Published by:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
The unexplored nexus: Issues o... more Published by:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
The unexplored nexus: Issues of radicalisation and violent extremism in Macedonia
Authors:
Dr Florian Qehaja and Skënder Perteshi
Date:
13 March 2018
Violent extremism and radicalisation in Macedonia are at the crux of the complex puzzle in the broader jigsaw of state-building and societal cohesion. While the individual drivers of violent extremism in Macedonia are consistent to findings elsewhere, this study uncovers structural drivers rooted specifically in the Macedonian context, all of which have contributed to the longer-term consequences that paved the way to radicalisation. As a consequence, the myriad of societal and inter-ethnic problems led to the religionization of a part of the society and the entrenchment of ethnic groups in their own particular identity, with some adopting a more conservative national or religious ideology. The growth of radicalisation and extremism has occurred “under the surface”, within a context of uneven domestic politics and the contested international political standing of the country pertaining name issue.
On occasion there have even been cases where the previous ruling party of Macedonia has misrepresented the presence of religious extremism to deepen the ethnic cleavages in the country. With the new government of mid-2017, however, the country is taking a clear and more comprehensives tandon the issue. There have been tangible efforts to properly invest on the prevention of violent extremism specifically and facilitate better inter-ethnic relations generally in the country.
Local ownership represents an overarching concept in international development. However, its core... more Local ownership represents an overarching concept in international development. However, its core principles have been occasionally neglected in the practice of state-building such as in the case of Kosovo. This paper explores relations between the international community and local actors in the process of Kosovo security sector development after 2008, when the country declared its independence. This article finds that externally-driven models were imposed in some phases of security sector development. The actions of the international community disregarded the local context and created distrust by the local actors. The study relies on extensive face-to-face interviews with relevant national and international stakeholders, a public opinion survey with a sample of 1102 respondents, focus group and personal observation.
Published by:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
“Mapping the state of play of ins... more Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: “Mapping the state of play of institutional and community involvement in countering violent extremism in Kosovo” Authors: Florian Qehaja, Skënder Perteshi and Mentor Vrajolli Date: 13 February 2017 This report identifies the key drivers of extremism in Kosovo following a holistic assessment. While there is the political will to counter violent extremism - at least compared to a lack of willingness to fight corruption and organized crime – the results to date are limited. The main results are identified from the work of law enforcement bodies, which appear to be by far the most proactive institutions working in countering and preventing violent extremism. The policy framework in this field did not entirely reflect community needs. For example, the involvement of community representatives including the Islamic Community is limited. This report aims to provide concrete suggestions for reducing the potential for violent extremism. The key findings are summarized below: • Kosovo has adopted a sound policy framework in the field. Its implementation has been challenged as a result of limited capacities and the absence of community involvement; • Kosovo has adopted a law banning its citizens from joining foreign conflicts. This law has produced some positive outcomes in the short term; • The first local referral mechanism has been introduced in the municipality of Gjilan. This referral mechanism is made up by Ministry of Interior Affairs in Kosovo and is composed local governance structures, civil society and Islamic community representatives aiming to contribute to preventing violent extremism in this municipality; • The Kosovo Government has started to design two reintegration and de-radicalization programmes aiming to integrate former foreign fighters and their family members into society. These two programmes are expected to start implementation in the first half of 2017; • There is an overall attempt from the donor community to be involved in the process of prevention and de-radicalization. Results can only be achieved when local ownership is fully ensured and the international community stays in the “back seat”; • Overall, there is a limited understanding of violent extremism among institutions, particularly at a local level. The Kosovo Police and Ministry of Internal Affairs are the best-informed institutions. There is also ongoing community confusion in handling religion-based extremism as a new type of violent extremism; • There is poor inter-institutional cooperation in the field of countering violent extremism; • Civil society is barely involved. The role of the Islamic Community continues to be undermined. Increased involvement of the Islamic Community and communities in general is essential to national endeavors; • Lack of opportunities and jobs for the youth in the three selected municipalities (and other municipalities) have created the unintended consequence of youth being recruited into extremist ideologies and participation in foreign conflicts in Syria and Iraq; • The poor educational system and lack of extra-curricular activities also creates space for recruiters to pursue their agendas. The absence of critical thinking within the public school system creates space for individuals and groups with violent ideologies to manipulate the youth. Often, their ”methodology” appears much more attractive than some conventional teachers; • The isolation of Kosovars and ongoing visa regime by the European Union presents an overall obstacle for the youth. This allows youth to travel with no visa requirements to the Middle East and Turkey, often ending up in Islamic schools with the most conservative thinking. This report is supported by Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland and is Commissioned by The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers.
The Almanac on Security Oversight in the Western Balkan is a key output of a three-year long coll... more The Almanac on Security Oversight in the Western Balkan is a key output of a three-year long collaborative research project of seven Western Balkan think-tanks focused on improving the capacity of civil society organisations to map and monitor security sector governance and encourage security sector reform in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia.The unique component of this project has been an attempt to advance the methodology for mapping and monitoring security sector reformless
The almanac on security sector oversight in the Western Balkans was developed by a consortium of ... more The almanac on security sector oversight in the Western Balkans was developed by a consortium of researchers as part of the project Civil Society Capacity Building to Map and Monitor Security Sector Reform in the Western Balkans. The project was coorganised by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) and the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) and ran from February 2009 to April 2012. It brought together seven think tanks from the Western Balkans to map and monitor security sector reforms in their countries. This publication aims to provide an independent research-supported overview on the key achievements and weaknesses in the accountability of security sectors of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo, and to present what effect this has on the countries’ democratic transition.
This publication was originally developed as part of the research project “Civil
Society Capacity... more This publication was originally developed as part of the research project “Civil Society Capacity Building on Mapping and Monitoring the Security Sector Reform in the Western Balkans, 2009-2011”. This regional project involved 7 regional think-tank organizations from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, eveloped in cooperation with the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) (www.dcaf.ch). The methodology for the mapping and monitoring of security sector reform was developed by Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (www.ccmr-bg.org). The project is financially supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Norway.
This research is published with kind support of the Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD). All analysi... more This research is published with kind support of the Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD). All analysis and opinions put forward in this publication are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect the policy and opinions of the BTD and the CCMR.
The concept of 'local ownership' has been an article of faith within the development community fo... more The concept of 'local ownership' has been an article of faith within the development community for a number of years. It is therefore not surprising to see it being applied more recently to the normative process of Security Sector Reform (SSR). Empirical evidence would suggest, however, that local ownership has been more evident in the theory of SSR than in its practice, where short-term expediency often tends to trump long-term sustainability. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the case of Kosovo. The security sector in Kosovo has been built from scratch with the support of the international community and thus offers a unique post-communist and post-conflict example. Whilst the declaration of independence in 2008 has changed the context, the international community's role in developing the local security sector is still manifestly evident. The multitude of both international and local actors on the ground still creates a confusing picture of who, in reality, leads and owns the process. This article will apply the evolving concept of "local ownership" to the development of the security sector in Kosovo and more specifically will analyse the case study of the development of the National Security Strategy of Kosovo in 2009-2010. It will argue that in many cases the international community's approach has taken little notice of the local context and the needs of the country. It has driven forward an international agenda rather than supporting the legitimate efforts of local actors to undertake their own SSR. Although the impasse that resulted from the UN Future Status process in 2007 continues to complicate the political situation for all concerned, insufficient effort has been made by the international community to hand over responsibility for all aspects of the security sector and their development to the Kosovo Government and its people, in line with the principles of local ownership.
This chapter looks into possible links between recent radicalisation in the Western Balkans and s... more This chapter looks into possible links between recent radicalisation in the Western Balkans and separate geographic locations.
Published by:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
The unexplored nexus: Issues o... more Published by:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
The unexplored nexus: Issues of radicalisation and violent extremism in Macedonia
Authors:
Dr Florian Qehaja and Skënder Perteshi
Date:
13 March 2018
Violent extremism and radicalisation in Macedonia are at the crux of the complex puzzle in the broader jigsaw of state-building and societal cohesion. While the individual drivers of violent extremism in Macedonia are consistent to findings elsewhere, this study uncovers structural drivers rooted specifically in the Macedonian context, all of which have contributed to the longer-term consequences that paved the way to radicalisation. As a consequence, the myriad of societal and inter-ethnic problems led to the religionization of a part of the society and the entrenchment of ethnic groups in their own particular identity, with some adopting a more conservative national or religious ideology. The growth of radicalisation and extremism has occurred “under the surface”, within a context of uneven domestic politics and the contested international political standing of the country pertaining name issue.
On occasion there have even been cases where the previous ruling party of Macedonia has misrepresented the presence of religious extremism to deepen the ethnic cleavages in the country. With the new government of mid-2017, however, the country is taking a clear and more comprehensives tandon the issue. There have been tangible efforts to properly invest on the prevention of violent extremism specifically and facilitate better inter-ethnic relations generally in the country.
Local ownership represents an overarching concept in international development. However, its core... more Local ownership represents an overarching concept in international development. However, its core principles have been occasionally neglected in the practice of state-building such as in the case of Kosovo. This paper explores relations between the international community and local actors in the process of Kosovo security sector development after 2008, when the country declared its independence. This article finds that externally-driven models were imposed in some phases of security sector development. The actions of the international community disregarded the local context and created distrust by the local actors. The study relies on extensive face-to-face interviews with relevant national and international stakeholders, a public opinion survey with a sample of 1102 respondents, focus group and personal observation.
Published by:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
“Mapping the state of play of ins... more Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: “Mapping the state of play of institutional and community involvement in countering violent extremism in Kosovo” Authors: Florian Qehaja, Skënder Perteshi and Mentor Vrajolli Date: 13 February 2017 This report identifies the key drivers of extremism in Kosovo following a holistic assessment. While there is the political will to counter violent extremism - at least compared to a lack of willingness to fight corruption and organized crime – the results to date are limited. The main results are identified from the work of law enforcement bodies, which appear to be by far the most proactive institutions working in countering and preventing violent extremism. The policy framework in this field did not entirely reflect community needs. For example, the involvement of community representatives including the Islamic Community is limited. This report aims to provide concrete suggestions for reducing the potential for violent extremism. The key findings are summarized below: • Kosovo has adopted a sound policy framework in the field. Its implementation has been challenged as a result of limited capacities and the absence of community involvement; • Kosovo has adopted a law banning its citizens from joining foreign conflicts. This law has produced some positive outcomes in the short term; • The first local referral mechanism has been introduced in the municipality of Gjilan. This referral mechanism is made up by Ministry of Interior Affairs in Kosovo and is composed local governance structures, civil society and Islamic community representatives aiming to contribute to preventing violent extremism in this municipality; • The Kosovo Government has started to design two reintegration and de-radicalization programmes aiming to integrate former foreign fighters and their family members into society. These two programmes are expected to start implementation in the first half of 2017; • There is an overall attempt from the donor community to be involved in the process of prevention and de-radicalization. Results can only be achieved when local ownership is fully ensured and the international community stays in the “back seat”; • Overall, there is a limited understanding of violent extremism among institutions, particularly at a local level. The Kosovo Police and Ministry of Internal Affairs are the best-informed institutions. There is also ongoing community confusion in handling religion-based extremism as a new type of violent extremism; • There is poor inter-institutional cooperation in the field of countering violent extremism; • Civil society is barely involved. The role of the Islamic Community continues to be undermined. Increased involvement of the Islamic Community and communities in general is essential to national endeavors; • Lack of opportunities and jobs for the youth in the three selected municipalities (and other municipalities) have created the unintended consequence of youth being recruited into extremist ideologies and participation in foreign conflicts in Syria and Iraq; • The poor educational system and lack of extra-curricular activities also creates space for recruiters to pursue their agendas. The absence of critical thinking within the public school system creates space for individuals and groups with violent ideologies to manipulate the youth. Often, their ”methodology” appears much more attractive than some conventional teachers; • The isolation of Kosovars and ongoing visa regime by the European Union presents an overall obstacle for the youth. This allows youth to travel with no visa requirements to the Middle East and Turkey, often ending up in Islamic schools with the most conservative thinking. This report is supported by Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland and is Commissioned by The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers.
The Almanac on Security Oversight in the Western Balkan is a key output of a three-year long coll... more The Almanac on Security Oversight in the Western Balkan is a key output of a three-year long collaborative research project of seven Western Balkan think-tanks focused on improving the capacity of civil society organisations to map and monitor security sector governance and encourage security sector reform in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia.The unique component of this project has been an attempt to advance the methodology for mapping and monitoring security sector reformless
The almanac on security sector oversight in the Western Balkans was developed by a consortium of ... more The almanac on security sector oversight in the Western Balkans was developed by a consortium of researchers as part of the project Civil Society Capacity Building to Map and Monitor Security Sector Reform in the Western Balkans. The project was coorganised by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) and the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) and ran from February 2009 to April 2012. It brought together seven think tanks from the Western Balkans to map and monitor security sector reforms in their countries. This publication aims to provide an independent research-supported overview on the key achievements and weaknesses in the accountability of security sectors of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo, and to present what effect this has on the countries’ democratic transition.
This publication was originally developed as part of the research project “Civil
Society Capacity... more This publication was originally developed as part of the research project “Civil Society Capacity Building on Mapping and Monitoring the Security Sector Reform in the Western Balkans, 2009-2011”. This regional project involved 7 regional think-tank organizations from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, eveloped in cooperation with the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) (www.dcaf.ch). The methodology for the mapping and monitoring of security sector reform was developed by Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (www.ccmr-bg.org). The project is financially supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Norway.
This research is published with kind support of the Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD). All analysi... more This research is published with kind support of the Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD). All analysis and opinions put forward in this publication are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect the policy and opinions of the BTD and the CCMR.
The concept of 'local ownership' has been an article of faith within the development community fo... more The concept of 'local ownership' has been an article of faith within the development community for a number of years. It is therefore not surprising to see it being applied more recently to the normative process of Security Sector Reform (SSR). Empirical evidence would suggest, however, that local ownership has been more evident in the theory of SSR than in its practice, where short-term expediency often tends to trump long-term sustainability. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the case of Kosovo. The security sector in Kosovo has been built from scratch with the support of the international community and thus offers a unique post-communist and post-conflict example. Whilst the declaration of independence in 2008 has changed the context, the international community's role in developing the local security sector is still manifestly evident. The multitude of both international and local actors on the ground still creates a confusing picture of who, in reality, leads and owns the process. This article will apply the evolving concept of "local ownership" to the development of the security sector in Kosovo and more specifically will analyse the case study of the development of the National Security Strategy of Kosovo in 2009-2010. It will argue that in many cases the international community's approach has taken little notice of the local context and the needs of the country. It has driven forward an international agenda rather than supporting the legitimate efforts of local actors to undertake their own SSR. Although the impasse that resulted from the UN Future Status process in 2007 continues to complicate the political situation for all concerned, insufficient effort has been made by the international community to hand over responsibility for all aspects of the security sector and their development to the Kosovo Government and its people, in line with the principles of local ownership.
This chapter looks into possible links between recent radicalisation in the Western Balkans and s... more This chapter looks into possible links between recent radicalisation in the Western Balkans and separate geographic locations.
International or Local Ownership? contributes to the debate on the concept of local ownership in ... more International or Local Ownership? contributes to the debate on the concept of local ownership in post-conflict settings, and discussions on international relations, peacebuilding, security and development studies. It utilizes extensive data collection, including public opinion surveys conducted throughout the country, in order to introduce the concept of local ownership from a policy level towards academia. Empirical data on the relationship between international community and locals in the process of design, management and control of the security sector in the post-independent Kosovo represents one of the most intriguing examples of extensive international community involvement in a state-building project.
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Papers by Florian Qehaja
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
The unexplored nexus: Issues of radicalisation and violent extremism in Macedonia
Authors:
Dr Florian Qehaja and Skënder Perteshi
Date:
13 March 2018
Violent extremism and radicalisation in Macedonia are at the crux of the complex puzzle in the broader jigsaw of state-building and societal cohesion. While the individual drivers of violent extremism in Macedonia are consistent to findings elsewhere, this study uncovers structural drivers rooted specifically in the Macedonian context, all of which have contributed to the longer-term consequences that paved the way to radicalisation. As a consequence, the myriad of societal and inter-ethnic problems led to the religionization of a part of the society and the entrenchment of ethnic groups in their own particular identity, with some adopting a more conservative national or religious ideology. The growth of radicalisation and extremism has occurred “under the surface”, within a context of uneven domestic politics and the contested international political standing of the country pertaining name issue.
On occasion there have even been cases where the previous ruling party of Macedonia has misrepresented the presence of religious extremism to deepen the ethnic cleavages in the country. With the new government of mid-2017, however, the country is taking a clear and more comprehensives tandon the issue. There have been tangible efforts to properly invest on the prevention of violent extremism specifically and facilitate better inter-ethnic relations generally in the country.
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
“Mapping the state of play of institutional and community involvement in countering violent extremism in Kosovo”
Authors:
Florian Qehaja, Skënder Perteshi and Mentor Vrajolli
Date:
13 February 2017
This report identifies the key drivers of extremism in Kosovo following a holistic assessment. While there is the political will to counter violent extremism - at least compared to a lack of willingness to fight corruption and organized crime – the results to date are limited. The main results are identified from the work of law enforcement bodies, which appear to be by far the most proactive institutions working in countering and preventing violent extremism. The policy framework in this field did not entirely reflect community needs. For example, the involvement of community representatives including the Islamic Community is limited. This report aims to provide concrete suggestions for reducing the potential for violent extremism. The key findings are summarized below:
• Kosovo has adopted a sound policy framework in the field. Its implementation has been challenged as a result of limited capacities and the absence of community involvement;
• Kosovo has adopted a law banning its citizens from joining foreign conflicts. This law has produced some positive outcomes in the short term;
• The first local referral mechanism has been introduced in the municipality of Gjilan. This referral mechanism is made up by Ministry of Interior Affairs in Kosovo and is composed local governance structures, civil society and Islamic community representatives aiming to contribute to preventing violent extremism in this municipality;
• The Kosovo Government has started to design two reintegration and de-radicalization programmes aiming to integrate former foreign fighters and their family members into society. These two programmes are expected to start implementation in the first half of 2017;
• There is an overall attempt from the donor community to be involved in the process of prevention and de-radicalization. Results
can only be achieved when local ownership is fully ensured and the international community stays in the “back seat”;
• Overall, there is a limited understanding of violent extremism among institutions, particularly at a local level. The Kosovo Police and Ministry of Internal Affairs are the best-informed institutions. There is also ongoing community confusion in handling religion-based extremism as a new type of violent extremism;
• There is poor inter-institutional cooperation in the field of countering violent extremism;
• Civil society is barely involved. The role of the Islamic Community continues to be undermined. Increased involvement of the Islamic Community and communities in general is essential to national endeavors;
• Lack of opportunities and jobs for the youth in the three selected municipalities (and other municipalities) have created the unintended consequence of youth being recruited into extremist ideologies and participation in foreign conflicts in Syria and Iraq;
• The poor educational system and lack of extra-curricular activities also creates space for recruiters to pursue their agendas. The absence of critical thinking within the public school system creates space for individuals and groups with violent ideologies to manipulate the youth. Often, their ”methodology” appears much more attractive than some conventional teachers;
• The isolation of Kosovars and ongoing visa regime by the European Union presents an overall obstacle for the youth. This allows youth to travel with no visa requirements to the Middle East and Turkey, often ending up in Islamic schools with the most conservative thinking.
This report is supported by Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland and is Commissioned by The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers.
Society Capacity Building on Mapping and Monitoring the Security Sector
Reform in the Western Balkans, 2009-2011”. This regional project involved
7 regional think-tank organizations from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, eveloped in cooperation with the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) (www.dcaf.ch). The methodology for the mapping and monitoring of security sector reform was developed by Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (www.ccmr-bg.org). The project is financially supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Norway.
Books by Florian Qehaja
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
The unexplored nexus: Issues of radicalisation and violent extremism in Macedonia
Authors:
Dr Florian Qehaja and Skënder Perteshi
Date:
13 March 2018
Violent extremism and radicalisation in Macedonia are at the crux of the complex puzzle in the broader jigsaw of state-building and societal cohesion. While the individual drivers of violent extremism in Macedonia are consistent to findings elsewhere, this study uncovers structural drivers rooted specifically in the Macedonian context, all of which have contributed to the longer-term consequences that paved the way to radicalisation. As a consequence, the myriad of societal and inter-ethnic problems led to the religionization of a part of the society and the entrenchment of ethnic groups in their own particular identity, with some adopting a more conservative national or religious ideology. The growth of radicalisation and extremism has occurred “under the surface”, within a context of uneven domestic politics and the contested international political standing of the country pertaining name issue.
On occasion there have even been cases where the previous ruling party of Macedonia has misrepresented the presence of religious extremism to deepen the ethnic cleavages in the country. With the new government of mid-2017, however, the country is taking a clear and more comprehensives tandon the issue. There have been tangible efforts to properly invest on the prevention of violent extremism specifically and facilitate better inter-ethnic relations generally in the country.
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
“Mapping the state of play of institutional and community involvement in countering violent extremism in Kosovo”
Authors:
Florian Qehaja, Skënder Perteshi and Mentor Vrajolli
Date:
13 February 2017
This report identifies the key drivers of extremism in Kosovo following a holistic assessment. While there is the political will to counter violent extremism - at least compared to a lack of willingness to fight corruption and organized crime – the results to date are limited. The main results are identified from the work of law enforcement bodies, which appear to be by far the most proactive institutions working in countering and preventing violent extremism. The policy framework in this field did not entirely reflect community needs. For example, the involvement of community representatives including the Islamic Community is limited. This report aims to provide concrete suggestions for reducing the potential for violent extremism. The key findings are summarized below:
• Kosovo has adopted a sound policy framework in the field. Its implementation has been challenged as a result of limited capacities and the absence of community involvement;
• Kosovo has adopted a law banning its citizens from joining foreign conflicts. This law has produced some positive outcomes in the short term;
• The first local referral mechanism has been introduced in the municipality of Gjilan. This referral mechanism is made up by Ministry of Interior Affairs in Kosovo and is composed local governance structures, civil society and Islamic community representatives aiming to contribute to preventing violent extremism in this municipality;
• The Kosovo Government has started to design two reintegration and de-radicalization programmes aiming to integrate former foreign fighters and their family members into society. These two programmes are expected to start implementation in the first half of 2017;
• There is an overall attempt from the donor community to be involved in the process of prevention and de-radicalization. Results
can only be achieved when local ownership is fully ensured and the international community stays in the “back seat”;
• Overall, there is a limited understanding of violent extremism among institutions, particularly at a local level. The Kosovo Police and Ministry of Internal Affairs are the best-informed institutions. There is also ongoing community confusion in handling religion-based extremism as a new type of violent extremism;
• There is poor inter-institutional cooperation in the field of countering violent extremism;
• Civil society is barely involved. The role of the Islamic Community continues to be undermined. Increased involvement of the Islamic Community and communities in general is essential to national endeavors;
• Lack of opportunities and jobs for the youth in the three selected municipalities (and other municipalities) have created the unintended consequence of youth being recruited into extremist ideologies and participation in foreign conflicts in Syria and Iraq;
• The poor educational system and lack of extra-curricular activities also creates space for recruiters to pursue their agendas. The absence of critical thinking within the public school system creates space for individuals and groups with violent ideologies to manipulate the youth. Often, their ”methodology” appears much more attractive than some conventional teachers;
• The isolation of Kosovars and ongoing visa regime by the European Union presents an overall obstacle for the youth. This allows youth to travel with no visa requirements to the Middle East and Turkey, often ending up in Islamic schools with the most conservative thinking.
This report is supported by Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland and is Commissioned by The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers.
Society Capacity Building on Mapping and Monitoring the Security Sector
Reform in the Western Balkans, 2009-2011”. This regional project involved
7 regional think-tank organizations from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, eveloped in cooperation with the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) (www.dcaf.ch). The methodology for the mapping and monitoring of security sector reform was developed by Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (www.ccmr-bg.org). The project is financially supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Norway.