Papers by Liana Loredana Oţa
Ancient Thrace: Myth and Reality. The Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Congress of Thracology, Kazanlak, September 3 - 7, 2017, vol. 2, 2022
We know, in the present stage of the research, 21 items with tamga signs found in the territory ... more We know, in the present stage of the research, 21 items with tamga signs found in the territory inhabited by the Dacians, the one found at Arad raises, though, some questions. The ten sites where the mentioned items have been found do not cover, in a uniform way, the territory inhabited by the Dacians.
Arheologia trecerii de la epoca târzie a fierului la epoca romană în Dacia. Contacte și conflicte în secolele I-II p. Chr., 2022
Separating the results extracted from archaeological data, usually specific for a certain region,... more Separating the results extracted from archaeological data, usually specific for a certain region, from those, of a fairly general character, provided by the ancient written sources (which, very likely, do not even refer to the area in question) should be a mandatory methodological step when attempting to understand the specific features of the Sarmatian communities that entered Wallachia at the end of the 1st century AD and the first decades of the following century. Otherwise, the papers aimed to clarify the status of Wallachia in the mentioned time-span and to analyse the relations between Romans and Sarmatians, or Dacians and Sarmatians, run the risk of providing not an image of what was happening in this specific region, but a general one, arbitrarily projected on the archaeological realities in the area.
When discussing about the Sarmatians from Wallachia, our attention is drawn by the different perspectives of the approach, either almost exclusively based on the information from the ancient written
sources, or emphasizing the archaeological discoveries, while the attempts to correlate the information provided by field research (relating to Roman fortifications and Sarmatian graves) with the well-known historical data, are rather exceptions, at least in the current stage of the research. The difference is a striking one, for those who try to compare the ancient written information with data emerging from the analysis of the Sarmatian graves from Wallachia. Naturally, the question that arises regards what
connection could be between:
a) the warrior groups who plundered the Roman territories on several occasions (winter 67/68 AD, winter 68/69 AD, January 70 AD), who revolted, were led by reges recognizing Rome’s authority in the seventh decade of the 1st century AD, received subsidies during Trajan’s reign and made peace with his successor, Hadrian, and
b) the communities, probably small in terms of number of individuals (as argued by the relatively small total number of Sarmatian graves in Wallachia, which seems to arise to 277, but spread over two
centuries, and the small number, 53 or 54, of burials belonging to the first stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia, dated to the last decade of the 1st century AD and the first decades of the 2nd century AD), attested by archaeological discoveries in 16 sites from the north-east and east of the region. According to the author’s opinion, the main warrior groups, led by chieftains called reges, must be, during this time, sought elsewhere than in Wallachia, most probably in the North-Pontic region or in the areas east of the Prut River. The general picture of the Sarmatian communities from Wallachia, outlined on the basis of archaeological discoveries, in obvious contrast with the data from the ancient written sources, shows that Sarmatian settlement at the Lower Danube is a small-scale phenomenon, which very likely entailed a small number of communities, whose presence here was not a real danger for the Roman Empire.
PORȚI DESCHISE CĂTRE CIVILIZAȚII TOMIS – CONSTANȚA MMXXII CENTENARUL ÎNCORONĂRII, 2022
The aim of this contribution is to provide an assessment of the main characteristics of the Sarma... more The aim of this contribution is to provide an assessment of the main characteristics of the Sarmatian graves from the area bordered by the Prut River at east and the Carpathians at west, region designated as Moldavia. This assessment is based on the numerical quantification of the main characteristics: funerary ritual (exclusively inhumation, but also the recording of some traces of burning in the pit), layout of the graves (flat or tumular), deposition of the deceased (orientation, position of the dead bodies, re‑inhumation), and grave‑goods (the main categories of grave‑goods deposited are pottery, adornments, dress items, household tools, weapons, mirrors). Statistics allow us not only to register a specific characteristic, but also to evaluate its frequency, necessary to answer to the question of whether we are dealing with a constant or an exception. The current total number and the group distribution of Sarmatian graves in Moldavia are discussed, too.
Pontica, 2022
The custom of depositing spindle whorls is not so often attested, at least
for the Sarmatian grav... more The custom of depositing spindle whorls is not so often attested, at least
for the Sarmatian graves from Wallachia and Moldavia. Even so, the analysis of its characteristics can help not only to complete the general image of the Sarmatian graves from the two above-mentioned areas, but can also highlight certain common features and differences, too. The number of Sarmatian graves with spindle whorls from Wallachia and
Moldavia is not a very large one – 36 (19 in Wallachia and 17 in Moldavia), out of a total that can be estimated at about 500 graves. The author discusses the characteristics of the burials (grave layout, orientation and position of the deceased, specific features of age and sex of the individuals), of the funerary inventory (number, type and position of spindle whorls, associations of grave goods) and the dating of the graves. As far as can be seen from the currently available documentation, the spindle whorls were deposited mainly in graves belonging to adult women, some of them with a high material and social status.
Graves, Cenotaphs and Votive Deposits of Weapons in Europe. Bronze and Iron Ages, 2022
This study aims at analysing the Sarmatian graves from the north-eastern part of Wallachia (the P... more This study aims at analysing the Sarmatian graves from the north-eastern part of Wallachia (the Plains of Brăila and Buzău), dated to all the three stages of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia: late 1st – beginning of the 2nd century AD; end of the 2nd century – first half of the 3rd century AD; late 3rd century AD. The main characteristics compared are: grave layout, orientation of the graves, position of the deceased, age of the
dead, grave goods, Roman imports deposited in the graves, the presence of elite burials. The analysis of the main characteristics of the Sarmatian burials in the Brăila Plain, Buzău Plain and the sub-Carpathian area of
Buzău, shows that certain local differences are revealed. One of the main areas of concentration of Sarmatian finds, the north-eastern region of Wallachia has, in addition to some specific features of ritual and funerary
inventory, a chronological evolution slightly different from that of the rest of the similar finds in Wallachia.
Studii de arheologie și istorie antică în onoarea lui Victor Heinrich Baumann cu ocazia celei de-a 80-a aniversări, 2021
The aim of this paper is to resume and deepen the discussion about the funerary feature discovere... more The aim of this paper is to resume and deepen the discussion about the funerary feature discovered at Prăjeni–Lutărie 2: an isolated funerary feature of a girl up to seven years old, deposited in an oval-shaped
pit, aligned N-S, the body laid out in an extended supine position, with inventory consisting only of adornments. The authors discuss the cultural context of the funerary feature, in connection with the Sarmatian
communities settled in the area west of the Prut River. The small size of the excavation could not clarify the relation between the funerary feature and a supposed settlement, which could have been? An opportunity for
an analysis of rare burial practices in the cemeteries dated during the 2nd
-3rd centuries AD both in the Roman provinces of Dacia and Moesia Inferior and in the eastern Carpathian barbaricum. Taking into account the main characteristics of funerary ritual and inventory (corpse deposited in a pit common for most graves, rectangular with rounded corners; the supine position indicates deposition of the corpse, rather than discarding; grave
goods similar to items found in other children’s burials), the discovery from Prăjeni falls within the funerary norm observed for the Sarmatian burials, without any argument to support the assumption of an atypical
funerary treatment for the girl. If indeed there was a settlement, at Lutărie 2, dated to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD, which could be attributed to the Dacians, it has no connection with the Sarmatian grave.
Materiale și Cercetări Arheologice, serie nouă, XVII, 2021
Between 1985 and 1988, 14 Sarmatian graves were excavated at Prăjeni (Botoșani County), in the lo... more Between 1985 and 1988, 14 Sarmatian graves were excavated at Prăjeni (Botoșani County), in the locations known as Alimândra, Nelipești,
Țarnă and Lutărie 2. These graves have not been systematically published but information about them may be found in the literature published so far. The authors intend, by this contribution, to publish the data concerning the Sarmatian finds of Prăjeni. Out of the 14 graves uncovered there, which could be considered as belonging to the Sarmatians, 13 are secondary burials in tumuli – five in Tumulus III from Prăjeni – Alimândra, two in Tumulus IV of the same location, one in the mound of Nelipești and five in the tumulus from Prăjeni – Țarnă. Considering the five Sarmatian graves from Prăjeni – Țarnă as secondary burials in older tumuli might, at first sight, arise some doubts. The authors consider that the main criterium was the intention of those who buried the dead to choose a higher ground, as they were not aware that, during the late first century AD, what it looked like a higher ground, was, in fact, soil that had slid from the southern slope of a Bronze Age tumulus. Most of the 13 graves in discussion are oriented along the N–S axis, with variations, with only two exceptions (WSW–ENE and S–N). Dorsal decubitus, with arms and legs stretched was recorded for six deceased. Reinhumation seems to be attested in Grave 4 of TumulusIII from Alimândra, where the long bones and the ribs have been arranged somehow radially around the skull and the pelvis. Grave goods were deposited in all the 13 Sarmatian secondary graves in older tumuli from Prăjeni. Except for Grave 3 in Tumulus IV from Alimândra, and possibly Grave 4 in Tumulus III of the same location (where only a pottery fragment was found), all the other 11 graves contained pottery vessels, either one (nine cases), or two (two cases). These vessels are, mainly, hand-made. The wheel-made pottery is less
frequently found (five cases). Besides pottery, other categories of grave goods, such as adornments (beads, earrings, pendants, bracelet, and bells), dress items (brooches), toilet implements (mirrors), household tools (spindle whorls), and weapons were deposited in the Sarmatian graves of Prăjeni, too. The great number of items that the Sarmatians living in the area took over from the Dacians (the hand-made mug from Prăjeni – Țarnă Grave 2, the small mug from Grave 7 at the same location, the profiled brooches from Prăjeni – Alimândra TumulusIV Grave 3 and Țarnă Grave 2, the pendants made of profiled bars from Alimândra Tumulus III Grave 3 and Țarnă Grave 9, maybe also the bucket-shaped pendants found in this last grave) should also be mentioned. The items of Dacian origin found in the graves of Prăjeni indicate the fact that some of the burials took place after the Sarmatians established relationships with the Dacians in the area, indicating a certain time span, difficult to estimate, elapsed between the precise moment of their arrival in this territory and the burials. Generally speaking, the secondary graves of the tumuli from Prăjeni can be dated between the second half of the first century AD and the first half of the next century. The five graves in the tumuli from Prăjeni – Țarnă may be of a later date than the graves in the tumuli from Alimândra and Nelipești, if we take into account the presence in three burials of the grave goods of Dacian origin. The grave from Prăjeni – Lutărie 2 differs from the previously analysed graves, as concerns the layout (flat grave), the location (grave in a settlement) as well as the
grave goods. The little girl, less than seven years old was buried only with adornments: a necklace of beads and pendants, earrings and a bracelet
whose analogies suggest a chronological framing in the third century AD.
Border Guards of the Passes, from the Fortresses and the Graves. The Bronze and Iron Ages Proceedings of The 17 th International Colloquium of Funerary Archaeology, 2019
The authors aimed to outline a general framework of Wallachia and Moldavia in the 1st – 3rd
centu... more The authors aimed to outline a general framework of Wallachia and Moldavia in the 1st – 3rd
centuries AD, based both on information from written sources and the results of archeological discoveries.
The main historical events with consequences on Wallachia and Moldavia are the expansion of the borders of
the Roman Empire towards the Danube, the movement of the Transdanubians in Moesia, the series of three
Sarmatian attacks on Moesia, the Dacian attack in the winter of AD 85/86, Trajan's war with Dacians, the
rebellion of the Sarmatians in the first years of Hadrian's reign, the Marcomannic wars, the attack of Carps
and Goths in AD 238 and the Gothic raids from the second half of the third century. The archeological
information, sometimes corroborated with the epigraphic one, always tried to connect the Roman activities
on the Danubian limes or in Walachia with the information given by archaeological discoveries about the
arriving of Sarmatians in Wallachia and Moldavia. The main features of inhumation graves attested in
Wallachia or Moldavia between the end of the first century AD and the end of the third century are
highlighted. A detailed discussion is dedicated to the use o the term “Sarmatian”. The relations of Sarmatians
with the Roman Empire and Dacians are analyzed, based on the archaeological information, corroborated
with the historical sources. The Sarmatian communities from Wallachia are controlled by the Romans, while
the Sarmatians arrived in Moldavia seem to play a secondary, perhaps even subordinate role in relation with
the Dacians.
SLOVENSKÁ ARCHEOLÓGIA ROČNÍK LXVIII 2020 ČÍSLO 2, 2020
Starting with the end of the 1st c. AD, the arrival of the Sarmatian communities in Wallachia (th... more Starting with the end of the 1st c. AD, the arrival of the Sarmatian communities in Wallachia (the area between the Danube
River and the Carpathian Mountains, bounded on the west by the Olt River) and Moldavia (denomination that designates
in this study the territory between the Prut River and the Carpathian Mountains) is archaeologically attested. Sarmatian
graves in Wallachia are dated to three stages, which represent as many moments of settlement of these communities
in Wallachia: the late 1st c. AD and the first half of the 2nd c. AD; the late 2nd c. and the first half of the 3rd c. AD; the late
3rd c. AD. From a total of around 270 Sarmatian graves in Wallachia, Roman imports were discovered in 71 of them. The
purpose of this discussion is not so much the typological analysis of the Roman items, but rather the characteristics
of the ritual and funerary inventory of the graves in which such items were deposited: territorial distribution, grave
layout, corpse deposition, age and sex of the deceased, grave goods. Based on the typology of the Roman objects, the
hypothesis of trade is the most appropriate explanation for the way the Roman products reached Sarmatian communities
from Wallachia. The conclusion is that the Sarmatian burials with Roman grave goods do not have particular features
regarding the layout of the grave, the funerary ritual or the treatment of the inventory deposited compared to the rest
of the graves in which no items produced on the Roman territory were found. Although, in some cases, the items from
the Roman Empire can be counted among the status symbols used in the funerary ritual, it is nevertheless notable that
they do not play this role in themselves, but in association with other features of the layout of the graves or the inventory.
Mousaios, 2020
The studies on the social organization of the Sarmatians are generally still few and this also ap... more The studies on the social organization of the Sarmatians are generally still few and this also applies to Wallachia (the region between the Danube and the Carpathian Mountains bounded on the west by the Olt River) and Moldavia (the territory between the Prut River and the Carpathian Mountains). A particular feature of the social organization of the Sarmatian communities in Wallachia and Moldavia consists in the quasi-absence of the elite burials. According to some criteria that distinguish the elite graves from the usual burials (location, raising of a tumulus, the special layout of the pit, the special treatment of the body of the deceased and the grave-goods), several burials can be considered as elite graves: the so-called “Buzău hoard”, the graves in Vitănești, Roșiori and Mohreanu. A privileged access to the Roman imports, possibly linked with a higher status than that of other members of the community was observed for the deceased from grave 14 at Râmnicelu and grave 71 at Cândești. Sarmatian elite burials were found in the Roman province of Moesia Inferior, too (tumulus 2 at Galați – Sidex, Galați – Seromgal, Smârdan), evidence of individual migration. Regarding the graves without inventory, the fact that the layout of the grave and the position of the deceased are similar to the graves with inventory indicates that the funerary ritual was performed in the same manner, except for absence of the inventory.
Археологія і давня історія України, 2020
The aim of this paper is to discuss the features of
the graves that can be attributed to the seco... more The aim of this paper is to discuss the features of
the graves that can be attributed to the second stage
of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia. The first stage
of arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia can be dated
in the last decade of the 1st century AD and the first
decades of the 2nd century AD. The second stage of
arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, linked to the
Marcomannic Wars, begins in the late 2nd century AD
and continues during the following century.
TRACII ŞI VECINII LOR ÎN ANTICHITATE: ARHEOLOGIE ȘI ISTORIE / THE THRACIANS AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS IN ANTIQUITY: ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY / STUDIES IN HONOR OF VALERIU SÎRBU AT HIS 70th ANNIVERSARY, 2020
Wallachia is a region of complex cultural interaction, due to the presence of Sarmatian discoveri... more Wallachia is a region of complex cultural interaction, due to the presence of Sarmatian discoveries, Dacian findings, discoveries that can be related with the Roman presence, findings with analogies in the Dacian cultural milieu east of Carpathians, and, last but not least, Sântana de Mureș – Chernyakhov findings, starting with the last quarter of the 3rd century AD. A careful analysis of the archaeological discoveries shows some major difficulties: the almost complete absence of the correlations of the information provided by archaeological findings from various cultural milieus, the fragmentary knowledge of the current stage of research, a very general dating of discoveries.
As a consequence of all these difficulties, few discussions on the status of Wallachia in the 3rd century have been published until now, and only one attempt to analyse all kinds of discoveries from the above-mentioned area, but in a larger time span. Due to the stage of research, these discussions were limited, in many respects, to formulate assumptions still waiting to be verified by archaeological excavations or to draw attention on the research deficiencies and make preponderantly punctual observations. This study tries to synthesize the archaeological data known until now and underlines the need for future approaches that emphasize the correlation of different cultural aspects, instead of separate discussions.
Tyragetia s.n. XII, 1, p. 41-69, 2018
Studiile care au ca subiect organizarea socială a sarmaţilor sunt încă puţine. Studiul de faţă î... more Studiile care au ca subiect organizarea socială a sarmaţilor sunt încă puţine. Studiul de faţă îşi propune să analizeze mormintele de copii, în încercarea de a completa, atât cât este posibil pe baza datelor arheologice actuale, imaginea comunităţilor sarmatice din Muntenia şi Moldova, conturată în câteva studii anterioare. Analiza se va limita doar la un studiu de caz – acela al înmormântărilor sarmatice de copii din Muntenia (teritoriu situat între Dunăre şi Munţii Carpaţi, mărginit la vest de râul Olt) şi Moldova (mai precis zona dintre râul Prut şi Munţii Carpaţi). După o privire de ansamblu asupra descoperirilor sarmatice din Muntenia şi Moldova (cu accent pe prezenţa sau lipsa analizei antropologice), autoarea încearcă să contureze imaginea, aşa cum reiese din balanţa de vârstă, a câtorva dintre grupurile de morminte sarmatice. Analiza ritualului şi inventarului funerar a celor 65 de morminte de copii a dus la concluzia generală că, vorbind strict din punct de vedere funerar, copiii nu beneficiază de reguli de înmormântare aparte faţă de adulţi. Acelaşi rit funerar caracterizează atât adulţii, cât şi copiii – inhumaţia, nu pot fi remarcate orientări sau poziţii de depunere a cadavrului proprii doar copiilor, iar inventarul funerar nu conţinea piese care ar putea fi considerate ca specifice universului copilăriei./Пока еще мало исследований посвящено социальной организации сарматов. Задачей данной
работы является анализ детских захоронений с целью дополнить, насколько это возможно на основе су-
ществующих археологических данных, представление о сарматских общинах в Мунтении и Молдове, из-
ложенное в предыдущих исследованиях. Анализ ограничен рамками тематики, посвященной сарматским
детским погребениям в Мунтении (территория, расположенная между Дунаем и Карпатами, ограниченная на западе рекой Олт) и Молдове (между рекой Прут и Карпатами). На основе обзора сарматских находок в Мунтении и Молдове (обратив особое внимание на наличие или отсутствие антропологического анализа) автор пытается дать представление о некоторых группах сарматских могил с точки зрения возраста погре-бенных. Изучение погребального обряда и инвентаря 65 детских захоронений позволило сделать вывод,
что они ничем не отличаются от взрослых захоронений. Для них характерен один и тот же обряд – ин- гумация, не существует особых отличий в положении тел, а инвентарь не содержит никаких предметов, которые можно было бы рассматривать как относящиеся к детской сфере.
TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW, 2017
The fortress in Carașova is entirely built of stone and was placed on the top of Grad Hill. The f... more The fortress in Carașova is entirely built of stone and was placed on the top of Grad Hill. The first documented mention of the fortress is from 1323. Until 1520, when it last appears in the documents, it was only rarely mentioned. Its owners were both the kings of Hungary and the archbishop of Kalocsa, and before Hungary’s conversion into a pashalic, the fortress was privately owned. In the fifteenth century it was part of the defensive system of southern Hungary. During the sixteenth century, after Banat’s conversion into a pashalic, it most likely became a border fortification for the Ottoman Empire. The purpose of this paper is to synthesize the available data regarding the main construction phases of the fortress.
Started a few years ago, our research regarding
the Sarmatians in Wallachia aims at going beyond
... more Started a few years ago, our research regarding
the Sarmatians in Wallachia aims at going beyond
the deadlock represented by synthesis studies /
re-dating some fi nds, which some prestige scholars
(Bichir 1971a, 135-145; Bichir 1971b, 275-285;
Bichir 1972, 137-176; Bichir 1977, 167-197; Bichir
1985, 1164-1177; Bichir 1996, 297-312; Diaconu
1963, 323-345; Diaconu 1965, 19-29; Diaconu
1980, 275-285; Harhoiu 1993, 41-51; Harțuche
1980, 191-251; Morintz, Ionescu 1968, 95-128;
Morintz, Ionescu 1970, 37-54; Niculescu 2003,
177-205) have imposed with their authority, but
which seems to have reached an impasse. The
fi nds attributed to the Sarmatians in Wallachia
are much more than simple data contributing to
statistics on the traits of funerary ritual.
At first glance, one of the constants in the history of the Lower Danube territories during the l... more At first glance, one of the constants in the history of the Lower Danube territories during the last years of
the first century BC and especially in the first century AD and the first decades of the next century, is represented by
the armed conflicts between the Roman forces and the Sarmatians attempting to attack the Roman possessions.
However, the diplomatic relations between the Sarmatians and the Romans are relatively early attested. At the end of
the first century AD and during the first decades of the next century the arrival of Sarmatian communities in
Wallachia1 is attested by archaeological discoveries. The settlement of the Sarmatians on the Wallachian territory
takes place with the consent and under the supervision of the Roman authorities. Based on the archaeological finds,
the first stage of the Sarmatian presence in the Lower Danubian limes area is characterized by the presence of certain
communities probably small in terms of numbers, in which the warriors, judging on the whole, are not very visible.
The settlement of the Sarmatian groups in the mentioned area probably took place in close connection with the
functioning of the Lower Danubian limes, not so much as military aid, but rather for reasons of supplying the Roman
military units. The Sarmatians receiving stipends and whose kings were friends of the Roman Empire seem to be
others than those established in Wallachia. The second stage of Sarmatian arrival in the areas neighbouring the limes
of Moesia inferior is occasioned by the motions occurring in the Barbaricum at the same time with the Marcomannic
wars. Several arguments could suggest a possible tightening of the Roman control over the Sarmatian communities in
Wallachia, sometime in the second half of the second century AD and during the first half of the next century.
Sometime around the middle of the third century AD, the Roman control over Wallachia ends.
At first glance, the finds attributed to the Sarmatians in
Wallachia, Moldavia, Banat and Crişana... more At first glance, the finds attributed to the Sarmatians in
Wallachia, Moldavia, Banat and Crişana display a unitary image. At this stage of
the research, one can only speculate that the Sarmatians entered the area inhabited
by the Dacians during the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD. The exact chronology of the graves
attributed to the Sarmatians in Wallachia, Moldavia, Banat and Crişana is
encountering many problems, such as the absence from many funerary structures of
items that can be dated precisely, the lack of data about the context of many finds
published as graves and, sometimes, illustrations that are not very clear. This
explains the discrepancies, sometimes major, in the chronology of some structures,
as well as the debates that still go on in the archaeological literature. Reviewing
some of the problems of the Sarmatian presence in the aforementioned regions
reveals significant regional differences, meaning that the internal developments of
the Sarmatian communities and their relations with the Dacians or the Roman
Empire were complex and experienced different dynamics not only across time, but
also across regions.
Settlements of Life and Death. Studies from Prehistory to Middle Ages, 2016
The medieval town Orașul de Floci (name suggesting the intense wool trade) was for the first time... more The medieval town Orașul de Floci (name suggesting the intense wool trade) was for the first time mentioned in documents in 1431, during Dan the Second's reign (1422-1426; 1427-1431). Located at the mouth of Ialomița River, at the border of Țara Românească, Orașul de Floci was an important commercial and handicraft centre of Wallachia, especially during the 15th-17th centuries. Several attacks troubled the town, themost violent one being that in 1470, when it was attacked by an army of Stephen the Great. During archaeological excavations in 1996 and 2000, skeletons of two individuals were found, both of them outside the area of the cemeteries. The first skeleton was registered on the top of the bank ridge no. 6a. A silver coin, issued during the reign of Ferdinand the First (1526-1564), more precisely in 1563, in the mint from Kremnitz, was found near the skull. The grave was overlapped by a dwelling reconstructed several times. Fragments of a skeleton belonging to a female were found in 2000 on the top of the bank ridge no. 1. Taking into consideration the orientation of the skeleton (west-east), the position (lying on the back) and the deposition of a coin, we believe that the first individual, the one found on the top of the bank ridge no. 6a, wasburied, in the proper sense of the word. We believe that the scattered bones of the women cannot be interpreted as burial. In this case, we have to deal with a so-called ‘unburied dead’. A chronological relation between the fragments of the dead body and the attack from 1470 is the most probable explanation, in our opinion.
Lectura rândurilor scrise de Daniel Spânu a avut însă, în ochii noștri, totuși, și un merit. Cont... more Lectura rândurilor scrise de Daniel Spânu a avut însă, în ochii noștri, totuși, și un merit. Continuăm, chiar cu mai multă convingere decât înainte, să credem că o recenzie este un eveniment fericit în soarta unei cărți. Desigur, cu condiția unei lecturi atente la conținut și nu la numărul
de pagini, fără judecăți preconcepute, fără a imputa autorilor ceea ce nu
se poate face, fără sentințe generalizatoare și fără nici măcar o singură
sugestie despre modul cum ar trebui completată sau îmbunătățită singura monografie care reușește să coreleze izvoarele de natură diferită, arheologice și numismatice, care există în momentul actual și care conturează evoluția zonei de sud a Munteniei în secolele I-III p. Chr.
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Papers by Liana Loredana Oţa
When discussing about the Sarmatians from Wallachia, our attention is drawn by the different perspectives of the approach, either almost exclusively based on the information from the ancient written
sources, or emphasizing the archaeological discoveries, while the attempts to correlate the information provided by field research (relating to Roman fortifications and Sarmatian graves) with the well-known historical data, are rather exceptions, at least in the current stage of the research. The difference is a striking one, for those who try to compare the ancient written information with data emerging from the analysis of the Sarmatian graves from Wallachia. Naturally, the question that arises regards what
connection could be between:
a) the warrior groups who plundered the Roman territories on several occasions (winter 67/68 AD, winter 68/69 AD, January 70 AD), who revolted, were led by reges recognizing Rome’s authority in the seventh decade of the 1st century AD, received subsidies during Trajan’s reign and made peace with his successor, Hadrian, and
b) the communities, probably small in terms of number of individuals (as argued by the relatively small total number of Sarmatian graves in Wallachia, which seems to arise to 277, but spread over two
centuries, and the small number, 53 or 54, of burials belonging to the first stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia, dated to the last decade of the 1st century AD and the first decades of the 2nd century AD), attested by archaeological discoveries in 16 sites from the north-east and east of the region. According to the author’s opinion, the main warrior groups, led by chieftains called reges, must be, during this time, sought elsewhere than in Wallachia, most probably in the North-Pontic region or in the areas east of the Prut River. The general picture of the Sarmatian communities from Wallachia, outlined on the basis of archaeological discoveries, in obvious contrast with the data from the ancient written sources, shows that Sarmatian settlement at the Lower Danube is a small-scale phenomenon, which very likely entailed a small number of communities, whose presence here was not a real danger for the Roman Empire.
for the Sarmatian graves from Wallachia and Moldavia. Even so, the analysis of its characteristics can help not only to complete the general image of the Sarmatian graves from the two above-mentioned areas, but can also highlight certain common features and differences, too. The number of Sarmatian graves with spindle whorls from Wallachia and
Moldavia is not a very large one – 36 (19 in Wallachia and 17 in Moldavia), out of a total that can be estimated at about 500 graves. The author discusses the characteristics of the burials (grave layout, orientation and position of the deceased, specific features of age and sex of the individuals), of the funerary inventory (number, type and position of spindle whorls, associations of grave goods) and the dating of the graves. As far as can be seen from the currently available documentation, the spindle whorls were deposited mainly in graves belonging to adult women, some of them with a high material and social status.
dead, grave goods, Roman imports deposited in the graves, the presence of elite burials. The analysis of the main characteristics of the Sarmatian burials in the Brăila Plain, Buzău Plain and the sub-Carpathian area of
Buzău, shows that certain local differences are revealed. One of the main areas of concentration of Sarmatian finds, the north-eastern region of Wallachia has, in addition to some specific features of ritual and funerary
inventory, a chronological evolution slightly different from that of the rest of the similar finds in Wallachia.
pit, aligned N-S, the body laid out in an extended supine position, with inventory consisting only of adornments. The authors discuss the cultural context of the funerary feature, in connection with the Sarmatian
communities settled in the area west of the Prut River. The small size of the excavation could not clarify the relation between the funerary feature and a supposed settlement, which could have been? An opportunity for
an analysis of rare burial practices in the cemeteries dated during the 2nd
-3rd centuries AD both in the Roman provinces of Dacia and Moesia Inferior and in the eastern Carpathian barbaricum. Taking into account the main characteristics of funerary ritual and inventory (corpse deposited in a pit common for most graves, rectangular with rounded corners; the supine position indicates deposition of the corpse, rather than discarding; grave
goods similar to items found in other children’s burials), the discovery from Prăjeni falls within the funerary norm observed for the Sarmatian burials, without any argument to support the assumption of an atypical
funerary treatment for the girl. If indeed there was a settlement, at Lutărie 2, dated to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD, which could be attributed to the Dacians, it has no connection with the Sarmatian grave.
Țarnă and Lutărie 2. These graves have not been systematically published but information about them may be found in the literature published so far. The authors intend, by this contribution, to publish the data concerning the Sarmatian finds of Prăjeni. Out of the 14 graves uncovered there, which could be considered as belonging to the Sarmatians, 13 are secondary burials in tumuli – five in Tumulus III from Prăjeni – Alimândra, two in Tumulus IV of the same location, one in the mound of Nelipești and five in the tumulus from Prăjeni – Țarnă. Considering the five Sarmatian graves from Prăjeni – Țarnă as secondary burials in older tumuli might, at first sight, arise some doubts. The authors consider that the main criterium was the intention of those who buried the dead to choose a higher ground, as they were not aware that, during the late first century AD, what it looked like a higher ground, was, in fact, soil that had slid from the southern slope of a Bronze Age tumulus. Most of the 13 graves in discussion are oriented along the N–S axis, with variations, with only two exceptions (WSW–ENE and S–N). Dorsal decubitus, with arms and legs stretched was recorded for six deceased. Reinhumation seems to be attested in Grave 4 of TumulusIII from Alimândra, where the long bones and the ribs have been arranged somehow radially around the skull and the pelvis. Grave goods were deposited in all the 13 Sarmatian secondary graves in older tumuli from Prăjeni. Except for Grave 3 in Tumulus IV from Alimândra, and possibly Grave 4 in Tumulus III of the same location (where only a pottery fragment was found), all the other 11 graves contained pottery vessels, either one (nine cases), or two (two cases). These vessels are, mainly, hand-made. The wheel-made pottery is less
frequently found (five cases). Besides pottery, other categories of grave goods, such as adornments (beads, earrings, pendants, bracelet, and bells), dress items (brooches), toilet implements (mirrors), household tools (spindle whorls), and weapons were deposited in the Sarmatian graves of Prăjeni, too. The great number of items that the Sarmatians living in the area took over from the Dacians (the hand-made mug from Prăjeni – Țarnă Grave 2, the small mug from Grave 7 at the same location, the profiled brooches from Prăjeni – Alimândra TumulusIV Grave 3 and Țarnă Grave 2, the pendants made of profiled bars from Alimândra Tumulus III Grave 3 and Țarnă Grave 9, maybe also the bucket-shaped pendants found in this last grave) should also be mentioned. The items of Dacian origin found in the graves of Prăjeni indicate the fact that some of the burials took place after the Sarmatians established relationships with the Dacians in the area, indicating a certain time span, difficult to estimate, elapsed between the precise moment of their arrival in this territory and the burials. Generally speaking, the secondary graves of the tumuli from Prăjeni can be dated between the second half of the first century AD and the first half of the next century. The five graves in the tumuli from Prăjeni – Țarnă may be of a later date than the graves in the tumuli from Alimândra and Nelipești, if we take into account the presence in three burials of the grave goods of Dacian origin. The grave from Prăjeni – Lutărie 2 differs from the previously analysed graves, as concerns the layout (flat grave), the location (grave in a settlement) as well as the
grave goods. The little girl, less than seven years old was buried only with adornments: a necklace of beads and pendants, earrings and a bracelet
whose analogies suggest a chronological framing in the third century AD.
centuries AD, based both on information from written sources and the results of archeological discoveries.
The main historical events with consequences on Wallachia and Moldavia are the expansion of the borders of
the Roman Empire towards the Danube, the movement of the Transdanubians in Moesia, the series of three
Sarmatian attacks on Moesia, the Dacian attack in the winter of AD 85/86, Trajan's war with Dacians, the
rebellion of the Sarmatians in the first years of Hadrian's reign, the Marcomannic wars, the attack of Carps
and Goths in AD 238 and the Gothic raids from the second half of the third century. The archeological
information, sometimes corroborated with the epigraphic one, always tried to connect the Roman activities
on the Danubian limes or in Walachia with the information given by archaeological discoveries about the
arriving of Sarmatians in Wallachia and Moldavia. The main features of inhumation graves attested in
Wallachia or Moldavia between the end of the first century AD and the end of the third century are
highlighted. A detailed discussion is dedicated to the use o the term “Sarmatian”. The relations of Sarmatians
with the Roman Empire and Dacians are analyzed, based on the archaeological information, corroborated
with the historical sources. The Sarmatian communities from Wallachia are controlled by the Romans, while
the Sarmatians arrived in Moldavia seem to play a secondary, perhaps even subordinate role in relation with
the Dacians.
River and the Carpathian Mountains, bounded on the west by the Olt River) and Moldavia (denomination that designates
in this study the territory between the Prut River and the Carpathian Mountains) is archaeologically attested. Sarmatian
graves in Wallachia are dated to three stages, which represent as many moments of settlement of these communities
in Wallachia: the late 1st c. AD and the first half of the 2nd c. AD; the late 2nd c. and the first half of the 3rd c. AD; the late
3rd c. AD. From a total of around 270 Sarmatian graves in Wallachia, Roman imports were discovered in 71 of them. The
purpose of this discussion is not so much the typological analysis of the Roman items, but rather the characteristics
of the ritual and funerary inventory of the graves in which such items were deposited: territorial distribution, grave
layout, corpse deposition, age and sex of the deceased, grave goods. Based on the typology of the Roman objects, the
hypothesis of trade is the most appropriate explanation for the way the Roman products reached Sarmatian communities
from Wallachia. The conclusion is that the Sarmatian burials with Roman grave goods do not have particular features
regarding the layout of the grave, the funerary ritual or the treatment of the inventory deposited compared to the rest
of the graves in which no items produced on the Roman territory were found. Although, in some cases, the items from
the Roman Empire can be counted among the status symbols used in the funerary ritual, it is nevertheless notable that
they do not play this role in themselves, but in association with other features of the layout of the graves or the inventory.
the graves that can be attributed to the second stage
of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia. The first stage
of arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia can be dated
in the last decade of the 1st century AD and the first
decades of the 2nd century AD. The second stage of
arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, linked to the
Marcomannic Wars, begins in the late 2nd century AD
and continues during the following century.
As a consequence of all these difficulties, few discussions on the status of Wallachia in the 3rd century have been published until now, and only one attempt to analyse all kinds of discoveries from the above-mentioned area, but in a larger time span. Due to the stage of research, these discussions were limited, in many respects, to formulate assumptions still waiting to be verified by archaeological excavations or to draw attention on the research deficiencies and make preponderantly punctual observations. This study tries to synthesize the archaeological data known until now and underlines the need for future approaches that emphasize the correlation of different cultural aspects, instead of separate discussions.
работы является анализ детских захоронений с целью дополнить, насколько это возможно на основе су-
ществующих археологических данных, представление о сарматских общинах в Мунтении и Молдове, из-
ложенное в предыдущих исследованиях. Анализ ограничен рамками тематики, посвященной сарматским
детским погребениям в Мунтении (территория, расположенная между Дунаем и Карпатами, ограниченная на западе рекой Олт) и Молдове (между рекой Прут и Карпатами). На основе обзора сарматских находок в Мунтении и Молдове (обратив особое внимание на наличие или отсутствие антропологического анализа) автор пытается дать представление о некоторых группах сарматских могил с точки зрения возраста погре-бенных. Изучение погребального обряда и инвентаря 65 детских захоронений позволило сделать вывод,
что они ничем не отличаются от взрослых захоронений. Для них характерен один и тот же обряд – ин- гумация, не существует особых отличий в положении тел, а инвентарь не содержит никаких предметов, которые можно было бы рассматривать как относящиеся к детской сфере.
the Sarmatians in Wallachia aims at going beyond
the deadlock represented by synthesis studies /
re-dating some fi nds, which some prestige scholars
(Bichir 1971a, 135-145; Bichir 1971b, 275-285;
Bichir 1972, 137-176; Bichir 1977, 167-197; Bichir
1985, 1164-1177; Bichir 1996, 297-312; Diaconu
1963, 323-345; Diaconu 1965, 19-29; Diaconu
1980, 275-285; Harhoiu 1993, 41-51; Harțuche
1980, 191-251; Morintz, Ionescu 1968, 95-128;
Morintz, Ionescu 1970, 37-54; Niculescu 2003,
177-205) have imposed with their authority, but
which seems to have reached an impasse. The
fi nds attributed to the Sarmatians in Wallachia
are much more than simple data contributing to
statistics on the traits of funerary ritual.
the first century BC and especially in the first century AD and the first decades of the next century, is represented by
the armed conflicts between the Roman forces and the Sarmatians attempting to attack the Roman possessions.
However, the diplomatic relations between the Sarmatians and the Romans are relatively early attested. At the end of
the first century AD and during the first decades of the next century the arrival of Sarmatian communities in
Wallachia1 is attested by archaeological discoveries. The settlement of the Sarmatians on the Wallachian territory
takes place with the consent and under the supervision of the Roman authorities. Based on the archaeological finds,
the first stage of the Sarmatian presence in the Lower Danubian limes area is characterized by the presence of certain
communities probably small in terms of numbers, in which the warriors, judging on the whole, are not very visible.
The settlement of the Sarmatian groups in the mentioned area probably took place in close connection with the
functioning of the Lower Danubian limes, not so much as military aid, but rather for reasons of supplying the Roman
military units. The Sarmatians receiving stipends and whose kings were friends of the Roman Empire seem to be
others than those established in Wallachia. The second stage of Sarmatian arrival in the areas neighbouring the limes
of Moesia inferior is occasioned by the motions occurring in the Barbaricum at the same time with the Marcomannic
wars. Several arguments could suggest a possible tightening of the Roman control over the Sarmatian communities in
Wallachia, sometime in the second half of the second century AD and during the first half of the next century.
Sometime around the middle of the third century AD, the Roman control over Wallachia ends.
Wallachia, Moldavia, Banat and Crişana display a unitary image. At this stage of
the research, one can only speculate that the Sarmatians entered the area inhabited
by the Dacians during the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD. The exact chronology of the graves
attributed to the Sarmatians in Wallachia, Moldavia, Banat and Crişana is
encountering many problems, such as the absence from many funerary structures of
items that can be dated precisely, the lack of data about the context of many finds
published as graves and, sometimes, illustrations that are not very clear. This
explains the discrepancies, sometimes major, in the chronology of some structures,
as well as the debates that still go on in the archaeological literature. Reviewing
some of the problems of the Sarmatian presence in the aforementioned regions
reveals significant regional differences, meaning that the internal developments of
the Sarmatian communities and their relations with the Dacians or the Roman
Empire were complex and experienced different dynamics not only across time, but
also across regions.
de pagini, fără judecăți preconcepute, fără a imputa autorilor ceea ce nu
se poate face, fără sentințe generalizatoare și fără nici măcar o singură
sugestie despre modul cum ar trebui completată sau îmbunătățită singura monografie care reușește să coreleze izvoarele de natură diferită, arheologice și numismatice, care există în momentul actual și care conturează evoluția zonei de sud a Munteniei în secolele I-III p. Chr.
When discussing about the Sarmatians from Wallachia, our attention is drawn by the different perspectives of the approach, either almost exclusively based on the information from the ancient written
sources, or emphasizing the archaeological discoveries, while the attempts to correlate the information provided by field research (relating to Roman fortifications and Sarmatian graves) with the well-known historical data, are rather exceptions, at least in the current stage of the research. The difference is a striking one, for those who try to compare the ancient written information with data emerging from the analysis of the Sarmatian graves from Wallachia. Naturally, the question that arises regards what
connection could be between:
a) the warrior groups who plundered the Roman territories on several occasions (winter 67/68 AD, winter 68/69 AD, January 70 AD), who revolted, were led by reges recognizing Rome’s authority in the seventh decade of the 1st century AD, received subsidies during Trajan’s reign and made peace with his successor, Hadrian, and
b) the communities, probably small in terms of number of individuals (as argued by the relatively small total number of Sarmatian graves in Wallachia, which seems to arise to 277, but spread over two
centuries, and the small number, 53 or 54, of burials belonging to the first stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia, dated to the last decade of the 1st century AD and the first decades of the 2nd century AD), attested by archaeological discoveries in 16 sites from the north-east and east of the region. According to the author’s opinion, the main warrior groups, led by chieftains called reges, must be, during this time, sought elsewhere than in Wallachia, most probably in the North-Pontic region or in the areas east of the Prut River. The general picture of the Sarmatian communities from Wallachia, outlined on the basis of archaeological discoveries, in obvious contrast with the data from the ancient written sources, shows that Sarmatian settlement at the Lower Danube is a small-scale phenomenon, which very likely entailed a small number of communities, whose presence here was not a real danger for the Roman Empire.
for the Sarmatian graves from Wallachia and Moldavia. Even so, the analysis of its characteristics can help not only to complete the general image of the Sarmatian graves from the two above-mentioned areas, but can also highlight certain common features and differences, too. The number of Sarmatian graves with spindle whorls from Wallachia and
Moldavia is not a very large one – 36 (19 in Wallachia and 17 in Moldavia), out of a total that can be estimated at about 500 graves. The author discusses the characteristics of the burials (grave layout, orientation and position of the deceased, specific features of age and sex of the individuals), of the funerary inventory (number, type and position of spindle whorls, associations of grave goods) and the dating of the graves. As far as can be seen from the currently available documentation, the spindle whorls were deposited mainly in graves belonging to adult women, some of them with a high material and social status.
dead, grave goods, Roman imports deposited in the graves, the presence of elite burials. The analysis of the main characteristics of the Sarmatian burials in the Brăila Plain, Buzău Plain and the sub-Carpathian area of
Buzău, shows that certain local differences are revealed. One of the main areas of concentration of Sarmatian finds, the north-eastern region of Wallachia has, in addition to some specific features of ritual and funerary
inventory, a chronological evolution slightly different from that of the rest of the similar finds in Wallachia.
pit, aligned N-S, the body laid out in an extended supine position, with inventory consisting only of adornments. The authors discuss the cultural context of the funerary feature, in connection with the Sarmatian
communities settled in the area west of the Prut River. The small size of the excavation could not clarify the relation between the funerary feature and a supposed settlement, which could have been? An opportunity for
an analysis of rare burial practices in the cemeteries dated during the 2nd
-3rd centuries AD both in the Roman provinces of Dacia and Moesia Inferior and in the eastern Carpathian barbaricum. Taking into account the main characteristics of funerary ritual and inventory (corpse deposited in a pit common for most graves, rectangular with rounded corners; the supine position indicates deposition of the corpse, rather than discarding; grave
goods similar to items found in other children’s burials), the discovery from Prăjeni falls within the funerary norm observed for the Sarmatian burials, without any argument to support the assumption of an atypical
funerary treatment for the girl. If indeed there was a settlement, at Lutărie 2, dated to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD, which could be attributed to the Dacians, it has no connection with the Sarmatian grave.
Țarnă and Lutărie 2. These graves have not been systematically published but information about them may be found in the literature published so far. The authors intend, by this contribution, to publish the data concerning the Sarmatian finds of Prăjeni. Out of the 14 graves uncovered there, which could be considered as belonging to the Sarmatians, 13 are secondary burials in tumuli – five in Tumulus III from Prăjeni – Alimândra, two in Tumulus IV of the same location, one in the mound of Nelipești and five in the tumulus from Prăjeni – Țarnă. Considering the five Sarmatian graves from Prăjeni – Țarnă as secondary burials in older tumuli might, at first sight, arise some doubts. The authors consider that the main criterium was the intention of those who buried the dead to choose a higher ground, as they were not aware that, during the late first century AD, what it looked like a higher ground, was, in fact, soil that had slid from the southern slope of a Bronze Age tumulus. Most of the 13 graves in discussion are oriented along the N–S axis, with variations, with only two exceptions (WSW–ENE and S–N). Dorsal decubitus, with arms and legs stretched was recorded for six deceased. Reinhumation seems to be attested in Grave 4 of TumulusIII from Alimândra, where the long bones and the ribs have been arranged somehow radially around the skull and the pelvis. Grave goods were deposited in all the 13 Sarmatian secondary graves in older tumuli from Prăjeni. Except for Grave 3 in Tumulus IV from Alimândra, and possibly Grave 4 in Tumulus III of the same location (where only a pottery fragment was found), all the other 11 graves contained pottery vessels, either one (nine cases), or two (two cases). These vessels are, mainly, hand-made. The wheel-made pottery is less
frequently found (five cases). Besides pottery, other categories of grave goods, such as adornments (beads, earrings, pendants, bracelet, and bells), dress items (brooches), toilet implements (mirrors), household tools (spindle whorls), and weapons were deposited in the Sarmatian graves of Prăjeni, too. The great number of items that the Sarmatians living in the area took over from the Dacians (the hand-made mug from Prăjeni – Țarnă Grave 2, the small mug from Grave 7 at the same location, the profiled brooches from Prăjeni – Alimândra TumulusIV Grave 3 and Țarnă Grave 2, the pendants made of profiled bars from Alimândra Tumulus III Grave 3 and Țarnă Grave 9, maybe also the bucket-shaped pendants found in this last grave) should also be mentioned. The items of Dacian origin found in the graves of Prăjeni indicate the fact that some of the burials took place after the Sarmatians established relationships with the Dacians in the area, indicating a certain time span, difficult to estimate, elapsed between the precise moment of their arrival in this territory and the burials. Generally speaking, the secondary graves of the tumuli from Prăjeni can be dated between the second half of the first century AD and the first half of the next century. The five graves in the tumuli from Prăjeni – Țarnă may be of a later date than the graves in the tumuli from Alimândra and Nelipești, if we take into account the presence in three burials of the grave goods of Dacian origin. The grave from Prăjeni – Lutărie 2 differs from the previously analysed graves, as concerns the layout (flat grave), the location (grave in a settlement) as well as the
grave goods. The little girl, less than seven years old was buried only with adornments: a necklace of beads and pendants, earrings and a bracelet
whose analogies suggest a chronological framing in the third century AD.
centuries AD, based both on information from written sources and the results of archeological discoveries.
The main historical events with consequences on Wallachia and Moldavia are the expansion of the borders of
the Roman Empire towards the Danube, the movement of the Transdanubians in Moesia, the series of three
Sarmatian attacks on Moesia, the Dacian attack in the winter of AD 85/86, Trajan's war with Dacians, the
rebellion of the Sarmatians in the first years of Hadrian's reign, the Marcomannic wars, the attack of Carps
and Goths in AD 238 and the Gothic raids from the second half of the third century. The archeological
information, sometimes corroborated with the epigraphic one, always tried to connect the Roman activities
on the Danubian limes or in Walachia with the information given by archaeological discoveries about the
arriving of Sarmatians in Wallachia and Moldavia. The main features of inhumation graves attested in
Wallachia or Moldavia between the end of the first century AD and the end of the third century are
highlighted. A detailed discussion is dedicated to the use o the term “Sarmatian”. The relations of Sarmatians
with the Roman Empire and Dacians are analyzed, based on the archaeological information, corroborated
with the historical sources. The Sarmatian communities from Wallachia are controlled by the Romans, while
the Sarmatians arrived in Moldavia seem to play a secondary, perhaps even subordinate role in relation with
the Dacians.
River and the Carpathian Mountains, bounded on the west by the Olt River) and Moldavia (denomination that designates
in this study the territory between the Prut River and the Carpathian Mountains) is archaeologically attested. Sarmatian
graves in Wallachia are dated to three stages, which represent as many moments of settlement of these communities
in Wallachia: the late 1st c. AD and the first half of the 2nd c. AD; the late 2nd c. and the first half of the 3rd c. AD; the late
3rd c. AD. From a total of around 270 Sarmatian graves in Wallachia, Roman imports were discovered in 71 of them. The
purpose of this discussion is not so much the typological analysis of the Roman items, but rather the characteristics
of the ritual and funerary inventory of the graves in which such items were deposited: territorial distribution, grave
layout, corpse deposition, age and sex of the deceased, grave goods. Based on the typology of the Roman objects, the
hypothesis of trade is the most appropriate explanation for the way the Roman products reached Sarmatian communities
from Wallachia. The conclusion is that the Sarmatian burials with Roman grave goods do not have particular features
regarding the layout of the grave, the funerary ritual or the treatment of the inventory deposited compared to the rest
of the graves in which no items produced on the Roman territory were found. Although, in some cases, the items from
the Roman Empire can be counted among the status symbols used in the funerary ritual, it is nevertheless notable that
they do not play this role in themselves, but in association with other features of the layout of the graves or the inventory.
the graves that can be attributed to the second stage
of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia. The first stage
of arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia can be dated
in the last decade of the 1st century AD and the first
decades of the 2nd century AD. The second stage of
arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, linked to the
Marcomannic Wars, begins in the late 2nd century AD
and continues during the following century.
As a consequence of all these difficulties, few discussions on the status of Wallachia in the 3rd century have been published until now, and only one attempt to analyse all kinds of discoveries from the above-mentioned area, but in a larger time span. Due to the stage of research, these discussions were limited, in many respects, to formulate assumptions still waiting to be verified by archaeological excavations or to draw attention on the research deficiencies and make preponderantly punctual observations. This study tries to synthesize the archaeological data known until now and underlines the need for future approaches that emphasize the correlation of different cultural aspects, instead of separate discussions.
работы является анализ детских захоронений с целью дополнить, насколько это возможно на основе су-
ществующих археологических данных, представление о сарматских общинах в Мунтении и Молдове, из-
ложенное в предыдущих исследованиях. Анализ ограничен рамками тематики, посвященной сарматским
детским погребениям в Мунтении (территория, расположенная между Дунаем и Карпатами, ограниченная на западе рекой Олт) и Молдове (между рекой Прут и Карпатами). На основе обзора сарматских находок в Мунтении и Молдове (обратив особое внимание на наличие или отсутствие антропологического анализа) автор пытается дать представление о некоторых группах сарматских могил с точки зрения возраста погре-бенных. Изучение погребального обряда и инвентаря 65 детских захоронений позволило сделать вывод,
что они ничем не отличаются от взрослых захоронений. Для них характерен один и тот же обряд – ин- гумация, не существует особых отличий в положении тел, а инвентарь не содержит никаких предметов, которые можно было бы рассматривать как относящиеся к детской сфере.
the Sarmatians in Wallachia aims at going beyond
the deadlock represented by synthesis studies /
re-dating some fi nds, which some prestige scholars
(Bichir 1971a, 135-145; Bichir 1971b, 275-285;
Bichir 1972, 137-176; Bichir 1977, 167-197; Bichir
1985, 1164-1177; Bichir 1996, 297-312; Diaconu
1963, 323-345; Diaconu 1965, 19-29; Diaconu
1980, 275-285; Harhoiu 1993, 41-51; Harțuche
1980, 191-251; Morintz, Ionescu 1968, 95-128;
Morintz, Ionescu 1970, 37-54; Niculescu 2003,
177-205) have imposed with their authority, but
which seems to have reached an impasse. The
fi nds attributed to the Sarmatians in Wallachia
are much more than simple data contributing to
statistics on the traits of funerary ritual.
the first century BC and especially in the first century AD and the first decades of the next century, is represented by
the armed conflicts between the Roman forces and the Sarmatians attempting to attack the Roman possessions.
However, the diplomatic relations between the Sarmatians and the Romans are relatively early attested. At the end of
the first century AD and during the first decades of the next century the arrival of Sarmatian communities in
Wallachia1 is attested by archaeological discoveries. The settlement of the Sarmatians on the Wallachian territory
takes place with the consent and under the supervision of the Roman authorities. Based on the archaeological finds,
the first stage of the Sarmatian presence in the Lower Danubian limes area is characterized by the presence of certain
communities probably small in terms of numbers, in which the warriors, judging on the whole, are not very visible.
The settlement of the Sarmatian groups in the mentioned area probably took place in close connection with the
functioning of the Lower Danubian limes, not so much as military aid, but rather for reasons of supplying the Roman
military units. The Sarmatians receiving stipends and whose kings were friends of the Roman Empire seem to be
others than those established in Wallachia. The second stage of Sarmatian arrival in the areas neighbouring the limes
of Moesia inferior is occasioned by the motions occurring in the Barbaricum at the same time with the Marcomannic
wars. Several arguments could suggest a possible tightening of the Roman control over the Sarmatian communities in
Wallachia, sometime in the second half of the second century AD and during the first half of the next century.
Sometime around the middle of the third century AD, the Roman control over Wallachia ends.
Wallachia, Moldavia, Banat and Crişana display a unitary image. At this stage of
the research, one can only speculate that the Sarmatians entered the area inhabited
by the Dacians during the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD. The exact chronology of the graves
attributed to the Sarmatians in Wallachia, Moldavia, Banat and Crişana is
encountering many problems, such as the absence from many funerary structures of
items that can be dated precisely, the lack of data about the context of many finds
published as graves and, sometimes, illustrations that are not very clear. This
explains the discrepancies, sometimes major, in the chronology of some structures,
as well as the debates that still go on in the archaeological literature. Reviewing
some of the problems of the Sarmatian presence in the aforementioned regions
reveals significant regional differences, meaning that the internal developments of
the Sarmatian communities and their relations with the Dacians or the Roman
Empire were complex and experienced different dynamics not only across time, but
also across regions.
de pagini, fără judecăți preconcepute, fără a imputa autorilor ceea ce nu
se poate face, fără sentințe generalizatoare și fără nici măcar o singură
sugestie despre modul cum ar trebui completată sau îmbunătățită singura monografie care reușește să coreleze izvoarele de natură diferită, arheologice și numismatice, care există în momentul actual și care conturează evoluția zonei de sud a Munteniei în secolele I-III p. Chr.