As second screening becomes more widespread, this study addresses its mediating role on the impac... more As second screening becomes more widespread, this study addresses its mediating role on the impact of TV news in political participation online and offline, and how this impact varies across groups. We expand the existing line of research by assessing the moderating role of support for Donald Trump on the established mediated model. Through a cross-lagged autoregressive panel survey design applied to the communication mediation model, our results support the link between second screening and political participation—but the mediating role of second screening is contingent upon attitudes towards Trump. For those who do not view Trump favorably, second screening during news leads to a decrease in political participation, both online and offline. As such, this article adds to the communication mediation model by suggesting that discussion and elaboration may not always be positive antecedents to political participation. When individuals disagree with the message dominating TV news and social media, deliberation via second screening leads to political disengagement.
Journalists are frequently doing some of their daily work on social media, spaces they did not cr... more Journalists are frequently doing some of their daily work on social media, spaces they did not create but have appropriated for journalistic purposes. Building on previous studies of how political journalists use social media, this study examines how news professionals and organizations are employing new affordances of the platform as they engage their audiences on Twitter. We expand on previously established narratives of normalization and negotiation of journalism’s boundaries by providing a snapshot of these processes in mid-stream, during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Our goal is to analyze how interaction-based affordances are being used by journalists and how audiences react to them. Results suggest retweets are used to promote their organization, quote tweets to comment on the work of peers at other news organizations, and replies mostly to bypass the 140-character limitation. When it comes to audiences, tweets contain-ing multimedia and policy issues are more likely to generate engagement. Findings reveal that older forms of interaction (tweets and retweets) are more normalized than newer forms (replies and quote tweets) and journalists largely ignore members of the public, preferring to talk amongst themselves in social media echo chambers.
The shooting death of Michael Brown by a police officer in August 2014 served as a pivotal case t... more The shooting death of Michael Brown by a police officer in August 2014 served as a pivotal case that pushed excessive use of police force against minority groups to the national spotlight. Guided by the scholarship on protest coverage, this article investigates the interplay between advocacy and journalistic framing in the coverage of the Ferguson protests by national and local news. A content analysis of five newspapers during the first cycle of protests identified how journalistic frames of presentation derived from the ‘protest paradigm’ literature related to the content frames pushed forward by the Black Lives Matter movement. Results reveal that initial stories were predominantly episodic and focused on violence to the detriment of demands and grievances. However, episodic stories were also critical of the police response and the use of military-grade weapons to contain the demonstrations. As the weeks progressed, journalists gave space to the ideas of protestors in a more thematic way, especially on issues related to race beyond the topic of police brutality. Taken together, findings suggest small but significant progress as time continued during the first month of demonstrations after Brown’s shooting. Results presented here challenge the paradigmatic nature of protest coverage but reinforce that more space should be given to contextual narratives behind social movements’ actions in addition to coverage that is critical of police and protestor tactics.
The rise of the modern Black Lives Matter movement can be traced back to two key events, the 2012... more The rise of the modern Black Lives Matter movement can be traced back to two key events, the 2012 death of Trayvon Martin and the 2014 death of Michael Brown. Research routinely showed that mainstream media’s narrative choices marginalize and delegitimize protesters and their causes, a pattern known as the protest paradigm. This study provides a longitudinal examination of how the same mainstream media system varied in their coverage of similar events and the degree to which journalists challenged the predicted paradigms conceptualized in other aca-demic work. A content analysis of national newspaper coverage revealed that news before the judicial rulings focused on protesters’ tactics (violence versus peaceful) and changed to the realm of ideas (grievances and demands) after the assailants were considered not guilty of wrongdoing. No progression was found in legitimizing coverage of protests between the two cases.
Levels of news media trust have been steadily declining in the United States since the 1970s and ... more Levels of news media trust have been steadily declining in the United States since the 1970s and frequent attacks against the press have characterized the first year of the Trump presidency. This study focuses on the relationship between media trust, news repertoires and support for Trump. Our goal was two-fold: first, we tested how individual predispositions influence patterns of media consumption (repertoires), which in turn predict news trust. Then, we analyze how atti-tudes about Trump relate to repertoires and media trust. Survey results revealed four repertoires: low news users/some local news, news junkies, conservative news users, and mainstream news users. News junkies and mainstream news users trusted the media more, while conservative news users had the lowest levels of trust. Support for Trump is the strongest predictor of news distrust, even controlling for conservatism and news repertoires. Findings suggest that the impact of a White House that is hostile to the press goes beyond the way partisanship affects media trust.
In 2013, small demonstrations against bus fares evolved into a series of large protests expressin... more In 2013, small demonstrations against bus fares evolved into a series of large protests expressing generalized dissatisfaction with leftist president Dilma Rousseff in Brazil. Communication research has long examined the "protest paradigm," a pattern of news coverage delegitimizing social movements. The Brazilian context provided a chance to assess the extent to which the paradigm holds when protests take on a conservative elite-supported narrative contesting the government. Through a quantitatively driven mixed-methods approach combining content analysis and interviews with mainstream journalists, this study revealed that when grievances evolved into coherent antigovernment demands, official sources from opposition parties served to legitimize the movement. As such, this study departed from an understanding of protest coverage as paradigmatic toward a complex view of the relationship between protestors and the press. Findings showed that when elite opposition groups supported protests, journalistic norms and routines validated demonstrations.
After the 2016 US presidential election, the concept of fake news captured popular attention, but... more After the 2016 US presidential election, the concept of fake news captured popular attention, but conversations lacked a clear conceptualization and used the label in elastic ways to describe various distinct phenomena. In this paper, we analyze fake news as genre blending, combining elements of traditional news with features that are exogenous to normative professional journalism: misinformation, sensationalism, clickbait, and bias. Through a content analysis of stories published by 50 sites that have been labeled fake news and the engagement they generated on social media, we found that stories employed moderate levels of sensationalism, misinformation and partisanship to provide anti-establishment narratives. Complete fabrications were uncommon and did not resonate well with audiences, although there was some truth-stretching that came with genre blending. Results suggest that technocentric solutions aimed at detecting falsehoods are likely insufficient, as fake news is defined more by partisanship and identity politics than misinformation and deception.
This study investigates challenges faced by investigative journalists in Latin America, one of th... more This study investigates challenges faced by investigative journalists in Latin America, one of the most dangerous places in the world for reporters. Guided by the hierarchy of influences model, we analyzed answers from 1,543 journalists, journalism educators, and journalism students in the region. We identified both single and multi-level constraints impeding investigative reporting in the region. Single-level influences are those that are better analyzed by focusing on one level of the hierarchical model. These include individual (lack of training), routine (relationships with sources), organizational (media ownership), and institutional influences (censorship). However, results suggest there are certain types of influences that are better suited to analysis combining all levels. Despite two decades of media liberalization, crime and corruption, state violence against the press, and the lack of a culture of free speech pose severe constraints to investigative reporting in Latin America.
In recent years, journalists, political elites, and the public have used Twitter as an indicator ... more In recent years, journalists, political elites, and the public have used Twitter as an indicator of political trends. Given this usage, what effect do campaign activities have on Twitter discourse? What effect does that discourse have on electoral outcomes? We posit that Twitter can be understood as a tool for and an object of political communication, especially during elections. This study positions Twitter volume as an outcome of other electoral antecedents and then assesses its relevance in election campaigns. Using a data set of more than 3 million tweets about 2014 U.S. Senate candidates from three distinct groups—news media, political actors, and the public—we find that competitiveness and money spent in the race were the main predictors of volume of Twitter discourse, and the impact of competitiveness of the race was stronger for tweets coming from the media when compared to the other groups. Twitter volume did not predict vote share for any of the 35 races studied. Our findings suggest that Twitter is better understood as a tool for political communication, and its usage may be predicted by money spent and race characteristics. As an object, Twitter use has limited power to predict electoral outcomes.
Second screening is widespread worldwide, particularly in younger populations. We analyze a surve... more Second screening is widespread worldwide, particularly in younger populations. We analyze a survey of college students in Brazil and the United States to compare second screening frequency, types, platforms, and motivations between the two countries. Despite lower Internet penetration, Brazilians second screen significantly more than Americans, a result of the country’s tradition of interacting with producers of television. In both countries, those who use the interactive affordances of social media are more likely to second screen. As such, we posit this unique audience-driven act works to bridge Web-connected devices and television to create a converged atmosphere.
In recent years, Latin Americans marched the streets in a wave of protests that swept almost ever... more In recent years, Latin Americans marched the streets in a wave of protests that swept almost every country in the region. Yet few studies have assessed how Latin Americans support various forms of protest, and how new technologies affect attitudes toward protest tactics. Using data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (N = 37,102), cluster analyses grouped citizens into four distinct groups depending on their support for protests. Most Latin Americans support moderate forms of protest, rejecting more radical tactics. Online networking is associated with support for both moderate and radical protests. But those who support only moderate protests use online networking sites more than Latin Americans as a whole, while those who support radical protests use online networking sites significantly less. Our findings suggest that only peaceful and legal demonstrations have been normalized in the region, and online networking foments support for moderate protest tactics.
As campaign discussions increasingly circulate within social media, it is important to understand... more As campaign discussions increasingly circulate within social media, it is important to understand the characteristics of these conversations. Specifically, we ask whether well-documented patterns of gendered bias against women candidates persist in socially networked political discussions. Theorizing power dynamics as relational, we use dialectic configurations between actors as independent variables determining network measures as outcomes. Our goal is to assess relational power granted to candidates through Twitter conversations about them and whether they change depending on the gender of their opponent. Based on more than a quarter of a million tweets about 50 candidates for state-wide offices during the 2014 US elections, results suggest that when a woman opposes a man, the conversation revolves around her, but she retains a smaller portion of rhetorical share. We find that gender affects network structure—women candidates are both more central and more replied to when they run against men. Despite the potential for social media to disrupt deeply rooted gender bias, our findings suggest that the structure of networked discussions about male and female candidates still results in a differential distribution of relational power.
Results of a 2010 survey of twenty-two Latin American countries show that Brazil ranks first with... more Results of a 2010 survey of twenty-two Latin American countries show that Brazil ranks first with respect to Internet connectivity. Analyses of national household surveys further show an increase in microcomputers and Internet access between 2004 and 2009, and a decline in the digital divide by rural-urban residence and socioeconomic status. The study also finds that the intensity of Internet use has a positive effect on the knowledge and attitudes deemed relevant to democratic governance.
During the 2012 elections, several narratives built around humor, zingers, and gaffes blurred
the... more During the 2012 elections, several narratives built around humor, zingers, and gaffes blurred the lines between news and entertainment. This paper examines how political journalists used humor on Twitter during the first 2012 presidential election debate. This study also explores the character of such humor, how jokes relate to other forms of Twitter interactivity, and who, or what are the targets of these jokes. Twitter use by political reporters during a presidential debate might offer evidence of a deviation from traditional reporting norms. Recent scholarship on journalism practice and new media technologies suggests that journalists tend to “normalize” new media affordances; journalists often adapt long-standing routines to new technological platforms. Normalization offers a solid construct to guide inquiry on how social media might, or might not, affect change in the delivery and style of contemporary political news. A content analysis of tweets posted by 430 political journalists during the debate reveals widespread use of humor by journalists on Twitter, especially associated with the retweet function. About one-fifth of the journalists’ tweets included jokes, suggesting a growing acceptance of the rhetorical device on Twitter. Results also reveal that journalists and commentators pointed their jokes toward political figures, but more sophisticated satirical comments were aimed at the news media or the debate process at large. Overall, political journalists tended to avoid humor as a means of criticism. Implications regarding the role of humor in politics, the nature of reporting on Twitter, and areas of potential future research are discussed.
How do online news and social media use relate to public support for the European Union? To answe... more How do online news and social media use relate to public support for the European Union? To answer this question, this study compares the effect of institutional websites, news websites, online social networks, blogs, and video hosting websites on five important dimensions of public attitudes toward the EU: strengthening, performance, fear, efficacy, and utilitarianism. Cases were selected by choosing the samples from the largest country in each stage of EU enlargement: Germany, the United Kingdom, Greece, Sweden, the Czech Republic, and Romania. After controlling for demographic and political factors, results show that getting European news from blogs fosters negative attitudes toward the EU, whereas social network sites contribute to a positive view of the EU’s performance and support for further strengthening. In addition, the use of YouTube and news websites interacts with off-line discussion to enhance political effects.
The growing use of tablet and smartphone news applications, search engines, and online social med... more The growing use of tablet and smartphone news applications, search engines, and online social media for political and news information deserves attention because of the political implications. Using data from a statewide Texas opt-in poll from February 2012, this study tests the direct versus the differential hypothesis for each of the information acquisition tools with respect to political knowledge and voting. Results indicate a direct effect for search engine use and political knowledge. Suggestions for future research are provided in light of limitations of the current study and the possibility that information acquisition tool use will continue to grow.
Diante de um projeto de grande abrangência no que se refere à pesquisa e meio ambiente como o Pia... more Diante de um projeto de grande abrangência no que se refere à pesquisa e meio ambiente como o Piatam -Potenciais Impactos e Riscos Ambientais da Indústria do Petróleo e Gás Natural no Amazonas, a construção de um ambiente virtual de informação e comunicação científica e ambiental que se concretiza em sua pagina web, surge como uma estratégia de divulgação da ciência e tecnologia gerada no âmbito do projeto, bem como do seu andamento e resultados, tanto para os pesquisadores da comunidade científica quanto para a sociedade em geral. Este trabalho visa mostrar que as Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC), como o site do Piatam, se fazem ferramentas não só necessárias, como também inovadoras e eficazes, no cumprimento desse papel.
As second screening becomes more widespread, this study addresses its mediating role on the impac... more As second screening becomes more widespread, this study addresses its mediating role on the impact of TV news in political participation online and offline, and how this impact varies across groups. We expand the existing line of research by assessing the moderating role of support for Donald Trump on the established mediated model. Through a cross-lagged autoregressive panel survey design applied to the communication mediation model, our results support the link between second screening and political participation—but the mediating role of second screening is contingent upon attitudes towards Trump. For those who do not view Trump favorably, second screening during news leads to a decrease in political participation, both online and offline. As such, this article adds to the communication mediation model by suggesting that discussion and elaboration may not always be positive antecedents to political participation. When individuals disagree with the message dominating TV news and social media, deliberation via second screening leads to political disengagement.
Journalists are frequently doing some of their daily work on social media, spaces they did not cr... more Journalists are frequently doing some of their daily work on social media, spaces they did not create but have appropriated for journalistic purposes. Building on previous studies of how political journalists use social media, this study examines how news professionals and organizations are employing new affordances of the platform as they engage their audiences on Twitter. We expand on previously established narratives of normalization and negotiation of journalism’s boundaries by providing a snapshot of these processes in mid-stream, during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Our goal is to analyze how interaction-based affordances are being used by journalists and how audiences react to them. Results suggest retweets are used to promote their organization, quote tweets to comment on the work of peers at other news organizations, and replies mostly to bypass the 140-character limitation. When it comes to audiences, tweets contain-ing multimedia and policy issues are more likely to generate engagement. Findings reveal that older forms of interaction (tweets and retweets) are more normalized than newer forms (replies and quote tweets) and journalists largely ignore members of the public, preferring to talk amongst themselves in social media echo chambers.
The shooting death of Michael Brown by a police officer in August 2014 served as a pivotal case t... more The shooting death of Michael Brown by a police officer in August 2014 served as a pivotal case that pushed excessive use of police force against minority groups to the national spotlight. Guided by the scholarship on protest coverage, this article investigates the interplay between advocacy and journalistic framing in the coverage of the Ferguson protests by national and local news. A content analysis of five newspapers during the first cycle of protests identified how journalistic frames of presentation derived from the ‘protest paradigm’ literature related to the content frames pushed forward by the Black Lives Matter movement. Results reveal that initial stories were predominantly episodic and focused on violence to the detriment of demands and grievances. However, episodic stories were also critical of the police response and the use of military-grade weapons to contain the demonstrations. As the weeks progressed, journalists gave space to the ideas of protestors in a more thematic way, especially on issues related to race beyond the topic of police brutality. Taken together, findings suggest small but significant progress as time continued during the first month of demonstrations after Brown’s shooting. Results presented here challenge the paradigmatic nature of protest coverage but reinforce that more space should be given to contextual narratives behind social movements’ actions in addition to coverage that is critical of police and protestor tactics.
The rise of the modern Black Lives Matter movement can be traced back to two key events, the 2012... more The rise of the modern Black Lives Matter movement can be traced back to two key events, the 2012 death of Trayvon Martin and the 2014 death of Michael Brown. Research routinely showed that mainstream media’s narrative choices marginalize and delegitimize protesters and their causes, a pattern known as the protest paradigm. This study provides a longitudinal examination of how the same mainstream media system varied in their coverage of similar events and the degree to which journalists challenged the predicted paradigms conceptualized in other aca-demic work. A content analysis of national newspaper coverage revealed that news before the judicial rulings focused on protesters’ tactics (violence versus peaceful) and changed to the realm of ideas (grievances and demands) after the assailants were considered not guilty of wrongdoing. No progression was found in legitimizing coverage of protests between the two cases.
Levels of news media trust have been steadily declining in the United States since the 1970s and ... more Levels of news media trust have been steadily declining in the United States since the 1970s and frequent attacks against the press have characterized the first year of the Trump presidency. This study focuses on the relationship between media trust, news repertoires and support for Trump. Our goal was two-fold: first, we tested how individual predispositions influence patterns of media consumption (repertoires), which in turn predict news trust. Then, we analyze how atti-tudes about Trump relate to repertoires and media trust. Survey results revealed four repertoires: low news users/some local news, news junkies, conservative news users, and mainstream news users. News junkies and mainstream news users trusted the media more, while conservative news users had the lowest levels of trust. Support for Trump is the strongest predictor of news distrust, even controlling for conservatism and news repertoires. Findings suggest that the impact of a White House that is hostile to the press goes beyond the way partisanship affects media trust.
In 2013, small demonstrations against bus fares evolved into a series of large protests expressin... more In 2013, small demonstrations against bus fares evolved into a series of large protests expressing generalized dissatisfaction with leftist president Dilma Rousseff in Brazil. Communication research has long examined the "protest paradigm," a pattern of news coverage delegitimizing social movements. The Brazilian context provided a chance to assess the extent to which the paradigm holds when protests take on a conservative elite-supported narrative contesting the government. Through a quantitatively driven mixed-methods approach combining content analysis and interviews with mainstream journalists, this study revealed that when grievances evolved into coherent antigovernment demands, official sources from opposition parties served to legitimize the movement. As such, this study departed from an understanding of protest coverage as paradigmatic toward a complex view of the relationship between protestors and the press. Findings showed that when elite opposition groups supported protests, journalistic norms and routines validated demonstrations.
After the 2016 US presidential election, the concept of fake news captured popular attention, but... more After the 2016 US presidential election, the concept of fake news captured popular attention, but conversations lacked a clear conceptualization and used the label in elastic ways to describe various distinct phenomena. In this paper, we analyze fake news as genre blending, combining elements of traditional news with features that are exogenous to normative professional journalism: misinformation, sensationalism, clickbait, and bias. Through a content analysis of stories published by 50 sites that have been labeled fake news and the engagement they generated on social media, we found that stories employed moderate levels of sensationalism, misinformation and partisanship to provide anti-establishment narratives. Complete fabrications were uncommon and did not resonate well with audiences, although there was some truth-stretching that came with genre blending. Results suggest that technocentric solutions aimed at detecting falsehoods are likely insufficient, as fake news is defined more by partisanship and identity politics than misinformation and deception.
This study investigates challenges faced by investigative journalists in Latin America, one of th... more This study investigates challenges faced by investigative journalists in Latin America, one of the most dangerous places in the world for reporters. Guided by the hierarchy of influences model, we analyzed answers from 1,543 journalists, journalism educators, and journalism students in the region. We identified both single and multi-level constraints impeding investigative reporting in the region. Single-level influences are those that are better analyzed by focusing on one level of the hierarchical model. These include individual (lack of training), routine (relationships with sources), organizational (media ownership), and institutional influences (censorship). However, results suggest there are certain types of influences that are better suited to analysis combining all levels. Despite two decades of media liberalization, crime and corruption, state violence against the press, and the lack of a culture of free speech pose severe constraints to investigative reporting in Latin America.
In recent years, journalists, political elites, and the public have used Twitter as an indicator ... more In recent years, journalists, political elites, and the public have used Twitter as an indicator of political trends. Given this usage, what effect do campaign activities have on Twitter discourse? What effect does that discourse have on electoral outcomes? We posit that Twitter can be understood as a tool for and an object of political communication, especially during elections. This study positions Twitter volume as an outcome of other electoral antecedents and then assesses its relevance in election campaigns. Using a data set of more than 3 million tweets about 2014 U.S. Senate candidates from three distinct groups—news media, political actors, and the public—we find that competitiveness and money spent in the race were the main predictors of volume of Twitter discourse, and the impact of competitiveness of the race was stronger for tweets coming from the media when compared to the other groups. Twitter volume did not predict vote share for any of the 35 races studied. Our findings suggest that Twitter is better understood as a tool for political communication, and its usage may be predicted by money spent and race characteristics. As an object, Twitter use has limited power to predict electoral outcomes.
Second screening is widespread worldwide, particularly in younger populations. We analyze a surve... more Second screening is widespread worldwide, particularly in younger populations. We analyze a survey of college students in Brazil and the United States to compare second screening frequency, types, platforms, and motivations between the two countries. Despite lower Internet penetration, Brazilians second screen significantly more than Americans, a result of the country’s tradition of interacting with producers of television. In both countries, those who use the interactive affordances of social media are more likely to second screen. As such, we posit this unique audience-driven act works to bridge Web-connected devices and television to create a converged atmosphere.
In recent years, Latin Americans marched the streets in a wave of protests that swept almost ever... more In recent years, Latin Americans marched the streets in a wave of protests that swept almost every country in the region. Yet few studies have assessed how Latin Americans support various forms of protest, and how new technologies affect attitudes toward protest tactics. Using data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (N = 37,102), cluster analyses grouped citizens into four distinct groups depending on their support for protests. Most Latin Americans support moderate forms of protest, rejecting more radical tactics. Online networking is associated with support for both moderate and radical protests. But those who support only moderate protests use online networking sites more than Latin Americans as a whole, while those who support radical protests use online networking sites significantly less. Our findings suggest that only peaceful and legal demonstrations have been normalized in the region, and online networking foments support for moderate protest tactics.
As campaign discussions increasingly circulate within social media, it is important to understand... more As campaign discussions increasingly circulate within social media, it is important to understand the characteristics of these conversations. Specifically, we ask whether well-documented patterns of gendered bias against women candidates persist in socially networked political discussions. Theorizing power dynamics as relational, we use dialectic configurations between actors as independent variables determining network measures as outcomes. Our goal is to assess relational power granted to candidates through Twitter conversations about them and whether they change depending on the gender of their opponent. Based on more than a quarter of a million tweets about 50 candidates for state-wide offices during the 2014 US elections, results suggest that when a woman opposes a man, the conversation revolves around her, but she retains a smaller portion of rhetorical share. We find that gender affects network structure—women candidates are both more central and more replied to when they run against men. Despite the potential for social media to disrupt deeply rooted gender bias, our findings suggest that the structure of networked discussions about male and female candidates still results in a differential distribution of relational power.
Results of a 2010 survey of twenty-two Latin American countries show that Brazil ranks first with... more Results of a 2010 survey of twenty-two Latin American countries show that Brazil ranks first with respect to Internet connectivity. Analyses of national household surveys further show an increase in microcomputers and Internet access between 2004 and 2009, and a decline in the digital divide by rural-urban residence and socioeconomic status. The study also finds that the intensity of Internet use has a positive effect on the knowledge and attitudes deemed relevant to democratic governance.
During the 2012 elections, several narratives built around humor, zingers, and gaffes blurred
the... more During the 2012 elections, several narratives built around humor, zingers, and gaffes blurred the lines between news and entertainment. This paper examines how political journalists used humor on Twitter during the first 2012 presidential election debate. This study also explores the character of such humor, how jokes relate to other forms of Twitter interactivity, and who, or what are the targets of these jokes. Twitter use by political reporters during a presidential debate might offer evidence of a deviation from traditional reporting norms. Recent scholarship on journalism practice and new media technologies suggests that journalists tend to “normalize” new media affordances; journalists often adapt long-standing routines to new technological platforms. Normalization offers a solid construct to guide inquiry on how social media might, or might not, affect change in the delivery and style of contemporary political news. A content analysis of tweets posted by 430 political journalists during the debate reveals widespread use of humor by journalists on Twitter, especially associated with the retweet function. About one-fifth of the journalists’ tweets included jokes, suggesting a growing acceptance of the rhetorical device on Twitter. Results also reveal that journalists and commentators pointed their jokes toward political figures, but more sophisticated satirical comments were aimed at the news media or the debate process at large. Overall, political journalists tended to avoid humor as a means of criticism. Implications regarding the role of humor in politics, the nature of reporting on Twitter, and areas of potential future research are discussed.
How do online news and social media use relate to public support for the European Union? To answe... more How do online news and social media use relate to public support for the European Union? To answer this question, this study compares the effect of institutional websites, news websites, online social networks, blogs, and video hosting websites on five important dimensions of public attitudes toward the EU: strengthening, performance, fear, efficacy, and utilitarianism. Cases were selected by choosing the samples from the largest country in each stage of EU enlargement: Germany, the United Kingdom, Greece, Sweden, the Czech Republic, and Romania. After controlling for demographic and political factors, results show that getting European news from blogs fosters negative attitudes toward the EU, whereas social network sites contribute to a positive view of the EU’s performance and support for further strengthening. In addition, the use of YouTube and news websites interacts with off-line discussion to enhance political effects.
The growing use of tablet and smartphone news applications, search engines, and online social med... more The growing use of tablet and smartphone news applications, search engines, and online social media for political and news information deserves attention because of the political implications. Using data from a statewide Texas opt-in poll from February 2012, this study tests the direct versus the differential hypothesis for each of the information acquisition tools with respect to political knowledge and voting. Results indicate a direct effect for search engine use and political knowledge. Suggestions for future research are provided in light of limitations of the current study and the possibility that information acquisition tool use will continue to grow.
Diante de um projeto de grande abrangência no que se refere à pesquisa e meio ambiente como o Pia... more Diante de um projeto de grande abrangência no que se refere à pesquisa e meio ambiente como o Piatam -Potenciais Impactos e Riscos Ambientais da Indústria do Petróleo e Gás Natural no Amazonas, a construção de um ambiente virtual de informação e comunicação científica e ambiental que se concretiza em sua pagina web, surge como uma estratégia de divulgação da ciência e tecnologia gerada no âmbito do projeto, bem como do seu andamento e resultados, tanto para os pesquisadores da comunidade científica quanto para a sociedade em geral. Este trabalho visa mostrar que as Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC), como o site do Piatam, se fazem ferramentas não só necessárias, como também inovadoras e eficazes, no cumprimento desse papel.
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Papers by Rachel Mourao
first cycle of protests identified how journalistic frames of presentation derived from the ‘protest paradigm’ literature related to the content frames pushed forward by the Black Lives Matter movement. Results reveal that initial stories were predominantly episodic and focused on violence to the detriment of demands and grievances. However, episodic stories were also critical of the police response and the use of military-grade weapons to contain the demonstrations. As the weeks progressed, journalists gave
space to the ideas of protestors in a more thematic way, especially on issues related to race beyond the topic of police brutality. Taken together, findings suggest small but significant progress as time continued during the first month of demonstrations after Brown’s shooting. Results presented here challenge the paradigmatic nature of protest
coverage but reinforce that more space should be given to contextual narratives behind social movements’ actions in addition to coverage that is critical of police and protestor tactics.
conversations. Specifically, we ask whether well-documented patterns of gendered bias against women candidates persist in
socially networked political discussions. Theorizing power dynamics as relational, we use dialectic configurations between
actors as independent variables determining network measures as outcomes. Our goal is to assess relational power granted
to candidates through Twitter conversations about them and whether they change depending on the gender of their
opponent. Based on more than a quarter of a million tweets about 50 candidates for state-wide offices during the 2014 US
elections, results suggest that when a woman opposes a man, the conversation revolves around her, but she retains a smaller
portion of rhetorical share. We find that gender affects network structure—women candidates are both more central and
more replied to when they run against men. Despite the potential for social media to disrupt deeply rooted gender bias, our
findings suggest that the structure of networked discussions about male and female candidates still results in a differential
distribution of relational power.
the lines between news and entertainment. This paper examines how political journalists used
humor on Twitter during the first 2012 presidential election debate. This study also explores
the character of such humor, how jokes relate to other forms of Twitter interactivity, and who,
or what are the targets of these jokes. Twitter use by political reporters during a presidential
debate might offer evidence of a deviation from traditional reporting norms. Recent scholarship
on journalism practice and new media technologies suggests that journalists tend to “normalize”
new media affordances; journalists often adapt long-standing routines to new
technological platforms. Normalization offers a solid construct to guide inquiry on how social
media might, or might not, affect change in the delivery and style of contemporary political
news. A content analysis of tweets posted by 430 political journalists during the debate reveals
widespread use of humor by journalists on Twitter, especially associated with the retweet function.
About one-fifth of the journalists’ tweets included jokes, suggesting a growing acceptance
of the rhetorical device on Twitter. Results also reveal that journalists and commentators
pointed their jokes toward political figures, but more sophisticated satirical comments were
aimed at the news media or the debate process at large. Overall, political journalists tended to
avoid humor as a means of criticism. Implications regarding the role of humor in politics, the
nature of reporting on Twitter, and areas of potential future research are discussed.
first cycle of protests identified how journalistic frames of presentation derived from the ‘protest paradigm’ literature related to the content frames pushed forward by the Black Lives Matter movement. Results reveal that initial stories were predominantly episodic and focused on violence to the detriment of demands and grievances. However, episodic stories were also critical of the police response and the use of military-grade weapons to contain the demonstrations. As the weeks progressed, journalists gave
space to the ideas of protestors in a more thematic way, especially on issues related to race beyond the topic of police brutality. Taken together, findings suggest small but significant progress as time continued during the first month of demonstrations after Brown’s shooting. Results presented here challenge the paradigmatic nature of protest
coverage but reinforce that more space should be given to contextual narratives behind social movements’ actions in addition to coverage that is critical of police and protestor tactics.
conversations. Specifically, we ask whether well-documented patterns of gendered bias against women candidates persist in
socially networked political discussions. Theorizing power dynamics as relational, we use dialectic configurations between
actors as independent variables determining network measures as outcomes. Our goal is to assess relational power granted
to candidates through Twitter conversations about them and whether they change depending on the gender of their
opponent. Based on more than a quarter of a million tweets about 50 candidates for state-wide offices during the 2014 US
elections, results suggest that when a woman opposes a man, the conversation revolves around her, but she retains a smaller
portion of rhetorical share. We find that gender affects network structure—women candidates are both more central and
more replied to when they run against men. Despite the potential for social media to disrupt deeply rooted gender bias, our
findings suggest that the structure of networked discussions about male and female candidates still results in a differential
distribution of relational power.
the lines between news and entertainment. This paper examines how political journalists used
humor on Twitter during the first 2012 presidential election debate. This study also explores
the character of such humor, how jokes relate to other forms of Twitter interactivity, and who,
or what are the targets of these jokes. Twitter use by political reporters during a presidential
debate might offer evidence of a deviation from traditional reporting norms. Recent scholarship
on journalism practice and new media technologies suggests that journalists tend to “normalize”
new media affordances; journalists often adapt long-standing routines to new
technological platforms. Normalization offers a solid construct to guide inquiry on how social
media might, or might not, affect change in the delivery and style of contemporary political
news. A content analysis of tweets posted by 430 political journalists during the debate reveals
widespread use of humor by journalists on Twitter, especially associated with the retweet function.
About one-fifth of the journalists’ tweets included jokes, suggesting a growing acceptance
of the rhetorical device on Twitter. Results also reveal that journalists and commentators
pointed their jokes toward political figures, but more sophisticated satirical comments were
aimed at the news media or the debate process at large. Overall, political journalists tended to
avoid humor as a means of criticism. Implications regarding the role of humor in politics, the
nature of reporting on Twitter, and areas of potential future research are discussed.