashaayda" is the plural form of rashiid. I have omitted the underscore for /sh/ when I write the Rashaayda' s name to simplify the spelling for comparative ethnographers. Other writers have spelled the name differently: Rashaida, Rashayda, etc. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.157 on Thu, 09 Jun 2016 06:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
INTRODUCTION In this paper we draw attention to a number of methodological and conceptual issues ... more INTRODUCTION In this paper we draw attention to a number of methodological and conceptual issues related to the study of the Arab family. Our focus is on anthropological approaches. We choose this focus, not so much to consolidate disciplinary boundaries but to emphasize the usefulness of a holistic understanding of the social unit identified in society as "the family." One of our concerns is to determine to what degree the family exhibits a specificity peculiar to the Arab region. While it is certainly important to identify the characteristics of families in this region, it is equally important to de-mystify the term "the Arab family" and to challenge the assumption of an enduring, timeless, and unchanging entity. The paper will start with a brief description of conceptual distinctions inspired by crosscultural approaches to the family, then discuss the attempts at reaching a definition of the Arab family.' Finally, the paper outlines the parameters of variation in family forms and functions in the context of broader social, political, and economic change. What is the Family? Anthropologists no longer try to arrive at a universal definition of the family; decades of research in a wide variety of societies have demonstrated that no matter how we formulate a definition of "the family," there will always be exceptional cases which do not conform to it strictly.2 For us the important point is to have a clear idea of what "the family" might be in the societies that we have chosen to study, that is, Arab societies. At least four different answers to the question, "What is the family?" can be distinguished analytically. It is a social unit: ( 1 ) based on common descent, or "shared blood"; (2) whose members share the same dwelling; (3) in which the members work to accomplish a particular set of tasks, such as the productionand distribution of food; and (4) through which individuals are socialized and acquire important elements of social identity, including gender identity, linguistic/ethnic/national identity, and religious identity. Each of these four definitions brings with it distinctive methodological issues. To carry out research about "the family" it is crucial to distinguish between the two very different principles on which it is based: common descent and co-residence. The first principle specifies the rights and responsibilities allocated to kin, while the second defines membership in a household. Once these general analytical features of families have been established cross-culturally, the analysis can only proceed toward culturally-specific forms. At this point we must take into account the particular society's own definition of "the family." Khuri (1975:103-105) complains that most previous works on Middle Eastern "families" do not clearly specify whether the units being discussed consist of groups of "relatives" or consist of people who are actually living together in a single house. The result is that earlier work is so general and vague as to be almost useless. This represents a failure to apply the general, cross-cultural analytical distinctions. What is more, many works fail to present clearly what the local meaning of terms such as "family" (ahal), "household" (bayt), and kin group ('a'ila). If we do attempt to apply these general distinctions and, at the same time, inquire about local meanings and specific cases, we find a great deal of variation. Let us look at "descent" in Arab families first. Common Descent. Common descent can take many forms. In the Arab world it is often conceptualized as the sharing of physical substances (blood, flesh, and nerve)3 which are thought to be transmitted from one generation to the next through the process of sexual reproduction. Blood (Arabic: dam) is said to be transmitted from both parents to their children, while nerve (`as ab) is said only to be transmitted patrilineally. This notion of descent makes it possible for any individual to trace links through both paternal and maternal ancestors to a great many people. …
Economic change among pastoral nomads in the Middle East / Emanuel Marx -- Th desert frontier in ... more Economic change among pastoral nomads in the Middle East / Emanuel Marx -- Th desert frontier in Judea / Avshalom Shmueli -- The Islamization of the Bedou family in the Judean desert ... / Aharon Layish -- Blood revenge in Bedouin society / Joseph Ginat -- The exercise of power by Bedouin women in the Nege Gillian Lewando-Hundt -- Changes in employment and social accommodations of Bedouin settling in an Israeli town / Gideon M. Kressel -- Arab al-Hjeraat Rohn Eloul -- Changing employment patterns of Bedouin in South Sinai / Emanu Marx.
Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Ar... more Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Arab world. There is evidence that at least some of these groups originated in northwestern Arabia, where some of their ancestors lived centuries ago. More significantly, many of them have recently become aware of each other's existence. Some are constructing a historical and genealogical narrative about common out-migration from Arabia. This narrative does more than explain why they share the same name; it also (re)constructs the kinship bonds that link them. Research has begun in Jordan, Kuwait, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan to explore this process of "awakening" to a common past. Nine researchers are collecting ethnographic and linguistic data about six different Rashāyidah groups and the various localities where they live. The researchers will describe the relationships of each group with its neighbors and will explore the motivations for adopting a new, diasporic, identity while at the same time reworking the details of their established tribal and national identities.
Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Ar... more Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Arab world. There is evidence that at least some of these groups originated in northwestern Arabia, where some of their ancestors lived centuries ago. More significantly, many of them have recently become aware of each other's existence. Some are constructing a historical and genealogical narrative about common out-migration from Arabia. This narrative does more than explain why they share the same name; it also (re)constructs the kinship bonds that link them. Research has begun in Jordan, Kuwait, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan to explore this process of "awakening" to a common past. Nine researchers are collecting ethnographic and linguistic data about six different Rashāyidah groups and the various localities where they live. The researchers will describe the relationships of each group with its neighbors and will explore the motivations for adopting a new, diasporic, identity while at the same time reworking the details of their established tribal and national identities.
Structure and Dynamics: eJournal of Anthropological and Related Sciences, 2019
Author(s): Young, William C | Abstract: Most scholars of tribal organization among the Bedouin of... more Author(s): Young, William C | Abstract: Most scholars of tribal organization among the Bedouin of the eastern Arab world utilize a two-dimensional, hierarchical model of Bedouin kinship that represents only relations of descent and affinity. This model resembles a genealogy and shows how small descent units are enclosed by larger ones. It implies that tribes grow in size only through biological reproduction. Such a representation of the Bedouin tribe fails to distinguish politically central lineages from politically peripheral lineages and also ignores the processes through which foreign lineages become “attached” as clients to politically powerful, central lineages. To correct and supplement this genealogical model, the author presents a concentric model of Bedouin tribes that adds a “central/peripheral” distinction. This model also includes relations of political “attachment” that can affect the internal morphology and growth of Bedouin tribes in ways that are comparable to the ef...
The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access... more The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact
Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on gener... more Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on generosity, while the spatial separation between female hosts and male guests has been held to express an Arab "honor and shame" value complex. These views obscure the use of hospitality for incorporating a guest into the hosts' household and also lead us to overlook the role of Arab women in hospitality. This analysis treats hospitality as a ritual which instantiates a mediated opposition between the senior woman of a household who gives food and shelter and a guest who receives it. [Eastern Sudan, Rashaayda Bedouin, ritual, hospitality, household structure, cross-cultural comparison, reciprocity, Arab gender] William C. Young, Ph.D. in Anthropology (University of California, Los Angeles 1988), researcher in Arabic (University of Maryland, Center for Advanced Study of Language, since 2003). His publications include: "From Local 'Tribe' to Transnational Arab Society. The 'New' Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan" (In: G. Spindler and J. E. Stockard [eds.], "Globalization and Change in Fifteen Cultures." Belmont 2007); "Women's Performance in Ritual Context. Weddings among the Rashaayda of Sudan" (In: S. Zuhur [ed.], "Images of Enchantment." Cairo 1998); "From Many, One. The Social Construction of the Rashayida Tribe in Eastern Sudan" (Northeast African Studies 1998); see also References Cited. Hospitality is a ubiquitous component of life in the Arab societies of the Middle East. Its importance for social relations has been well documented for every region in the Arab world.1 The Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan2 are no exception. Among the Rashaayda guests are greeted, fed, and entertained in accordance with a detailed and elaborate set of rules. Generous hospitality is highly valued and the quality of a household's hospitality contributes to its reputation and social standing. Three aspects of Rashiidi3 hospitality, however, are unexpected and puzzling. First, among the Rashaayda a household cannot make a complete offering of hospitality unless the senior woman of that household is present. If visitors approach a tent whose female household head is absent, 1 For descriptions of hospitality among the Al Murra Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Cole (1975: 49 f., 66-68); for the Rwala Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Lancaster (1981: 82 f.); for northwestern Arabia generally, see Doughty (1979/1: 287) and Sowayan (1985: 41); for agriculturalists in Jordan, see Antoun (1972: 110, 112, 136); for Syrian agriculturalists, see Sweet (1960: 128-132); for Palestinian agriculturalists, see Rosenfeld (1974); for agriculturalists in Asir, see Dostal's comments on the reception room (1983: 82); for Yemen, see Dorsky (1986: 68-71) and Meneley (1996); for Oman, see Eickelman (1984: 67-79); for Iraq, see Fernea (1969:116-125); for Egyptian Bedouin, see Abou-Zeid (1966) and Abu-Lughod (1986: 13, 15, 46, 49, 66, 92, 111, 116); for urban Egypt, see Lane (1871: 13, 183) and Berque (1957: 48 f., 63, 68); for Tunisia, see Demeerseman (1944a, 1944b, 1944c) and Lanfry (1938); for the Bedouin of Algeria, see Naphegyi (1868: 127, 132, 138140); for the Arabs of Chad and Darfur in the nineteenth century, see Nachtigal (1971: 11 f., 116, 245, 251-253, 362). 2 Fieldwork was carried out among the Rashaayda Bedouin in northeastern Sudan from January 1978 to December 1980. 3 The adjective "Rashiidi" and the name of the Rashaayda itself are derived from the name of the Rashaayda' s eponymous ancestor, rashiid. "Rashaayda" is the plural form of rashiid. I have omitted the underscore for /sh/ when I write the Rashaayda' s name to simplify the spelling for comparative ethnographers. Other writers have spelled the name differently: Rashaida, Rashayda, etc. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.157 on Thu, 09 Jun 2016 06:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
... After that my eldest son went to work for the Yahud (Jews) on the new road connecting Sharm a... more ... After that my eldest son went to work for the Yahud (Jews) on the new road connecting Sharm al-Sheikh and Eilat. ... A new asphalt road was paved which stretched along the western coast and connected the city of Suez with Sharm al-Sheikh. ...
Abstract: This paper reviews events leading to the settlement of Al-Simākiya, a Jordanian village... more Abstract: This paper reviews events leading to the settlement of Al-Simākiya, a Jordanian village, about 1909. Settled by two tribes of Bedouin Christians under the leadership of Catholic missionaries from Palestine, the village is an eastern most outpost of the greater Mediterranean region, and as such, is symbolic of the continuous flux of Mediterranean influences on its eastern frontier. Though nomadic pastoralists had dominated the area, village formation of a Mediterranean type seems an inevitable response to modernity. Close examination, however, reveals that Al-Simākiya was formed in response to complex and interrelated economic, political and demographic trends in the region.
Can Ethnographers Contribute to an Anti-Torture Movement in the Middle East? Although campaigns f... more Can Ethnographers Contribute to an Anti-Torture Movement in the Middle East? Although campaigns for universal human rights have been intellectually and emotionally compelling for many anthropologists, they have tended to embroil them in fruitless polemics about cultural relativism with non-Western thinkers and policy-makers. Often "universalist" discourses about "rights" depend on values and distinctions that are far from universal and that stem, in fact, from Christian, secular, or "modernist" notions about punishment, suffering, and redemption. To make some practical contribution to the struggle for human dignity in the Middle East, it may be preferable to aim for a more limited goal: the abolition of torture in the region. Consensus about the illegitimacy of torture is more easily reached, since none of the Middle East's religious or philosophical traditions condone it. What is more, empirical data demonstrate that torture has increased in frequency in the region and is widely perceived, both by insiders and outsiders, as a growing problem. Ethnographers could play a role in documenting incidents of torture and in building coalitions of Middle Eastern and outsider activists who, working together, could expose torture and bring pressure to bear on those who inflict it.
Journal of nutrition in recipe & menu development, Jun 11, 1996
This paper offers a cross cultural interpretation of hospitality in Jordan and Britain. These two... more This paper offers a cross cultural interpretation of hospitality in Jordan and Britain. These two countries have been chosen to illustrate the more general differences between hospitality in most English-speaking countries and hospitality in most Arabic-speaking countries. The goal in pointing out the differences between British and Jordanian hospitality is to sensitize hospitality professionals to the historical and cultural backgrounds which inspire and guide the delivery of hospitality services.
Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on gener... more Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on generosity, while the spatial separation between female hosts and male guests has been held to express an Arab "honor and shame" value complex. These views obscure the use of hospitality for incorporating a guest into the hosts' household and also lead us to overlook the role of Arab women in hospitality. This analysis treats hospitality as a ritual which instantiates a mediated opposition between the senior woman of a household who gives food and shelter and a guest who receives it. [Eastern Sudan, Rashaayda Bedouin, ritual, hospitality, household structure, cross-cultural comparison, reciprocity, Arab gender] William C. Young, Ph.D. in Anthropology (University of California, Los Angeles 1988), researcher in Arabic (University of Maryland, Center for Advanced Study of Language, since 2003). His publications include: "From Local 'Tribe' to Transnational Arab Society. The 'New' Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan" (In: G. Spindler and J. E. Stockard [eds.], "Globalization and Change in Fifteen Cultures." Belmont 2007); "Women's Performance in Ritual Context. Weddings among the Rashaayda of Sudan" (In: S. Zuhur [ed.], "Images of Enchantment." Cairo 1998); "From Many, One. The Social Construction of the Rashayida Tribe in Eastern Sudan" (Northeast African Studies 1998); see also References Cited. Hospitality is a ubiquitous component of life in the Arab societies of the Middle East. Its importance for social relations has been well documented for every region in the Arab world.1 The Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan2 are no exception. Among the Rashaayda guests are greeted, fed, and entertained in accordance with a detailed and elaborate set of rules. Generous hospitality is highly valued and the quality of a household's hospitality contributes to its reputation and social standing. Three aspects of Rashiidi3 hospitality, however, are unexpected and puzzling. First, among the Rashaayda a household cannot make a complete offering of hospitality unless the senior woman of that household is present. If visitors approach a tent whose female household head is absent, 1 For descriptions of hospitality among the Al Murra Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Cole (1975: 49 f., 66-68); for the Rwala Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Lancaster (1981: 82 f.); for northwestern Arabia generally, see Doughty (1979/1: 287) and Sowayan (1985: 41); for agriculturalists in Jordan, see Antoun (1972: 110, 112, 136); for Syrian agriculturalists, see Sweet (1960: 128-132); for Palestinian agriculturalists, see Rosenfeld (1974); for agriculturalists in Asir, see Dostal's comments on the reception room (1983: 82); for Yemen, see Dorsky (1986: 68-71) and Meneley (1996); for Oman, see Eickelman (1984: 67-79); for Iraq, see Fernea (1969:116-125); for Egyptian Bedouin, see Abou-Zeid (1966) and Abu-Lughod (1986: 13, 15, 46, 49, 66, 92, 111, 116); for urban Egypt, see Lane (1871: 13, 183) and Berque (1957: 48 f., 63, 68); for Tunisia, see Demeerseman (1944a, 1944b, 1944c) and Lanfry (1938); for the Bedouin of Algeria, see Naphegyi (1868: 127, 132, 138140); for the Arabs of Chad and Darfur in the nineteenth century, see Nachtigal (1971: 11 f., 116, 245, 251-253, 362). 2 Fieldwork was carried out among the Rashaayda Bedouin in northeastern Sudan from January 1978 to December 1980. 3 The adjective "Rashiidi" and the name of the Rashaayda itself are derived from the name of the Rashaayda' s eponymous ancestor, rashiid. "Rashaayda" is the plural form of rashiid. I have omitted the underscore for /sh/ when I write the Rashaayda' s name to simplify the spelling for comparative ethnographers. Other writers have spelled the name differently: Rashaida, Rashayda, etc. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.157 on Thu, 09 Jun 2016 06:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
INTRODUCTION In this paper we draw attention to a number of methodological and conceptual issues ... more INTRODUCTION In this paper we draw attention to a number of methodological and conceptual issues related to the study of the Arab family. Our focus is on anthropological approaches. We choose this focus, not so much to consolidate disciplinary boundaries but to emphasize the usefulness of a holistic understanding of the social unit identified in society as "the family." One of our concerns is to determine to what degree the family exhibits a specificity peculiar to the Arab region. While it is certainly important to identify the characteristics of families in this region, it is equally important to de-mystify the term "the Arab family" and to challenge the assumption of an enduring, timeless, and unchanging entity. The paper will start with a brief description of conceptual distinctions inspired by crosscultural approaches to the family, then discuss the attempts at reaching a definition of the Arab family.' Finally, the paper outlines the parameters of variation in family forms and functions in the context of broader social, political, and economic change. What is the Family? Anthropologists no longer try to arrive at a universal definition of the family; decades of research in a wide variety of societies have demonstrated that no matter how we formulate a definition of "the family," there will always be exceptional cases which do not conform to it strictly.2 For us the important point is to have a clear idea of what "the family" might be in the societies that we have chosen to study, that is, Arab societies. At least four different answers to the question, "What is the family?" can be distinguished analytically. It is a social unit: ( 1 ) based on common descent, or "shared blood"; (2) whose members share the same dwelling; (3) in which the members work to accomplish a particular set of tasks, such as the productionand distribution of food; and (4) through which individuals are socialized and acquire important elements of social identity, including gender identity, linguistic/ethnic/national identity, and religious identity. Each of these four definitions brings with it distinctive methodological issues. To carry out research about "the family" it is crucial to distinguish between the two very different principles on which it is based: common descent and co-residence. The first principle specifies the rights and responsibilities allocated to kin, while the second defines membership in a household. Once these general analytical features of families have been established cross-culturally, the analysis can only proceed toward culturally-specific forms. At this point we must take into account the particular society's own definition of "the family." Khuri (1975:103-105) complains that most previous works on Middle Eastern "families" do not clearly specify whether the units being discussed consist of groups of "relatives" or consist of people who are actually living together in a single house. The result is that earlier work is so general and vague as to be almost useless. This represents a failure to apply the general, cross-cultural analytical distinctions. What is more, many works fail to present clearly what the local meaning of terms such as "family" (ahal), "household" (bayt), and kin group ('a'ila). If we do attempt to apply these general distinctions and, at the same time, inquire about local meanings and specific cases, we find a great deal of variation. Let us look at "descent" in Arab families first. Common Descent. Common descent can take many forms. In the Arab world it is often conceptualized as the sharing of physical substances (blood, flesh, and nerve)3 which are thought to be transmitted from one generation to the next through the process of sexual reproduction. Blood (Arabic: dam) is said to be transmitted from both parents to their children, while nerve (`as ab) is said only to be transmitted patrilineally. This notion of descent makes it possible for any individual to trace links through both paternal and maternal ancestors to a great many people. …
Economic change among pastoral nomads in the Middle East / Emanuel Marx -- Th desert frontier in ... more Economic change among pastoral nomads in the Middle East / Emanuel Marx -- Th desert frontier in Judea / Avshalom Shmueli -- The Islamization of the Bedou family in the Judean desert ... / Aharon Layish -- Blood revenge in Bedouin society / Joseph Ginat -- The exercise of power by Bedouin women in the Nege Gillian Lewando-Hundt -- Changes in employment and social accommodations of Bedouin settling in an Israeli town / Gideon M. Kressel -- Arab al-Hjeraat Rohn Eloul -- Changing employment patterns of Bedouin in South Sinai / Emanu Marx.
Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Ar... more Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Arab world. There is evidence that at least some of these groups originated in northwestern Arabia, where some of their ancestors lived centuries ago. More significantly, many of them have recently become aware of each other's existence. Some are constructing a historical and genealogical narrative about common out-migration from Arabia. This narrative does more than explain why they share the same name; it also (re)constructs the kinship bonds that link them. Research has begun in Jordan, Kuwait, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan to explore this process of "awakening" to a common past. Nine researchers are collecting ethnographic and linguistic data about six different Rashāyidah groups and the various localities where they live. The researchers will describe the relationships of each group with its neighbors and will explore the motivations for adopting a new, diasporic, identity while at the same time reworking the details of their established tribal and national identities.
Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Ar... more Local descent groups that all have the name-Rashāyidah-are found in many places in the eastern Arab world. There is evidence that at least some of these groups originated in northwestern Arabia, where some of their ancestors lived centuries ago. More significantly, many of them have recently become aware of each other's existence. Some are constructing a historical and genealogical narrative about common out-migration from Arabia. This narrative does more than explain why they share the same name; it also (re)constructs the kinship bonds that link them. Research has begun in Jordan, Kuwait, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan to explore this process of "awakening" to a common past. Nine researchers are collecting ethnographic and linguistic data about six different Rashāyidah groups and the various localities where they live. The researchers will describe the relationships of each group with its neighbors and will explore the motivations for adopting a new, diasporic, identity while at the same time reworking the details of their established tribal and national identities.
Structure and Dynamics: eJournal of Anthropological and Related Sciences, 2019
Author(s): Young, William C | Abstract: Most scholars of tribal organization among the Bedouin of... more Author(s): Young, William C | Abstract: Most scholars of tribal organization among the Bedouin of the eastern Arab world utilize a two-dimensional, hierarchical model of Bedouin kinship that represents only relations of descent and affinity. This model resembles a genealogy and shows how small descent units are enclosed by larger ones. It implies that tribes grow in size only through biological reproduction. Such a representation of the Bedouin tribe fails to distinguish politically central lineages from politically peripheral lineages and also ignores the processes through which foreign lineages become “attached” as clients to politically powerful, central lineages. To correct and supplement this genealogical model, the author presents a concentric model of Bedouin tribes that adds a “central/peripheral” distinction. This model also includes relations of political “attachment” that can affect the internal morphology and growth of Bedouin tribes in ways that are comparable to the ef...
The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access... more The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact
Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on gener... more Arab hospitality has long been viewed as an expression of the high value placed by Arabs on generosity, while the spatial separation between female hosts and male guests has been held to express an Arab "honor and shame" value complex. These views obscure the use of hospitality for incorporating a guest into the hosts' household and also lead us to overlook the role of Arab women in hospitality. This analysis treats hospitality as a ritual which instantiates a mediated opposition between the senior woman of a household who gives food and shelter and a guest who receives it. [Eastern Sudan, Rashaayda Bedouin, ritual, hospitality, household structure, cross-cultural comparison, reciprocity, Arab gender] William C. Young, Ph.D. in Anthropology (University of California, Los Angeles 1988), researcher in Arabic (University of Maryland, Center for Advanced Study of Language, since 2003). His publications include: "From Local 'Tribe' to Transnational Arab Society. The 'New' Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan" (In: G. Spindler and J. E. Stockard [eds.], "Globalization and Change in Fifteen Cultures." Belmont 2007); "Women's Performance in Ritual Context. Weddings among the Rashaayda of Sudan" (In: S. Zuhur [ed.], "Images of Enchantment." Cairo 1998); "From Many, One. The Social Construction of the Rashayida Tribe in Eastern Sudan" (Northeast African Studies 1998); see also References Cited. Hospitality is a ubiquitous component of life in the Arab societies of the Middle East. Its importance for social relations has been well documented for every region in the Arab world.1 The Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan2 are no exception. Among the Rashaayda guests are greeted, fed, and entertained in accordance with a detailed and elaborate set of rules. Generous hospitality is highly valued and the quality of a household's hospitality contributes to its reputation and social standing. Three aspects of Rashiidi3 hospitality, however, are unexpected and puzzling. First, among the Rashaayda a household cannot make a complete offering of hospitality unless the senior woman of that household is present. If visitors approach a tent whose female household head is absent, 1 For descriptions of hospitality among the Al Murra Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Cole (1975: 49 f., 66-68); for the Rwala Bedouin of Saudi Arabia, see Lancaster (1981: 82 f.); for northwestern Arabia generally, see Doughty (1979/1: 287) and Sowayan (1985: 41); for agriculturalists in Jordan, see Antoun (1972: 110, 112, 136); for Syrian agriculturalists, see Sweet (1960: 128-132); for Palestinian agriculturalists, see Rosenfeld (1974); for agriculturalists in Asir, see Dostal's comments on the reception room (1983: 82); for Yemen, see Dorsky (1986: 68-71) and Meneley (1996); for Oman, see Eickelman (1984: 67-79); for Iraq, see Fernea (1969:116-125); for Egyptian Bedouin, see Abou-Zeid (1966) and Abu-Lughod (1986: 13, 15, 46, 49, 66, 92, 111, 116); for urban Egypt, see Lane (1871: 13, 183) and Berque (1957: 48 f., 63, 68); for Tunisia, see Demeerseman (1944a, 1944b, 1944c) and Lanfry (1938); for the Bedouin of Algeria, see Naphegyi (1868: 127, 132, 138140); for the Arabs of Chad and Darfur in the nineteenth century, see Nachtigal (1971: 11 f., 116, 245, 251-253, 362). 2 Fieldwork was carried out among the Rashaayda Bedouin in northeastern Sudan from January 1978 to December 1980. 3 The adjective "Rashiidi" and the name of the Rashaayda itself are derived from the name of the Rashaayda' s eponymous ancestor, rashiid. "Rashaayda" is the plural form of rashiid. I have omitted the underscore for /sh/ when I write the Rashaayda' s name to simplify the spelling for comparative ethnographers. Other writers have spelled the name differently: Rashaida, Rashayda, etc. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.157 on Thu, 09 Jun 2016 06:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Arabs use terms for wild and domesticated animals as names for their kinship groups. The Russ... more The Arabs use terms for wild and domesticated animals as names for their kinship groups. The Russians and the English also use animal terms to name their households and families, but in the Arab case such names are given to even larger groups: lineages, clans, and tribes. To explain this distinctive Arab practice, an argument that fits the specifics of the Arab case is needed. One early argument was that the "primitive" Arabs were like other "primitive" peoples and believed that their early ancestors were animals. To honor these "totemic" ancestors, the Arabs worshiped them and made biological terms-Dog, Eagle, Otter-into personal and group names. There is no historical evidence for this fanciful idea, and anthropologists have debunked the concept of "totemism." Five other explanations are more persuasive but need to be tested against the empirical facts. What biological terms, exactly, have been selected as names, and how many groups use them?
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