Articles by Claire Dupuy
The article argues that there is no single globalisation of education systems, but rather multipl... more The article argues that there is no single globalisation of education systems, but rather multiple globalisations of each system taken in its individual context. We propose three explanatory factors to account for these vernacular globalisation processes, that is, for individual policy trajectories in each national context: path dependence on earlier policy choices and institutions, education policy-making through bricolage, and finally the translation by national actors of international-level ideas or tools as a function of the debate, institutions or national power dynamics in question. The research design is based on the study of a most-likely case: accountability policy in two school systems – France and Quebec – which show strong variations. Document analyses and semi-structured interviews were conducted in both cases. In the two countries, distinct vernacular globalisations are at work leading to different neo-statist accountability policies. In Quebec, the reinforcement of state power through a growing vertical accountability and the systematic development of regulation tools between policy actors and levels lead to a ‘centralisation by institutional linkage’. In France, we rather witness a ‘globalisation by discursive internalisation’ in which transnational imperatives are integrated in official discourses on the regulation of the education system, but without radically questioning the mainstays of this regulation.
Cet article vise à contribuer à l’analyse du pouvoir de l’État français sur les territoires
infra... more Cet article vise à contribuer à l’analyse du pouvoir de l’État français sur les territoires
infranationaux en adoptant la notion de pouvoir infrastructurel développée par Michael Mann.
Nous confrontons deux opérationnalisations de cette notion : la première se fonde sur les
ressources à disposition de l’État, et la seconde sur le poids effectif de l’État dans les territoires
infranationaux. Empiriquement, le propos s’appuie sur la comparaison de deux politiques
sectorielles : les politiques d’éducation et les politiques du logement. A travers l’analyse de la
capacité de l’État français à exercer un contrôle et à mettre en oeuvre ses décisions dans les
territoires, cette étude nous conduit à conclure aux limites du pouvoir infrastructurel de l’État
dans ces deux secteurs.
This paper investigates the French state power over subnational territories and draws on Michael
Mann’s concept of infrastructural power. We use the two main operationalizations of this
concept pertaining, first, to the capabilities of the state and, second, to its weight. Empirically,
the paper is based on the comparison of two distinct policies, namely education and housing
policy. The paper shows that the French state infrastructural power hits important limits in both
policy sectors.
La régionalisation de l’action publique est l’une des évolutions les plus marquantes
des États eu... more La régionalisation de l’action publique est l’une des évolutions les plus marquantes
des États européens depuis les années 1970. Cette évolution présente une opportunité pour examiner,
dans le contexte européen, les théories de la compétition interrégionale. C’est ce que cet
article se propose de faire à partir de la comparaison de deux cas les plus différents : les politiques
d’éducation en France, un État anciennement centralisé où les régions disposent de compétences
relativement étroites, et en Allemagne, un État fédéral où les régions possèdent des
compétences étendues. L’article montre que ni une course vers le bas, ni une course vers le haut
ne s’enclenchent. C’est au contraire une course vers le milieu qui caractérise les relations compétitives
entre les régions françaises et allemandes, respectivement, où les gouvernements régionaux
tentent de montrer qu’ils font comme les autres afin d’éviter le blâme des électeurs et de
l’État central.
The regionalization of public policy is one of the most remarkable transformations
European states have undergone since the 1970s. Through an examination of this particular
development, the article explores theories of interregional competition in two very different
cases: education policy in France, a decentralized unitary state where regional governments are
entrusted with limited policy competences in this field, and Germany, a federal state where
regions have exclusive responsibility over secondary education. The paper shows that, in both
cases, interregional competition lends itself neither to a race to the bottom nor a race to the top,
but rather to a race to the middle. Regional governments aim, in fact, to demonstrate that they
adopt similar policies to other regions so as to avoid being blamed by both the electorate and
the central state.
Since the 1980s in Western Europe, centralized states’ control over subnational territories has b... more Since the 1980s in Western Europe, centralized states’ control over subnational territories has been deeply affected by processes of Europeanization and regionalization. These changes have raised the issue of state territorial restructuring in a particular fashion: what capacity have formerly centralized states retained to steer and control subnational territories? The paper draws on Mann’s concept of infrastructural power, which refers to the state’s capacity to exercise control and implement political decisions over the national territory. The paper applies the two main operationalizations of the concept, namely the capability of the state to exercise control and the weight of the state in the subnational territories. Empirically, the paper focuses on the French state in two policy sectors (education and housing). Although France is a most likely case, this paper challenges this expectation, and shows the limits of the French state’s infrastructural power over the subnational territories since the late 1980s.
Regionalization processes across Western Europe have triggered analyses of regional policy diverg... more Regionalization processes across Western Europe have triggered analyses of regional policy divergence. Yet, in a number of cases, regional governments appeared to have deliberately strived to achieve policy conformity. Previous research tends to emphasize exogenous explanations of regional policy convergence. In contrast, this paper addresses the issue of regional policy convergence by focusing on endogenous explanatory factors. An investigation of when, how, and with what effect a “desire for conformity” arises is intended. The paper contends that regional governments may actively cultivate policy similarity as a strategy to develop or secure their policy capacity. Specifically, the paper argues that the adoption of this strategy is contingent upon two requirements that may or may not be met, and that the strategy outcome is the convergence on targeted dimensions of regional policies. The two requirements are: (i) a countrywide public preference for policy uniformity in the policy area of concern, and (ii) the presence of a threat posed to regional policy capacity by various political entrepreneurs, and among them the central state, who blame regions for providing divergent policies on particular dimensions. This paper is based on the comparison of two case studies where regional governments deliberately pursued policy conformity on targeted dimensions of their education policy: school-building policy in France and curricula policy in Germany. The two case-studies also present dissimilar features that make it possible to investigate the impacts of institutional setting and policy distribution on the adoption and operation of the active-cultivation-of-policy-similarity strategy.
Que fait la comparaison à l’analyse des politiques publiques ? Répondre à cette interrogation con... more Que fait la comparaison à l’analyse des politiques publiques ? Répondre à cette interrogation constitue l’objet de cet article. Nous montrons que l’approche comparative est centrale dans les travaux d’analyse des politiques publiques, depuis les premiers travaux de cette sous-discipline, et que si les pratiques comparatives n’ont été que peu discutées sous l’angle méthodologique, que ce soit à partir des contributions de la littérature de politique comparée ou de réflexions propres aux politiques publiques, elles ont fortement évolué depuis les années 1970. Les dispositifs comparatifs, attentifs à la production multiniveaux de l’action publique et à son caractère multiforme, ont donc sophistiqué l’analyse des politiques publiques.
How comparative is policy analysis ? The paper investigates how the comparative method has shaped policy studies. The paper shows that comparing has been a key feature of policy analysis since the outset of this discipline of political science, even if, the paper acknowledges, methodological discussions have been marginal. Despite this underdevelopment of method-related debates, be they inspired by comparative politics or specific to policy analysis, scholars’ practices of comparison since the 1970s display changes. Comparative research designs have evolved along with multilevel policy making and with a further elaboration of the understanding of public action. Overall, the comparative method has served a better analysis of public policy.
L’article propose de se centrer, sous l’angle méthodologique, sur les dispositifs par lesquels le... more L’article propose de se centrer, sous l’angle méthodologique, sur les dispositifs par lesquels les contributions théoriques de la comparaison qualitative de politiques publiques infranationales à petit nombre de cas sont rendues possibles. En s’intéressant à la collecte et au traitement du matériau empirique dans le cadre de la méthode de la congruence et avec le recours à la notion de mécanisme, il montre comment cette démarche comparative peut apporter deux contributions aux débats théoriques : le test des théories ou des approches analytiques existantes et la generation de nouvelles hypothèses et de nouveaux schémas explicatifs. Plus exactement, à partir de l’examen des théories de la compétition entre les gouvernements régionaux dans le cas de la France et des politiques d’éducation, l’article rejette la théorie de la course vers le bas et propose d’amender la théorie de la competition par la comparaison. Il montre que c’est une course vers le milieu qui caractérise les relations compétitives entre les régions françaises
From a methodological point of view, this paper focuses on the theoretical contributions that small-N comparative studies of subnational policies can lead to. Drawing on the congruence method, also called systematic process tracing, and on the notion of mechanism, it argues that these studies can bring two main contributions: first, testing existing theories and drawing causal inferences from empirical observations; and second, generating new hypotheses and explanatory frameworks. Assessing the theories of interregional competition in the case of French regional education policy, the paper dismisses the “race to the bottom” approach and suggests complementing the “yardstick competition” model. It shows that competition among French regions can best be described as a race to the middle.
Cet article a pour objet de rendre compte des enjeux théoriques et méthodologiques que
posent les... more Cet article a pour objet de rendre compte des enjeux théoriques et méthodologiques que
posent les modalités d’opérationnalisation de l’hypothèse selon laquelle une partie des logiques
de recomposition de l’action publique est structurée par les formes de mobilisation de
ces protestataires. À partir d’une revue, non exhaustive, de la littérature, nous montrons les
limites posées par l’attribution a priori de rôles entre acteurs publics et protestataires ; nous
procédons à l’analyse critique des catégories d’analyse existantes pour rendre compte des
effets propres au contexte politique et institutionnel sur les dynamiques de l’action collective ;
et nous analysons le caractère disjoint des temporalités propres aux dynamiques de l’action
collective et aux logiques de recomposition de l’action publique.
The growing number of protest activities focusing on policy outcomes has helped bring the
question of the evolving relations between public policies and their challengers back into
fashion. This broader phenomenon leads to the general assumption that some elements of the
logics of State-restructuring in the European Union can be explained in terms of those relations.
Public policy analysis and social movement theory have repeatedly addressed the issue
of evolving relations between public policies and their challengers, though failing to analyze
their impact on the logics of State-restructuring. Drawing on a brief review of the literature,
as well as on some empirical evidence gathered in our own research, this article undertakes
a critical analysis of the theoretical and methodological issues raised by the operationalization
of this assumption.
Gouvernement et action publique , Jan 2015
This paper addresses the issue of the European Union and regional governments’ respective legitim... more This paper addresses the issue of the European Union and regional governments’ respective legitimacy, and investigates the contribution of European and regional policies to the legitimation of both level of government through the lens of policy feedbacks. Two main issues are addressed: Have shifts of policy responsibilities toward the EU and regional governments impacted each level of government’s legitimacy? Furthermore, do legitimation processes of each level interact with one another in a cumulative way? The paper is designed as an exploratory case of the feedback effects of European environmental policy and regional education policy in Belgium on citizens’ preferences for each level of government. The paper argues that the European environmental policy triggered an increase in EU legitimacy, whereas regional education policy had mixed effects in Flanders and Wallonia.
Cet article porte sur les reconfigurations de la légitimité des gouvernements dans une perspective multi-niveaux en s’intéressant aux processus de légitimation par les politiques publiques sous l’angle des policy feedbacks. Deux enjeux principaux structurent l’article : la régionalisation et l’européanisation d’un certain nombre de politiques publiques ont-elles conduit à des gains de légitimité pour les gouvernements régionaux et l’Union européenne ? Les processus de légitimation des différents échelons de gouvernement peuvent-ils se combiner et se cumuler ? Dans une perspective exploratoire, l’article repose sur l’étude de cas de la Belgique, de la politique européenne de l’environnement et des politiques régionales de l’éducation. Il montre que la politique européenne de l’environnement a généré des effets de légitimation de l’Union européenne auprès des citoyens belges. En revanche, la politique régionale d’éducation a eu des effets différents en Flandre et Wallonie : elle s’est traduite par un accroissement de la légitimité reconnue au niveau du gouvernement régional par les Flamands, tandis qu’elle a conduit à un effet nul sur la légitimité que les Wallons reconnaissent au niveau régional.
Books by Claire Dupuy
Book sections by Claire Dupuy
Do regional governments gain legitimation from their social policy? Does regional social policy e... more Do regional governments gain legitimation from their social policy? Does regional social policy exert an effect that feeds citizens’ preferences for the regional level of government? The issue of the feedback effect of regional social policy arises in a context where, over the last three decades, regional governments across Europe were entrusted with core social policy responsibilities in health care, education, labour policy and social assistance (e.g. McEwen and Moreno, 2005). Examining such feedback effects contributes to the analysis of democracy at the regional level (e.g. Loughlin, Hendriks and Lidström, 2010). The chapter addresses the legitimation effects of regional social policy by investigating the case of Belgium, more specifically, the two regional cases of Flanders and Wallonia. These cases provide something akin to a natural experiment, as the federalization of the country occurred concurrently to the development of diverging regional paths from what were once close starting points, that is, long-term convergence between Flanders and Wallonia existed until 1993. After this date, however, citizens in Flanders have increasingly shown both a preference for the regional level of government and a stronger identification with the region. Wallonia experienced opposite patterns: From 1993 on, citizens have expressed less support for the regional level and a decreased regional identification. The overall picture emerging from our analyses is one of long-run convergence between Flanders and Wallonia up to 1993, and divergence thereafter. To account for these contrasting evolutionary patterns, we contend that legitimation effects through regional social policy-making cannot be taken for granted. Specifically, this chapter argues that legitimation effects are dependent on three requirements that may or may not be met: First, regional social policy design must be distinct, standing out from previous policies; second, regional policies need to be supported by a public discourse; and, third, policies need to perform well and build performance satisfaction among citizens. In fact, there are strong differences regarding the three proposed requirements in Flanders and Wallonia. While each is fulfilled in the Flemish side of the country, none of them is in the French-speaking part. Simultaneously, we find contrasted systems of citizen evaluation and perception of regional governments in the two regions. The remainder of the chapter is organized as follows. The first section provides historical insights into government use of social policy as a legitimation instrument and elaborates on the theoretical argument we make. The second section presents the chapter’s methodology and data, and explains the choice of Belgium as a natural-like case study. The third section is dedicated to the empirical analysis. Following the presentation of the dependent variable, we report on whether the three requirements are fulfilled in the two Belgian regions. The fourth concluding section discusses the results and the possibility and difficulties to infer the operation of policy feedbacks from the empirics in the present cases.
Chapters by Claire Dupuy
Do regional governments gain legitimation from their social policy? Does regional social policy e... more Do regional governments gain legitimation from their social policy? Does regional social policy exert an effect that feeds citizens’ preferences for the regional level of government? The issue of the feedback effect of regional social policy arises in a context where, over the last three decades, regional governments across Europe were entrusted with core social policy responsibilities in health care, education, labour policy and social assistance (e.g. McEwen and Moreno, 2005). Examining such feedback effects contributes to the analysis of democracy at the regional level (e.g. Loughlin, Hendriks and Lidström, 2010). The chapter addresses the legitimation effects of regional social policy by investigating the case of Belgium, more specifically, the two regional cases of Flanders and Wallonia. These cases provide something akin to a natural experiment, as the federalization of the country occurred concurrently to the development of diverging regional paths from what were once close starting points, that is, long-term convergence between Flanders and Wallonia existed until 1993. After this date, however, citizens in Flanders have increasingly shown both a preference for the regional level of government and a stronger identification with the region. Wallonia experienced opposite patterns: From 1993 on, citizens have expressed less support for the regional level and a decreased regional identification. The overall picture emerging from our analyses is one of long-run convergence between Flanders and Wallonia up to 1993, and divergence thereafter. To account for these contrasting evolutionary patterns, we contend that legitimation effects through regional social policy-making cannot be taken for granted. Specifically, this chapter argues that legitimation effects are dependent on three requirements that may or may not be met: First, regional social policy design must be distinct, standing out from previous policies; second, regional policies need to be supported by a public discourse; and, third, policies need to perform well and build performance satisfaction among citizens. In fact, there are strong differences regarding the three proposed requirements in Flanders and Wallonia. While each is fulfilled in the Flemish side of the country, none of them is in the French-speaking part. Simultaneously, we find contrasted systems of citizen evaluation and perception of regional governments in the two regions. The remainder of the chapter is organized as follows. The first section provides historical insights into government use of social policy as a legitimation instrument and elaborates on the theoretical argument we make. The second section presents the chapter’s methodology and data, and explains the choice of Belgium as a natural-like case study. The third section is dedicated to the empirical analysis. Following the presentation of the dependent variable, we report on whether the three requirements are fulfilled in the two Belgian regions. The fourth concluding section discusses the results and the possibility and difficulties to infer the operation of policy feedbacks from the empirics in the present cases.
Papers by Claire Dupuy
Sciences de la société, 2013
Politiques et management public, 2006
Journal Articles by Claire Dupuy
Cet article s’inscrit dans la longue lignée des travaux qui s’intéressent à la légitimité de l’Un... more Cet article s’inscrit dans la longue lignée des travaux qui s’intéressent à la légitimité de l’Union européenne, mais le fait à partir d’une approche centrée sur les politiques publiques : les politiques européennes contribuent-elles à légitimer l’UE aux yeux des citoyens ? Il suggère que les caractéristiques des politiques européennes permettent d’éclairer l’existence même d’effets de légitimation de l’UE aux yeux des citoyens ainsi que la nature de cet effet, définie en termes de légitimation ou de délégitimation de l’UE. Les résultats nous amènent également à insister sur la non-systématicité de ces effets-retours. L’article repose sur la
comparaison des politiques sociales, environnementales et agricoles dans cinq pays de l’UE : l’Allemagne, l’Espagne, la France, l’Italie et les Pays-Bas.
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Articles by Claire Dupuy
infranationaux en adoptant la notion de pouvoir infrastructurel développée par Michael Mann.
Nous confrontons deux opérationnalisations de cette notion : la première se fonde sur les
ressources à disposition de l’État, et la seconde sur le poids effectif de l’État dans les territoires
infranationaux. Empiriquement, le propos s’appuie sur la comparaison de deux politiques
sectorielles : les politiques d’éducation et les politiques du logement. A travers l’analyse de la
capacité de l’État français à exercer un contrôle et à mettre en oeuvre ses décisions dans les
territoires, cette étude nous conduit à conclure aux limites du pouvoir infrastructurel de l’État
dans ces deux secteurs.
This paper investigates the French state power over subnational territories and draws on Michael
Mann’s concept of infrastructural power. We use the two main operationalizations of this
concept pertaining, first, to the capabilities of the state and, second, to its weight. Empirically,
the paper is based on the comparison of two distinct policies, namely education and housing
policy. The paper shows that the French state infrastructural power hits important limits in both
policy sectors.
des États européens depuis les années 1970. Cette évolution présente une opportunité pour examiner,
dans le contexte européen, les théories de la compétition interrégionale. C’est ce que cet
article se propose de faire à partir de la comparaison de deux cas les plus différents : les politiques
d’éducation en France, un État anciennement centralisé où les régions disposent de compétences
relativement étroites, et en Allemagne, un État fédéral où les régions possèdent des
compétences étendues. L’article montre que ni une course vers le bas, ni une course vers le haut
ne s’enclenchent. C’est au contraire une course vers le milieu qui caractérise les relations compétitives
entre les régions françaises et allemandes, respectivement, où les gouvernements régionaux
tentent de montrer qu’ils font comme les autres afin d’éviter le blâme des électeurs et de
l’État central.
The regionalization of public policy is one of the most remarkable transformations
European states have undergone since the 1970s. Through an examination of this particular
development, the article explores theories of interregional competition in two very different
cases: education policy in France, a decentralized unitary state where regional governments are
entrusted with limited policy competences in this field, and Germany, a federal state where
regions have exclusive responsibility over secondary education. The paper shows that, in both
cases, interregional competition lends itself neither to a race to the bottom nor a race to the top,
but rather to a race to the middle. Regional governments aim, in fact, to demonstrate that they
adopt similar policies to other regions so as to avoid being blamed by both the electorate and
the central state.
How comparative is policy analysis ? The paper investigates how the comparative method has shaped policy studies. The paper shows that comparing has been a key feature of policy analysis since the outset of this discipline of political science, even if, the paper acknowledges, methodological discussions have been marginal. Despite this underdevelopment of method-related debates, be they inspired by comparative politics or specific to policy analysis, scholars’ practices of comparison since the 1970s display changes. Comparative research designs have evolved along with multilevel policy making and with a further elaboration of the understanding of public action. Overall, the comparative method has served a better analysis of public policy.
From a methodological point of view, this paper focuses on the theoretical contributions that small-N comparative studies of subnational policies can lead to. Drawing on the congruence method, also called systematic process tracing, and on the notion of mechanism, it argues that these studies can bring two main contributions: first, testing existing theories and drawing causal inferences from empirical observations; and second, generating new hypotheses and explanatory frameworks. Assessing the theories of interregional competition in the case of French regional education policy, the paper dismisses the “race to the bottom” approach and suggests complementing the “yardstick competition” model. It shows that competition among French regions can best be described as a race to the middle.
posent les modalités d’opérationnalisation de l’hypothèse selon laquelle une partie des logiques
de recomposition de l’action publique est structurée par les formes de mobilisation de
ces protestataires. À partir d’une revue, non exhaustive, de la littérature, nous montrons les
limites posées par l’attribution a priori de rôles entre acteurs publics et protestataires ; nous
procédons à l’analyse critique des catégories d’analyse existantes pour rendre compte des
effets propres au contexte politique et institutionnel sur les dynamiques de l’action collective ;
et nous analysons le caractère disjoint des temporalités propres aux dynamiques de l’action
collective et aux logiques de recomposition de l’action publique.
The growing number of protest activities focusing on policy outcomes has helped bring the
question of the evolving relations between public policies and their challengers back into
fashion. This broader phenomenon leads to the general assumption that some elements of the
logics of State-restructuring in the European Union can be explained in terms of those relations.
Public policy analysis and social movement theory have repeatedly addressed the issue
of evolving relations between public policies and their challengers, though failing to analyze
their impact on the logics of State-restructuring. Drawing on a brief review of the literature,
as well as on some empirical evidence gathered in our own research, this article undertakes
a critical analysis of the theoretical and methodological issues raised by the operationalization
of this assumption.
Cet article porte sur les reconfigurations de la légitimité des gouvernements dans une perspective multi-niveaux en s’intéressant aux processus de légitimation par les politiques publiques sous l’angle des policy feedbacks. Deux enjeux principaux structurent l’article : la régionalisation et l’européanisation d’un certain nombre de politiques publiques ont-elles conduit à des gains de légitimité pour les gouvernements régionaux et l’Union européenne ? Les processus de légitimation des différents échelons de gouvernement peuvent-ils se combiner et se cumuler ? Dans une perspective exploratoire, l’article repose sur l’étude de cas de la Belgique, de la politique européenne de l’environnement et des politiques régionales de l’éducation. Il montre que la politique européenne de l’environnement a généré des effets de légitimation de l’Union européenne auprès des citoyens belges. En revanche, la politique régionale d’éducation a eu des effets différents en Flandre et Wallonie : elle s’est traduite par un accroissement de la légitimité reconnue au niveau du gouvernement régional par les Flamands, tandis qu’elle a conduit à un effet nul sur la légitimité que les Wallons reconnaissent au niveau régional.
Books by Claire Dupuy
Book sections by Claire Dupuy
Chapters by Claire Dupuy
Papers by Claire Dupuy
Journal Articles by Claire Dupuy
comparaison des politiques sociales, environnementales et agricoles dans cinq pays de l’UE : l’Allemagne, l’Espagne, la France, l’Italie et les Pays-Bas.
infranationaux en adoptant la notion de pouvoir infrastructurel développée par Michael Mann.
Nous confrontons deux opérationnalisations de cette notion : la première se fonde sur les
ressources à disposition de l’État, et la seconde sur le poids effectif de l’État dans les territoires
infranationaux. Empiriquement, le propos s’appuie sur la comparaison de deux politiques
sectorielles : les politiques d’éducation et les politiques du logement. A travers l’analyse de la
capacité de l’État français à exercer un contrôle et à mettre en oeuvre ses décisions dans les
territoires, cette étude nous conduit à conclure aux limites du pouvoir infrastructurel de l’État
dans ces deux secteurs.
This paper investigates the French state power over subnational territories and draws on Michael
Mann’s concept of infrastructural power. We use the two main operationalizations of this
concept pertaining, first, to the capabilities of the state and, second, to its weight. Empirically,
the paper is based on the comparison of two distinct policies, namely education and housing
policy. The paper shows that the French state infrastructural power hits important limits in both
policy sectors.
des États européens depuis les années 1970. Cette évolution présente une opportunité pour examiner,
dans le contexte européen, les théories de la compétition interrégionale. C’est ce que cet
article se propose de faire à partir de la comparaison de deux cas les plus différents : les politiques
d’éducation en France, un État anciennement centralisé où les régions disposent de compétences
relativement étroites, et en Allemagne, un État fédéral où les régions possèdent des
compétences étendues. L’article montre que ni une course vers le bas, ni une course vers le haut
ne s’enclenchent. C’est au contraire une course vers le milieu qui caractérise les relations compétitives
entre les régions françaises et allemandes, respectivement, où les gouvernements régionaux
tentent de montrer qu’ils font comme les autres afin d’éviter le blâme des électeurs et de
l’État central.
The regionalization of public policy is one of the most remarkable transformations
European states have undergone since the 1970s. Through an examination of this particular
development, the article explores theories of interregional competition in two very different
cases: education policy in France, a decentralized unitary state where regional governments are
entrusted with limited policy competences in this field, and Germany, a federal state where
regions have exclusive responsibility over secondary education. The paper shows that, in both
cases, interregional competition lends itself neither to a race to the bottom nor a race to the top,
but rather to a race to the middle. Regional governments aim, in fact, to demonstrate that they
adopt similar policies to other regions so as to avoid being blamed by both the electorate and
the central state.
How comparative is policy analysis ? The paper investigates how the comparative method has shaped policy studies. The paper shows that comparing has been a key feature of policy analysis since the outset of this discipline of political science, even if, the paper acknowledges, methodological discussions have been marginal. Despite this underdevelopment of method-related debates, be they inspired by comparative politics or specific to policy analysis, scholars’ practices of comparison since the 1970s display changes. Comparative research designs have evolved along with multilevel policy making and with a further elaboration of the understanding of public action. Overall, the comparative method has served a better analysis of public policy.
From a methodological point of view, this paper focuses on the theoretical contributions that small-N comparative studies of subnational policies can lead to. Drawing on the congruence method, also called systematic process tracing, and on the notion of mechanism, it argues that these studies can bring two main contributions: first, testing existing theories and drawing causal inferences from empirical observations; and second, generating new hypotheses and explanatory frameworks. Assessing the theories of interregional competition in the case of French regional education policy, the paper dismisses the “race to the bottom” approach and suggests complementing the “yardstick competition” model. It shows that competition among French regions can best be described as a race to the middle.
posent les modalités d’opérationnalisation de l’hypothèse selon laquelle une partie des logiques
de recomposition de l’action publique est structurée par les formes de mobilisation de
ces protestataires. À partir d’une revue, non exhaustive, de la littérature, nous montrons les
limites posées par l’attribution a priori de rôles entre acteurs publics et protestataires ; nous
procédons à l’analyse critique des catégories d’analyse existantes pour rendre compte des
effets propres au contexte politique et institutionnel sur les dynamiques de l’action collective ;
et nous analysons le caractère disjoint des temporalités propres aux dynamiques de l’action
collective et aux logiques de recomposition de l’action publique.
The growing number of protest activities focusing on policy outcomes has helped bring the
question of the evolving relations between public policies and their challengers back into
fashion. This broader phenomenon leads to the general assumption that some elements of the
logics of State-restructuring in the European Union can be explained in terms of those relations.
Public policy analysis and social movement theory have repeatedly addressed the issue
of evolving relations between public policies and their challengers, though failing to analyze
their impact on the logics of State-restructuring. Drawing on a brief review of the literature,
as well as on some empirical evidence gathered in our own research, this article undertakes
a critical analysis of the theoretical and methodological issues raised by the operationalization
of this assumption.
Cet article porte sur les reconfigurations de la légitimité des gouvernements dans une perspective multi-niveaux en s’intéressant aux processus de légitimation par les politiques publiques sous l’angle des policy feedbacks. Deux enjeux principaux structurent l’article : la régionalisation et l’européanisation d’un certain nombre de politiques publiques ont-elles conduit à des gains de légitimité pour les gouvernements régionaux et l’Union européenne ? Les processus de légitimation des différents échelons de gouvernement peuvent-ils se combiner et se cumuler ? Dans une perspective exploratoire, l’article repose sur l’étude de cas de la Belgique, de la politique européenne de l’environnement et des politiques régionales de l’éducation. Il montre que la politique européenne de l’environnement a généré des effets de légitimation de l’Union européenne auprès des citoyens belges. En revanche, la politique régionale d’éducation a eu des effets différents en Flandre et Wallonie : elle s’est traduite par un accroissement de la légitimité reconnue au niveau du gouvernement régional par les Flamands, tandis qu’elle a conduit à un effet nul sur la légitimité que les Wallons reconnaissent au niveau régional.
comparaison des politiques sociales, environnementales et agricoles dans cinq pays de l’UE : l’Allemagne, l’Espagne, la France, l’Italie et les Pays-Bas.