SSCI Papers by Emel Parlar Dal
Global Policy, 2021
This article adopts a holistic view of the theoretical and empirical interconnection between the ... more This article adopts a holistic view of the theoretical and empirical interconnection between the development and foreign policies of four Asian rising powers: South Korea (hereafter Korea), Japan, Indonesia and China during three consecutive periods; the Washington Consensus (WC) era (1980-1990), the Post-Washington Consensus (PWC) era (1990-2008) and the Hybrid/Mix (H/M) era (2008-onwards). This study aims to elucidate and compare the level of coherence between the development agenda and foreign policy tools of these four Asian rising powers. First, the article provides an overview of the existing literature on the developmental state and developmental foreign policy. Second, it presents a development-foreign policy nexus (DFN) framework that takes into account five layers: (1) economics; (2) diplomacy; (3) security and peace; (4) civil society; and (5) state-market, and their related lines of action and instruments. The last part applies this DFN framework to our selected cases and provides comparative insights based on our newly created DFN Index scores, calculated separately for the four countries in each of the eras under review. In the final analysis, the results of our DFN Index and comparative case studies indicate that since the 1980s, in the selected four countries development has almost become subordinated to foreign policy and this coherence has continued to increase since the end of the 1990s.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Contemporary Politics, 2019
This introductory article delves into the assessment of status policies
and status seeking strate... more This introductory article delves into the assessment of status policies
and status seeking strategies of rising powers and most particularly
their status competition among themselves in multiple platforms of
global governance. Different from the competition engaged by a
rising power against an established power, status competition
among the rising peers creates different consequences in terms of
both their intergroup relations and their relations towards the
higher-status traditional powers. Status competition may also be
used as a strategy by rising powers having equal or similar level
of status in international organizations to find new fields of
cooperation and to develop new diplomatic networks. Internal
dynamics of rising powers and their leaders’ foreign policy choices
also shape the way and the degree to which they engage in
status competition in status clubs. Status competition among
rising powers may also contribute to the reinforcing of their status
recognition.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Contemporary Politics, 2019
This study applies the theoretical framework of Social Identity
Theory (SIT) and its three main s... more This study applies the theoretical framework of Social Identity
Theory (SIT) and its three main strategies, social mobility, social
competition and social creativity to Turkey as an emerging middle
power in the G20. In doing so, it uses Role Theory’s toolkit
in order to assess the impact of Turkey’s middle power role
conception, role expectations, and role performance on identity
management strategies pursued by Turkey vis-à-vis its middle
power peers in the G20 (namely Canada, Australia, Korea, Brazil,
Mexico, and South Africa). The findings of this study acknowledge
that Turkey’s status-seeking policies as an emerging middle power
are more prone to pursuing social mobility and social creativity
rather than social competition. It concludes that Turkey’s
weakness in enacting its G20 middle power role and its failure in
bridging this middle power role to its middle power status in
turns it to an underperforming middle ranked country in the G20.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Third World Quarterly , 2019
This paper aims to shed light on Turkey’s conflict management role after the Cold War using a thr... more This paper aims to shed light on Turkey’s conflict management role after the Cold War using a three-layered framework consisting of the layers of actorness, approaches and tools. In doing so, it seeks to profile Turkey’s international conflict management since the Cold War years with a special focus on the nature of its participation in conflict management as an active or passive actor, the perspectives from which it approaches conflict management, and the conflict management instruments it utilises. First, the paper will provide a conceptual framework of international conflict management based on the above-mentioned triad of actorness, approaches and tools as derived from the existing literature. Second, it will apply the selected three-layered analytical framework to Turkey to decipher its strengths and limitations in managing international conflicts.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Third World Quarterly, 2019
This introductory article sheds light on commonalities and divergences in a selected group of... more This introductory article sheds light on commonalities and divergences in a selected group of rising powers’ (namely Brazil, India, china and turkey) understanding and applications of conflict management and attempts to explain the priorities in their conflict management strate- gies from conceptual/theoretical and empirical aspects. the case studies in this special issue point to the evolving nature of conflict management policies of rising powers as a result of their changing priorities in foreign and security policy and the shifts observed in the international order since the end of the cold War. the country specific perspectives pro- vided in this issue have also proven right the potentialities of rising powers in managing conflicts, as well as their past and ongoing chal- lenges in envisaging crises in both their own regions and extra-regional territories. the article begins by decoding the driving factors of rising powers’ conflict management strategies and their commonalities and divergences in peacebuilding policies. It then jumps into the theoretical and conceptual assessment of their conflict management approaches. In the third part, the issue delves into the evidence-based assessment their converging and differing conflict management policies depending on the nature of the conflict, its involving actors and its geographical location.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
This article attempts to assess Turkey's accommodation to the US-led global governance at the ins... more This article attempts to assess Turkey's accommodation to the US-led global governance at the institutional level using T.V. Paul's institutional accommodation strategy. In doing so, it specifically deals with Turkey's accommodation in two specific international institutions: the UN as the major global governance institution and the G20 as an informal international platform. Departing from the existing literature on accommodation, this study first proposes and outlines a new typol-ogy for peaceful accommodation. The second part seeks to analyze and compare the main driving factors of Turkey's institutional accommodation in the UN and G20. Finally, the third part seeks to operationalize the analytical framework of institutional accommodation strategy for understanding Turkey's institutional accommodation in the examples of the UN and G20. This study concludes that although Tur-key's accommodation and its institutional form can be nuanced from that of other rising states, Turkey has the capacity to act as an " intermediary accommodator " for becoming a responsible stakeholder in global governance.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
This study attempts to analyse Turkey’s contribution to the United
Nations (UN) system in compari... more This study attempts to analyse Turkey’s contribution to the United
Nations (UN) system in comparison with those of the Brazil, Russia,
India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) countries between 2008 and
2014 on three levels: personnel, financial, ideational. Employing an
integrated methodology of a global governance contribution index
(GGCI) and statistical analysis of complementary raw data, this study
empirically reveals the degree to which Turkey was able to transfer
its capabilities into an effective contribution to the UN system on
the three levels. Drawing on the findings of its quantitative analysis,
this paper further qualitatively assesses the reasons behind the gap
between Turkey’s global governance motivations and its contribution
to the UN system. In doing so, this study, first, deals with the main
motivational drivers of its activism in global governance in the
2000s. After unpacking its integrated methodology, the second part
of this study quantitatively compares Turkey’s contribution to the
UN system to that of the BRICS. The third part of this study delves
into the main trends and deficiencies in Turkey’s contribution to the
UN system. Finally, this study concludes that Turkey, despite its high
motivations for activism in global governance, has not performed
well in transferring its capacities into contributions to the UN system,
particularly on financial and personnel levels.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Abstract
This article examines how Turkey was affected by the conflict spillover effects of the ... more Abstract
This article examines how Turkey was affected by the conflict spillover effects of the Syrian civil war and its escalation in the last two years with the rise of the ISIS threat and the changing nature of the Kurdish insurgency. It seeks to assess the degree of the transnationalization of the Syrian civil war and its spread to Turkey by employing a theoretical framework borrowed from the conflict clustering literature. The first part will introduce the dual-embedded theoretical framework with its division of conflict spillover effects as “intentional” and “unintentional”. The second part tries to apply this dual track framework to the Turkish case and thus, seeks to test the conflict spillover factors on Turkey. The third part focuses on the two specific and major spillovers of the Syrian civil war, the ISIS threat and the rise of an embedded Kurdish insurgency, namely PYD-YPG/PKK and explains the conflict spillover processes of these two case studies under a triple framework, origin, diffusion and escalation and with reference to the division between intentional and unintentional spillover effects.
Key words: conflict spillover, transnationalization of conflict, Turkish foreign policy, Syrian civil war, ISIS, PYD-YPG/PKK
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Abstract
This paper attempts to analyze the voting behavior of Turkey in the UN General Assembly ... more Abstract
This paper attempts to analyze the voting behavior of Turkey in the UN General Assembly between 2002-2014 in comparison with those of the BRICS countries by using selected reference groups of IBSA, EU, P5 and the Western group of P5 with the help of a two layered methodology. In doing so, this paper, with a two-layered quantitative and qualitative methodological model, empirically tests Turkey’s voting alignments and cohesion scores in the UNGA to provide a comparative perspective on the degree of foreign policy cohesion among Turkey and its BRICS peers by comparing the group and pair-wise “cohesion” results. Finally, this paper will qualitatively analyze and discuss Turkey’s exceptional voting behaviors and alignments with both the Western group of P5 (USA, UK, France) and the BRICS to understand the nature of the international issues leading to convergences or divisions between Turkey and the BRICS and to demonstrate Turkey’s in-between and dual foreign policy role in international affairs.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Abstract
This study attempts to grasp the possible existence of new roles for intermediary actors... more Abstract
This study attempts to grasp the possible existence of new roles for intermediary actors in the changing global architecture by focusing on Turkey’s middle power capacity in the nascent middle power network of MIKTA. This study looks at an overarching embedded analytical triad of goals, means and impact, superposed by positional, behavioral and ideational sublayers. In doing so this paper argues and tests the assumption that the more a state accords its middle power goals, means and impact in a combined way, the more leverage it can have as a middle power in the changing international political economy. While the first part of this paper outlines this embedded analytical framework, after reviewing the existing literature on middle powers, the second and the third parts seek to operationalize this framework on middle powers, in particular at institutional and state level in the examples of MIKTA and Turkey. The fourth part delves into the opportunities and challenges that Turkey faces in its MIKTA trajectory (in the light of the conclusions drawn from the second and third part). Then, it concludes by saying that while Turkey possesses fairly compatible goals and impact with those of MIKTA, it is still far from channeling all of its capabilities to this new network mainly due to the domestic and regional impediments it faces--as well as, because in relation to MIKTA it lacks a comprehensive roadmap.
Keywords: MIKTA, Turkey, Middle Powers, Global Governance, G20
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Abstract
Middle power conceptualization has been reinvented over the years as the structural weig... more Abstract
Middle power conceptualization has been reinvented over the years as the structural weight of this cluster of countries changes. Moreover, the means by which middle powers project normative values and operational diplomatic approaches has morphed with the evolution of the global order. A constant, however, has been the unwillingness of middle powers to embrace some form of institutionalization. The focus has been multilateralism and/or specific functional issue areas or niches. This article argues that the combination of a world of diffuse power and a new type of informalism opens the possibility of collective action. Although MIKTA is in an early stage of development, this formation provides a significant test of the meaning and modalities of middle power diplomacy in the twenty-first century.
Keywords
middle powers, diplomacy, collective action, MIKTA, informalism
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Abstract
Turkey has been generally neglected thus far in most of the studies in IR on power categ... more Abstract
Turkey has been generally neglected thus far in most of the studies in IR on power categorizations such as middle or middle range power, regional power and rising/emerging power, despite its rising regional power status in the last decade. This paper attempts to understand Turkey’s regional power together with its rising power status in an integral approach. In doing so, it empirically tests whether, or not, Turkey fits to Daniel Flemes’s regional power category which seems to be proposing a more complete and integral framework through the fulfillment of the four basic preconditions: claim to leadership; possession of necessary power resources (material and ideational); employment of material, institutional and discursive foreign policy instruments; and acceptance of leadership by third parties. Based upon these analytical tools, it will discuss the performance of Turkey in creating a regional impact in its neighboring regions of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Black Sea and the Caucasus.
Key Words: regional power, rising power, emerging regional power, Turkish foreign policy, foreign policy instruments, power resources.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
This study seeks to open up a fertile ground for the empirical study of the cosmopolitanism-commu... more This study seeks to open up a fertile ground for the empirical study of the cosmopolitanism-communitarianism divide of normative IR theory with a special focus on the increasing weight of ethics and morality in Turkish foreign policy in recent years. A closer look at the orientation and responses of Turkish foreign policy to the Arab revolts in the Middle East, especially to the Syrian crisis will highlight some of the tensions that exist between the two normative IR theory approaches of cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. First, this study outlines the current debates in normative IR theory with a special focus on the divide between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. Second, it first seeks to assess whether Turkey has adopted either a cosmopolitan or communitarian position, or both in its foreign policy discourse and actions in the past. Then, it examines the slow rise of cosmopolitanism in Turkish foreign policy in the 2000s, with particular reference to the ruling political party in Turkey, the AKP (The Justice and Development Party) tenure. Third, it examines the cosmopolitanist/communitarianist dilemma that the AKP government faces in the context of the ‘Arab Spring’ revolts, and specifically the Syrian civil war—and with reference to three conceptual tools within the normative IR theory: global ethics, international justice-world order juxtaposition, world (global) citizenship-global governance. Overall, this paper will assess the influence of cosmopolitanism and communitarianism and their reconciling form on Turkish foreign policy.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Other Papers by Emel Parlar Dal
This paper attempts to assess the civilian character of Turkey’s political economy in sub-Saharan... more This paper attempts to assess the civilian character of Turkey’s political economy in sub-Saharan Africa with a special focus on its trade policy towards African countries. It also seeks to explore the degree to which its trade policies towards the continent contribute to the construction of a civilian foreign policy. Additionally, this study delves into the linkages between “power and trade” and between “civilian power and trade”. Assuming that Turkey is not usually conceived as a traditional civilian power in the IR literature and political debates, this paper aims to fill the lacuna in the existing literature focusing on the impact of trade on the making of civilian power. Applying Maull’s threefaceted framework of civilian power characteristics (cooperation, use of economic means, development of supranational structures), this study concludes that in Turkey’s emerging “civilian power” objectives, trade’s role is larger in the use of economic means for securing national goals and cooperation in the pursuit of international objectives than in the development of supranational structures for international management level.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Uploads
SSCI Papers by Emel Parlar Dal
and status seeking strategies of rising powers and most particularly
their status competition among themselves in multiple platforms of
global governance. Different from the competition engaged by a
rising power against an established power, status competition
among the rising peers creates different consequences in terms of
both their intergroup relations and their relations towards the
higher-status traditional powers. Status competition may also be
used as a strategy by rising powers having equal or similar level
of status in international organizations to find new fields of
cooperation and to develop new diplomatic networks. Internal
dynamics of rising powers and their leaders’ foreign policy choices
also shape the way and the degree to which they engage in
status competition in status clubs. Status competition among
rising powers may also contribute to the reinforcing of their status
recognition.
Theory (SIT) and its three main strategies, social mobility, social
competition and social creativity to Turkey as an emerging middle
power in the G20. In doing so, it uses Role Theory’s toolkit
in order to assess the impact of Turkey’s middle power role
conception, role expectations, and role performance on identity
management strategies pursued by Turkey vis-à-vis its middle
power peers in the G20 (namely Canada, Australia, Korea, Brazil,
Mexico, and South Africa). The findings of this study acknowledge
that Turkey’s status-seeking policies as an emerging middle power
are more prone to pursuing social mobility and social creativity
rather than social competition. It concludes that Turkey’s
weakness in enacting its G20 middle power role and its failure in
bridging this middle power role to its middle power status in
turns it to an underperforming middle ranked country in the G20.
Nations (UN) system in comparison with those of the Brazil, Russia,
India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) countries between 2008 and
2014 on three levels: personnel, financial, ideational. Employing an
integrated methodology of a global governance contribution index
(GGCI) and statistical analysis of complementary raw data, this study
empirically reveals the degree to which Turkey was able to transfer
its capabilities into an effective contribution to the UN system on
the three levels. Drawing on the findings of its quantitative analysis,
this paper further qualitatively assesses the reasons behind the gap
between Turkey’s global governance motivations and its contribution
to the UN system. In doing so, this study, first, deals with the main
motivational drivers of its activism in global governance in the
2000s. After unpacking its integrated methodology, the second part
of this study quantitatively compares Turkey’s contribution to the
UN system to that of the BRICS. The third part of this study delves
into the main trends and deficiencies in Turkey’s contribution to the
UN system. Finally, this study concludes that Turkey, despite its high
motivations for activism in global governance, has not performed
well in transferring its capacities into contributions to the UN system,
particularly on financial and personnel levels.
This article examines how Turkey was affected by the conflict spillover effects of the Syrian civil war and its escalation in the last two years with the rise of the ISIS threat and the changing nature of the Kurdish insurgency. It seeks to assess the degree of the transnationalization of the Syrian civil war and its spread to Turkey by employing a theoretical framework borrowed from the conflict clustering literature. The first part will introduce the dual-embedded theoretical framework with its division of conflict spillover effects as “intentional” and “unintentional”. The second part tries to apply this dual track framework to the Turkish case and thus, seeks to test the conflict spillover factors on Turkey. The third part focuses on the two specific and major spillovers of the Syrian civil war, the ISIS threat and the rise of an embedded Kurdish insurgency, namely PYD-YPG/PKK and explains the conflict spillover processes of these two case studies under a triple framework, origin, diffusion and escalation and with reference to the division between intentional and unintentional spillover effects.
Key words: conflict spillover, transnationalization of conflict, Turkish foreign policy, Syrian civil war, ISIS, PYD-YPG/PKK
This paper attempts to analyze the voting behavior of Turkey in the UN General Assembly between 2002-2014 in comparison with those of the BRICS countries by using selected reference groups of IBSA, EU, P5 and the Western group of P5 with the help of a two layered methodology. In doing so, this paper, with a two-layered quantitative and qualitative methodological model, empirically tests Turkey’s voting alignments and cohesion scores in the UNGA to provide a comparative perspective on the degree of foreign policy cohesion among Turkey and its BRICS peers by comparing the group and pair-wise “cohesion” results. Finally, this paper will qualitatively analyze and discuss Turkey’s exceptional voting behaviors and alignments with both the Western group of P5 (USA, UK, France) and the BRICS to understand the nature of the international issues leading to convergences or divisions between Turkey and the BRICS and to demonstrate Turkey’s in-between and dual foreign policy role in international affairs.
This study attempts to grasp the possible existence of new roles for intermediary actors in the changing global architecture by focusing on Turkey’s middle power capacity in the nascent middle power network of MIKTA. This study looks at an overarching embedded analytical triad of goals, means and impact, superposed by positional, behavioral and ideational sublayers. In doing so this paper argues and tests the assumption that the more a state accords its middle power goals, means and impact in a combined way, the more leverage it can have as a middle power in the changing international political economy. While the first part of this paper outlines this embedded analytical framework, after reviewing the existing literature on middle powers, the second and the third parts seek to operationalize this framework on middle powers, in particular at institutional and state level in the examples of MIKTA and Turkey. The fourth part delves into the opportunities and challenges that Turkey faces in its MIKTA trajectory (in the light of the conclusions drawn from the second and third part). Then, it concludes by saying that while Turkey possesses fairly compatible goals and impact with those of MIKTA, it is still far from channeling all of its capabilities to this new network mainly due to the domestic and regional impediments it faces--as well as, because in relation to MIKTA it lacks a comprehensive roadmap.
Keywords: MIKTA, Turkey, Middle Powers, Global Governance, G20
Middle power conceptualization has been reinvented over the years as the structural weight of this cluster of countries changes. Moreover, the means by which middle powers project normative values and operational diplomatic approaches has morphed with the evolution of the global order. A constant, however, has been the unwillingness of middle powers to embrace some form of institutionalization. The focus has been multilateralism and/or specific functional issue areas or niches. This article argues that the combination of a world of diffuse power and a new type of informalism opens the possibility of collective action. Although MIKTA is in an early stage of development, this formation provides a significant test of the meaning and modalities of middle power diplomacy in the twenty-first century.
Keywords
middle powers, diplomacy, collective action, MIKTA, informalism
Turkey has been generally neglected thus far in most of the studies in IR on power categorizations such as middle or middle range power, regional power and rising/emerging power, despite its rising regional power status in the last decade. This paper attempts to understand Turkey’s regional power together with its rising power status in an integral approach. In doing so, it empirically tests whether, or not, Turkey fits to Daniel Flemes’s regional power category which seems to be proposing a more complete and integral framework through the fulfillment of the four basic preconditions: claim to leadership; possession of necessary power resources (material and ideational); employment of material, institutional and discursive foreign policy instruments; and acceptance of leadership by third parties. Based upon these analytical tools, it will discuss the performance of Turkey in creating a regional impact in its neighboring regions of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Black Sea and the Caucasus.
Key Words: regional power, rising power, emerging regional power, Turkish foreign policy, foreign policy instruments, power resources.
Other Papers by Emel Parlar Dal
and status seeking strategies of rising powers and most particularly
their status competition among themselves in multiple platforms of
global governance. Different from the competition engaged by a
rising power against an established power, status competition
among the rising peers creates different consequences in terms of
both their intergroup relations and their relations towards the
higher-status traditional powers. Status competition may also be
used as a strategy by rising powers having equal or similar level
of status in international organizations to find new fields of
cooperation and to develop new diplomatic networks. Internal
dynamics of rising powers and their leaders’ foreign policy choices
also shape the way and the degree to which they engage in
status competition in status clubs. Status competition among
rising powers may also contribute to the reinforcing of their status
recognition.
Theory (SIT) and its three main strategies, social mobility, social
competition and social creativity to Turkey as an emerging middle
power in the G20. In doing so, it uses Role Theory’s toolkit
in order to assess the impact of Turkey’s middle power role
conception, role expectations, and role performance on identity
management strategies pursued by Turkey vis-à-vis its middle
power peers in the G20 (namely Canada, Australia, Korea, Brazil,
Mexico, and South Africa). The findings of this study acknowledge
that Turkey’s status-seeking policies as an emerging middle power
are more prone to pursuing social mobility and social creativity
rather than social competition. It concludes that Turkey’s
weakness in enacting its G20 middle power role and its failure in
bridging this middle power role to its middle power status in
turns it to an underperforming middle ranked country in the G20.
Nations (UN) system in comparison with those of the Brazil, Russia,
India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) countries between 2008 and
2014 on three levels: personnel, financial, ideational. Employing an
integrated methodology of a global governance contribution index
(GGCI) and statistical analysis of complementary raw data, this study
empirically reveals the degree to which Turkey was able to transfer
its capabilities into an effective contribution to the UN system on
the three levels. Drawing on the findings of its quantitative analysis,
this paper further qualitatively assesses the reasons behind the gap
between Turkey’s global governance motivations and its contribution
to the UN system. In doing so, this study, first, deals with the main
motivational drivers of its activism in global governance in the
2000s. After unpacking its integrated methodology, the second part
of this study quantitatively compares Turkey’s contribution to the
UN system to that of the BRICS. The third part of this study delves
into the main trends and deficiencies in Turkey’s contribution to the
UN system. Finally, this study concludes that Turkey, despite its high
motivations for activism in global governance, has not performed
well in transferring its capacities into contributions to the UN system,
particularly on financial and personnel levels.
This article examines how Turkey was affected by the conflict spillover effects of the Syrian civil war and its escalation in the last two years with the rise of the ISIS threat and the changing nature of the Kurdish insurgency. It seeks to assess the degree of the transnationalization of the Syrian civil war and its spread to Turkey by employing a theoretical framework borrowed from the conflict clustering literature. The first part will introduce the dual-embedded theoretical framework with its division of conflict spillover effects as “intentional” and “unintentional”. The second part tries to apply this dual track framework to the Turkish case and thus, seeks to test the conflict spillover factors on Turkey. The third part focuses on the two specific and major spillovers of the Syrian civil war, the ISIS threat and the rise of an embedded Kurdish insurgency, namely PYD-YPG/PKK and explains the conflict spillover processes of these two case studies under a triple framework, origin, diffusion and escalation and with reference to the division between intentional and unintentional spillover effects.
Key words: conflict spillover, transnationalization of conflict, Turkish foreign policy, Syrian civil war, ISIS, PYD-YPG/PKK
This paper attempts to analyze the voting behavior of Turkey in the UN General Assembly between 2002-2014 in comparison with those of the BRICS countries by using selected reference groups of IBSA, EU, P5 and the Western group of P5 with the help of a two layered methodology. In doing so, this paper, with a two-layered quantitative and qualitative methodological model, empirically tests Turkey’s voting alignments and cohesion scores in the UNGA to provide a comparative perspective on the degree of foreign policy cohesion among Turkey and its BRICS peers by comparing the group and pair-wise “cohesion” results. Finally, this paper will qualitatively analyze and discuss Turkey’s exceptional voting behaviors and alignments with both the Western group of P5 (USA, UK, France) and the BRICS to understand the nature of the international issues leading to convergences or divisions between Turkey and the BRICS and to demonstrate Turkey’s in-between and dual foreign policy role in international affairs.
This study attempts to grasp the possible existence of new roles for intermediary actors in the changing global architecture by focusing on Turkey’s middle power capacity in the nascent middle power network of MIKTA. This study looks at an overarching embedded analytical triad of goals, means and impact, superposed by positional, behavioral and ideational sublayers. In doing so this paper argues and tests the assumption that the more a state accords its middle power goals, means and impact in a combined way, the more leverage it can have as a middle power in the changing international political economy. While the first part of this paper outlines this embedded analytical framework, after reviewing the existing literature on middle powers, the second and the third parts seek to operationalize this framework on middle powers, in particular at institutional and state level in the examples of MIKTA and Turkey. The fourth part delves into the opportunities and challenges that Turkey faces in its MIKTA trajectory (in the light of the conclusions drawn from the second and third part). Then, it concludes by saying that while Turkey possesses fairly compatible goals and impact with those of MIKTA, it is still far from channeling all of its capabilities to this new network mainly due to the domestic and regional impediments it faces--as well as, because in relation to MIKTA it lacks a comprehensive roadmap.
Keywords: MIKTA, Turkey, Middle Powers, Global Governance, G20
Middle power conceptualization has been reinvented over the years as the structural weight of this cluster of countries changes. Moreover, the means by which middle powers project normative values and operational diplomatic approaches has morphed with the evolution of the global order. A constant, however, has been the unwillingness of middle powers to embrace some form of institutionalization. The focus has been multilateralism and/or specific functional issue areas or niches. This article argues that the combination of a world of diffuse power and a new type of informalism opens the possibility of collective action. Although MIKTA is in an early stage of development, this formation provides a significant test of the meaning and modalities of middle power diplomacy in the twenty-first century.
Keywords
middle powers, diplomacy, collective action, MIKTA, informalism
Turkey has been generally neglected thus far in most of the studies in IR on power categorizations such as middle or middle range power, regional power and rising/emerging power, despite its rising regional power status in the last decade. This paper attempts to understand Turkey’s regional power together with its rising power status in an integral approach. In doing so, it empirically tests whether, or not, Turkey fits to Daniel Flemes’s regional power category which seems to be proposing a more complete and integral framework through the fulfillment of the four basic preconditions: claim to leadership; possession of necessary power resources (material and ideational); employment of material, institutional and discursive foreign policy instruments; and acceptance of leadership by third parties. Based upon these analytical tools, it will discuss the performance of Turkey in creating a regional impact in its neighboring regions of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Black Sea and the Caucasus.
Key Words: regional power, rising power, emerging regional power, Turkish foreign policy, foreign policy instruments, power resources.
Key words: democracy promotion, European Union, Sub-Saharan Africa, political conditionality, effectiveness.
and new parameters and contours of
Turkish-Iraqi relations since the 1980s
up until now. It also seeks to understand
the “real change” in the current
Turkish-Iraqi relations together with
the challenges and opportunities that
currently face the two countries in the
Middle East. The paper starts from
Saddam Hussein’s era and analyses
respectively the post-Saddam era and
its challenges, the Maliki government,
the Arab Spring era, the rise of ISIS
threat and Kobane assault.
“insani diplomasi” çalışmaları öne çıkan alanlardan birini oluşturmuştur. İnsani
yardımdan farklı olarak barış arabuluculuğu faaliyetlerini ve devletlerin uluslararası platformlardan aldıkları fikirsel inisiyatifleri de kapsayan insani diplomasi, benzer dönemlerde yaşadıkları hükûmet değişikleriyle beraber dış politikada
farklı yöntemler kullanmaya başlayan Brezilya ve Türkiye için tercih edilen bir
araç olmuştur. Brezilya ve Türkiye 2000 sonrası dünyanın birçok bölgesinde insani diplomasi faaliyetleri yürütürken, iki devletin ilişki kurduğu ortak coğrafya
Afrika kıtası olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.
This study attempts to understand the civilian character of Turkey’s
political economy in Sub-Saharan Africa through its trade policies. In doing
so, this study decodes the nexus between various concepts such as power,
trade, civilian power and trade power and aims to assess the degree to which
Turkey’s trade relations with the Sub Saharan African countries contributes
to its construction of a civilian type of foreign policy. Acknowledging the fact
that Turkey has not so far been recognized as a traditional civilian power in
the IR literature, this study contributes to the existing literature by testing the
role of trade in the construction of civilan power in the example of Turkey’s
trade relations with the Sub Saharan Africa.
Keywords: Civilian Power, Trade Power, Turkey-African Relations,
Turkey’s Trade Relations, Civilian Power-Trade Nexus
Bu bölüm, Zimbabve ve Fildişi Sahili örneklerinden hareketle teorik ve ampirik perspektiften Normatif Güç Avrupa (NPE) kavramının sınırlarının ne olduğunu anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bunu yaparken, NPE kavramı ilk olarak liberal ve neorealist teoriler ışığı altında incelenecek, devamında ise Cotonou İşbirliği Anlaşması’nın (Cotonou Partnership Agreement-CPA) genel çerçevesinin ne olduğu anlatılacak, son olarak NPE açısından seçtiğimiz iki örnek Afrika ülkesinde Avrupa Birliği’nin (AB) demokrasi teşvik politikalarından ve bunların limitasyonlarından bahsedilecektir. Makalenin temel savı, CPA çerçevesinde AB’nin normatif vurgusunun belirgin olmasına rağmen, pratikte her iki ülkede de AB’nin siyasi gelişmelere karşı yeteri kadar duyarlı olmamasından dolayı AB’nin normatif gücünün sınırlı olmasıdır.
Abstract
This chapter seeks to explore the limits of the Normative Power Europe’s concept from theoretical and empirical perspectives by using Zimbabwe and Ivory Coast as test case studies. In doing so, it will first theorize the liberal understandings and neorealist critiques of the NPE concept, then it will briefly give an overview of the CPA framework and finally it will critically examine the EU’s democracy promotion activities in both countries from the NPE perspective. Our main argument is that though normative emphasis finds its place in the CPA Framework, the EU’s inconsistent attitude towards the political situation in both countries has significantly limited conceptions of the EU as a normative power.
Son yıllarda, kalkınma yardımları ülkelerin önemli dış politika araçlarından biri haline dönüşmüştür. Bu yeni trendin altında yatan nedenlerden bir tanesi, yükselen güçlerin bu alanda giderek artan etkileri ve aktivizmidir. Özellikle son yıllarda kalkınma yardımları ve Afrika aktivizmi yükselen güçler için önemli bir bağlam haline dönüşmüştür. Yükselen güçlerin bu alanda artan motivasyonunun arkasında ekonomik, politik, askeri ve insani boyutlar bulunmakla birlikte, yükselen güçler açısından kalkınma yardımları çok boyutlu ve çok katmanlı bir dış politika stratejisinin bir parçası olarak ele alınmalıdır. Bu çalışmada Türkiye-Hindistan Afrika kalkınma yardımları karşılaştırması yapılarak, kalkınma yardımları hakkında teorik ve pratik çıkarsamalar ortaya koymak, Türkiye’nin ve Hindistan’ın bu alanda yapmış olduğu pratikleri mercek altına almak ve böylece etkili bir kalkınma yardımı vericisi olma hedefinde olan Türkiye için siyaseten uygulanabilir bir takım politika önerilerinde bulunmak amaçlanmaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Kalkınma Yardımları, Hindistan, Türkiye, Afrika, Yükselen Güçler
THE COMPARISON OF TURKEY AND INDIA IN THE CONTEXT OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT AID POLICIES TOWARDS AFRICA IN THE 2000s
Abstract
Development aid has become an important foreign policy tool for states in recent years. One of the most important reason behind this new trend is the fact that rising powers have increased their efforts and activism in this field. Development aid and African activism have become an important context for the rising powers in particular. Even though there are economic, political, military and humanitarian reasons behind the increasing motivation of rising powers in the context of development cooperation, development aid should be approached as a part of a multi-dimensional and multi layered foreign policy strategy of rising powers. This study aims to make a comparison between Turkish and Indian development aid policies towards Africa. In doing so, it seeks to produce theoretical and practical inferences regarding development aid and to propose politically applicable policy proposals to Turkey aiming to be an effective development aid donor among the other rising powers.
Key Words: Development Aids, Turkey, India, Africa, Rising Powers
This book was published as a special issue of Turkish Studies.