Från höger och vänster framträder just nu rörelser i Sverige och i många andra länder som anser s... more Från höger och vänster framträder just nu rörelser i Sverige och i många andra länder som anser sig tala för folket. Att all politisk makt utgår från folket kallas med ett hävdvunnet uttryck för folksuveränitet och är den självklara utgångspunkten i en demokrati. Men vilka är ”folket” i folkstyret?
En förvirrande situation har uppstått där föreställningen om det suveräna folket underblåser kritiken mot demokratins, folkstyrets, organisering. Så hur kan och bör vi förstå demokratins löfte om att makten utgår från folket?
All makt åt folket ger läsaren ögonöppnande perspektiv och redskap till ett kritiskt – och självkritiskt – granskande av demokratins mest grundläggande princip.
This volume bridges two separate academic debates on the problems of democracy and the political ... more This volume bridges two separate academic debates on the problems of democracy and the political community in a transnational context. The authors discuss the theoretical concerns of citizenship in an age of globalization and the inclusive and exclusive character of citizenship in contemporary society, taking as a starting point the status, role and function of citizenship within democratic systems and multilayered government structures.
This novel approach adds a broad array of critical, conceptual and normative perspectives on the borders, territories and political agents of the state, employing a variety of disciplines to explore the possibilities and challenges for citizens as political agents in light of present processes of fragmentation and pluralization.
The Frontiers of Democracy offers a comprehensive examination of restrictions on the vote in demo... more The Frontiers of Democracy offers a comprehensive examination of restrictions on the vote in democracies today. For the first time, the reasons for excluding people (prisoners, children, intellectually disabled, non-citizens) from the suffrage in contemporary societies is critically examined from the point of view of democratic theory.
"At the start of the new millennium there has been a growing awareness that traditional political... more "At the start of the new millennium there has been a growing awareness that traditional political institutions and ideologies do not correspond to the demands and aspirations held by many individuals and groups. Ideals and interests previously without much impact on the political debate have gained access to the public arena. These new claims include demands for recognition of homosexuals and their rights, affirmation of the particularities of indigenous peoples, sensitivity to the cultures and languages of immigrants, respect for children and their needs, solidarity with people of the developing countries and their fight for independence, care for nature, animals, attention to the social status of women, and so on. As a consequence, many governments now regulate and support many different conceptions of the good life and its virtues.
In this volume, schematically divided into two parts, Ludvig Beckman challenges the common view that support for the good life, the politics of virtue, is in conflict with liberal principles. In clear, analytical language he addresses the question of what a state should do. Chapter 1 attempts to specify the meaning of "liberalism"; chapter 2 discusses the meaning of tolerance and makes more specific the notion of "virtue"; chapters 3 and 4 assess ethical and political liberalism as exemplified by the writings of Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls. In part two, chapter 5 discusses the clash between norms of justice and conceptions of virtue in the family; chapter 6 explores the meaning of the idea of an ethically neutral state; chapter 7 explores three different arguments for the neutral state as found in the work of Ronald Dworkin; chapter 8 presents an analysis of the idea of the neutral state with the theory of John Rawls put under scrutiny; chapter 9 explains why the attempt to justify the neutral state by referring to modified skepticism fails and proposes a distinction between being skeptical and being critical.
Participating in the current debate on communitarianism, The Liberal State and the Politics of Virtue will be particularly interesting to people engaged in the public debate on ethics, morality and the state. It will also be of interest to teachers and researchers in the fields of politics and philosophy."
The democratic value of public service broadcasting: freedom of opinion and public reason The dem... more The democratic value of public service broadcasting: freedom of opinion and public reason The democratic significance of public broadcasting corporations has gained renewed urgency as a result of developments in the outside world and the ongoing public service committee (Dir. 2023:27). According to the accepted view, public broadcasting corporations serve democracy by strengthening the free expression of opinion. This paper argues that this argument is not sufficient. In addition to strengthening the free formation of opinions, the mission must be understood as part of democracy's self-defense. The substance of this mission derives from the values and principles defined in the Swedish constitution (Regeringsformen). Based on the idea of a "public reason", the democratic argument for public broadcasting corporations is that they contribute to an informative, balanced and restrained public sphere that enables a democratic overlapping consensus among citizens with otherwise conflicting interests and convictions.
Previous literature explains the fact that sub-national elections tend to be more inclusive than ... more Previous literature explains the fact that sub-national elections tend to be more inclusive than national elections by reference to the level of the election. This paper argues that the constitutional status of the election is more decisive. This is illustrated by evidence from the British Overseas Territories (BOTs) where resident citizens without 'belonger' status are excluded from the vote. Elections in BOTs are less inclusive because they are significant to the future constitutional status of the territory. Finally, the paper considers the implications of our thesis for the ongoing dispute on belongership between the UK and BOTs.
Extraterritorial border controls prevent migrants from arriving at the territory of the state and... more Extraterritorial border controls prevent migrants from arriving at the territory of the state and effectively undermine rights to apply for asylum and protections against non-refoulement. As a result, a wealth of scholarship argues that external border controls are illegitimate exercises of state power. This paper challenges two versions of this argument, first, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to morally impermissible forms of coercion and, second, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to illegitimate claims to authority. Against coercion-based accounts of legitimacy, this paper defends the view that while carrier-sanctions are coercive, the coerciveness of a policy is not relevant to its legitimacy. What is relevant is instead whether the authority claimed by the state is legitimate. Against authority-based accounts, this paper argues that states are unable to claim authority in the relevant sense over migrants that are present in the territories of other states. The paper concludes by suggesting that the charge that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate should shift towards the state that allows carriers to enforce these policies on their territories. No state has the legitimate authority to permit other states to pressure carriers to prevent migrants in need of protection from travelling. The state that introduces carrier-sanction legislation, on the other hand, is not exercising illegitimate authority though they may act contrary to demands of justice.
Democratic theory tends to proceed on the assumption that law requires democratic legitimation be... more Democratic theory tends to proceed on the assumption that law requires democratic legitimation because it is coercive. However, the claim that law requires democratic legitimation is distinct from claims about the nature of law. This paper takes issue with the notion that law is coercive by an exploration of three distinct understandings of the nature of law: the state-based conception of law, law as the rules of institutionalized normative systems, and law as social norms. Drawing on insights from legal and democratic theory, the paper defends the view that the 'law' to which democratic claims apply are the rules of conduct of institutionalized normative systems. Since rules that belong to such systems are found in associations beyond or below the level of the state, the scope of democratic participation is significantly wider than is usually recognized.
Should artificial intelligences ever be included as co-authors of democratic decisions? According... more Should artificial intelligences ever be included as co-authors of democratic decisions? According to the conventional view in democratic theory, the answer depends on the relationship between the political unit and the entity that is either affected or subjected to its decisions. The relational conditions for inclusion as stipulated by the all-affected (AAP) and all-subjected principles (ASP) determine the spatial extension of democratic inclusion. Thus, AI qualifies for democratic inclusion if and only if AI is either affected or subjected to decisions by the political unit in relevant ways. This paper argues that the conventional view is too simple; that it neglects democratic reasons to recognize only agents and/or moral patients as participants in decision-making. The claim defended is that AAP and ASP implicitly affirm requirements for agency and patiency. In ASP, the entity included must be an agent understood either in terms of legal status, capacity to comply with the law or ability to recognize legitimate authority. In AAP, the entity included must be a patient, understood either in terms of capacity for sentience or consciousness. Thus, the idea here is to explore the potential democratic inclusion of artificial intelligences by an updated account of the relevant conditions of agency and patiency that are implicit in democratic theory. Although conceivable that AI is or will be either affected or subjected in relevant ways to decisions made by political units, it is far less clear that AI will ever be agents or patients in the sense required for democratic inclusion.
Machine learning algorithms (ML) are increasingly used to support decision-making in the exercise... more Machine learning algorithms (ML) are increasingly used to support decision-making in the exercise of public authority. Here, we argue that an important consideration has been overlooked in previous discussions: whether the use of ML undermines the democratic legitimacy of public institutions. From the perspective of democratic legitimacy, it is not enough that ML contributes to efficiency and accuracy in the exercise of public authority, which has so far been the focus in the scholarly literature engaging with these developments. According to one influential theory, exercises of administrative and judicial authority are democratically legitimate if and only if administrative and judicial decisions serve the ends of the democratic law maker, are based on reasons that align with these ends and are accessible to the public. These requirements are not satisfied by decisions determined through ML since such decisions are determined by statistical operations that are opaque in several respects. However, not all ML-based decision support systems pose the same risk, and we argue that a considered judgment on the democratic legitimacy of ML in exercises of public authority need take the complexity of the issue into account. This paper outlines considerations that help guide the assessment of whether a ML undermines democratic legitimacy when used to support public decisions. We argue that two main considerations are pertinent to such normative assessment. The first is the extent to which ML is practiced as intended and the extent to which it replaces decisions that were previously accessible and based on reasons. The second is that uses of ML in exercises of public authority should be embedded in an institutional infrastructure that secures reason giving and accessibility.
The doctrine of popular sovereignty holds that the 'supreme authority of the state' belongs to th... more The doctrine of popular sovereignty holds that the 'supreme authority of the state' belongs to the people, not to the political institutions exercising public power. What are the implications of this view when there is more than one people in the territory of that state? The case of Indigenous peoples highlights this question, as they are unequivocally peoples who are distinct from the majority population. This paper subjects to criticism of the received view according to which the inclusion of Indigenous peoples in democratic institutions is sufficient for the realization of their popular sovereignty. Instead, we argue that their constituent power must be recognized-the power to create and negotiate the constitutional order. The realization of popular sovereignty in settler states thus necessitates a process where the constitutional order is negotiated by Indigenous peoples and the majority population in conditions where the two parties are mutually recognized as sovereign.
Democracy is a term that is used to denote a variety of distinct objects and ideas. Democracy des... more Democracy is a term that is used to denote a variety of distinct objects and ideas. Democracy describes either a set of political institutions or an ideal of collective self-rule. Democracy can also be short for a normative principle of either legitimacy or justice. Finally, democracy might be used to denote an egalitarian attitude. These four uses of the term should be kept distinct and raises separate conceptual and normative issues.
Legal norms protecting the right to vote are an integrated part of human rights law. And yet, nat... more Legal norms protecting the right to vote are an integrated part of human rights law. And yet, national governments frequently pursue policies that restrict opportunities for voting by marginalized groups. The consistency of such policies with the human right to vote remains possible due to the vague conditions for when restrictions are justified. While international conventions provide for the legal protection of the right to vote, the gaps of that framework contributes to make the protection less effective.However, with the increasing activism of courts, in domestic and international settings, the legal situation is transformed. The courts are beginning to provide more substance to the relevant articles of human rights law. This development is particularly visible in the case of prisoner voting rights. In the last decade, the voting rights of prisoners have been expanded as a direct result of judicial decisions. Looking at this process critically, we focused on how the reasoning of...
Från höger och vänster framträder just nu rörelser i Sverige och i många andra länder som anser s... more Från höger och vänster framträder just nu rörelser i Sverige och i många andra länder som anser sig tala för folket. Att all politisk makt utgår från folket kallas med ett hävdvunnet uttryck för folksuveränitet och är den självklara utgångspunkten i en demokrati. Men vilka är ”folket” i folkstyret?
En förvirrande situation har uppstått där föreställningen om det suveräna folket underblåser kritiken mot demokratins, folkstyrets, organisering. Så hur kan och bör vi förstå demokratins löfte om att makten utgår från folket?
All makt åt folket ger läsaren ögonöppnande perspektiv och redskap till ett kritiskt – och självkritiskt – granskande av demokratins mest grundläggande princip.
This volume bridges two separate academic debates on the problems of democracy and the political ... more This volume bridges two separate academic debates on the problems of democracy and the political community in a transnational context. The authors discuss the theoretical concerns of citizenship in an age of globalization and the inclusive and exclusive character of citizenship in contemporary society, taking as a starting point the status, role and function of citizenship within democratic systems and multilayered government structures.
This novel approach adds a broad array of critical, conceptual and normative perspectives on the borders, territories and political agents of the state, employing a variety of disciplines to explore the possibilities and challenges for citizens as political agents in light of present processes of fragmentation and pluralization.
The Frontiers of Democracy offers a comprehensive examination of restrictions on the vote in demo... more The Frontiers of Democracy offers a comprehensive examination of restrictions on the vote in democracies today. For the first time, the reasons for excluding people (prisoners, children, intellectually disabled, non-citizens) from the suffrage in contemporary societies is critically examined from the point of view of democratic theory.
"At the start of the new millennium there has been a growing awareness that traditional political... more "At the start of the new millennium there has been a growing awareness that traditional political institutions and ideologies do not correspond to the demands and aspirations held by many individuals and groups. Ideals and interests previously without much impact on the political debate have gained access to the public arena. These new claims include demands for recognition of homosexuals and their rights, affirmation of the particularities of indigenous peoples, sensitivity to the cultures and languages of immigrants, respect for children and their needs, solidarity with people of the developing countries and their fight for independence, care for nature, animals, attention to the social status of women, and so on. As a consequence, many governments now regulate and support many different conceptions of the good life and its virtues.
In this volume, schematically divided into two parts, Ludvig Beckman challenges the common view that support for the good life, the politics of virtue, is in conflict with liberal principles. In clear, analytical language he addresses the question of what a state should do. Chapter 1 attempts to specify the meaning of "liberalism"; chapter 2 discusses the meaning of tolerance and makes more specific the notion of "virtue"; chapters 3 and 4 assess ethical and political liberalism as exemplified by the writings of Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls. In part two, chapter 5 discusses the clash between norms of justice and conceptions of virtue in the family; chapter 6 explores the meaning of the idea of an ethically neutral state; chapter 7 explores three different arguments for the neutral state as found in the work of Ronald Dworkin; chapter 8 presents an analysis of the idea of the neutral state with the theory of John Rawls put under scrutiny; chapter 9 explains why the attempt to justify the neutral state by referring to modified skepticism fails and proposes a distinction between being skeptical and being critical.
Participating in the current debate on communitarianism, The Liberal State and the Politics of Virtue will be particularly interesting to people engaged in the public debate on ethics, morality and the state. It will also be of interest to teachers and researchers in the fields of politics and philosophy."
The democratic value of public service broadcasting: freedom of opinion and public reason The dem... more The democratic value of public service broadcasting: freedom of opinion and public reason The democratic significance of public broadcasting corporations has gained renewed urgency as a result of developments in the outside world and the ongoing public service committee (Dir. 2023:27). According to the accepted view, public broadcasting corporations serve democracy by strengthening the free expression of opinion. This paper argues that this argument is not sufficient. In addition to strengthening the free formation of opinions, the mission must be understood as part of democracy's self-defense. The substance of this mission derives from the values and principles defined in the Swedish constitution (Regeringsformen). Based on the idea of a "public reason", the democratic argument for public broadcasting corporations is that they contribute to an informative, balanced and restrained public sphere that enables a democratic overlapping consensus among citizens with otherwise conflicting interests and convictions.
Previous literature explains the fact that sub-national elections tend to be more inclusive than ... more Previous literature explains the fact that sub-national elections tend to be more inclusive than national elections by reference to the level of the election. This paper argues that the constitutional status of the election is more decisive. This is illustrated by evidence from the British Overseas Territories (BOTs) where resident citizens without 'belonger' status are excluded from the vote. Elections in BOTs are less inclusive because they are significant to the future constitutional status of the territory. Finally, the paper considers the implications of our thesis for the ongoing dispute on belongership between the UK and BOTs.
Extraterritorial border controls prevent migrants from arriving at the territory of the state and... more Extraterritorial border controls prevent migrants from arriving at the territory of the state and effectively undermine rights to apply for asylum and protections against non-refoulement. As a result, a wealth of scholarship argues that external border controls are illegitimate exercises of state power. This paper challenges two versions of this argument, first, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to morally impermissible forms of coercion and, second, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to illegitimate claims to authority. Against coercion-based accounts of legitimacy, this paper defends the view that while carrier-sanctions are coercive, the coerciveness of a policy is not relevant to its legitimacy. What is relevant is instead whether the authority claimed by the state is legitimate. Against authority-based accounts, this paper argues that states are unable to claim authority in the relevant sense over migrants that are present in the territories of other states. The paper concludes by suggesting that the charge that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate should shift towards the state that allows carriers to enforce these policies on their territories. No state has the legitimate authority to permit other states to pressure carriers to prevent migrants in need of protection from travelling. The state that introduces carrier-sanction legislation, on the other hand, is not exercising illegitimate authority though they may act contrary to demands of justice.
Democratic theory tends to proceed on the assumption that law requires democratic legitimation be... more Democratic theory tends to proceed on the assumption that law requires democratic legitimation because it is coercive. However, the claim that law requires democratic legitimation is distinct from claims about the nature of law. This paper takes issue with the notion that law is coercive by an exploration of three distinct understandings of the nature of law: the state-based conception of law, law as the rules of institutionalized normative systems, and law as social norms. Drawing on insights from legal and democratic theory, the paper defends the view that the 'law' to which democratic claims apply are the rules of conduct of institutionalized normative systems. Since rules that belong to such systems are found in associations beyond or below the level of the state, the scope of democratic participation is significantly wider than is usually recognized.
Should artificial intelligences ever be included as co-authors of democratic decisions? According... more Should artificial intelligences ever be included as co-authors of democratic decisions? According to the conventional view in democratic theory, the answer depends on the relationship between the political unit and the entity that is either affected or subjected to its decisions. The relational conditions for inclusion as stipulated by the all-affected (AAP) and all-subjected principles (ASP) determine the spatial extension of democratic inclusion. Thus, AI qualifies for democratic inclusion if and only if AI is either affected or subjected to decisions by the political unit in relevant ways. This paper argues that the conventional view is too simple; that it neglects democratic reasons to recognize only agents and/or moral patients as participants in decision-making. The claim defended is that AAP and ASP implicitly affirm requirements for agency and patiency. In ASP, the entity included must be an agent understood either in terms of legal status, capacity to comply with the law or ability to recognize legitimate authority. In AAP, the entity included must be a patient, understood either in terms of capacity for sentience or consciousness. Thus, the idea here is to explore the potential democratic inclusion of artificial intelligences by an updated account of the relevant conditions of agency and patiency that are implicit in democratic theory. Although conceivable that AI is or will be either affected or subjected in relevant ways to decisions made by political units, it is far less clear that AI will ever be agents or patients in the sense required for democratic inclusion.
Machine learning algorithms (ML) are increasingly used to support decision-making in the exercise... more Machine learning algorithms (ML) are increasingly used to support decision-making in the exercise of public authority. Here, we argue that an important consideration has been overlooked in previous discussions: whether the use of ML undermines the democratic legitimacy of public institutions. From the perspective of democratic legitimacy, it is not enough that ML contributes to efficiency and accuracy in the exercise of public authority, which has so far been the focus in the scholarly literature engaging with these developments. According to one influential theory, exercises of administrative and judicial authority are democratically legitimate if and only if administrative and judicial decisions serve the ends of the democratic law maker, are based on reasons that align with these ends and are accessible to the public. These requirements are not satisfied by decisions determined through ML since such decisions are determined by statistical operations that are opaque in several respects. However, not all ML-based decision support systems pose the same risk, and we argue that a considered judgment on the democratic legitimacy of ML in exercises of public authority need take the complexity of the issue into account. This paper outlines considerations that help guide the assessment of whether a ML undermines democratic legitimacy when used to support public decisions. We argue that two main considerations are pertinent to such normative assessment. The first is the extent to which ML is practiced as intended and the extent to which it replaces decisions that were previously accessible and based on reasons. The second is that uses of ML in exercises of public authority should be embedded in an institutional infrastructure that secures reason giving and accessibility.
The doctrine of popular sovereignty holds that the 'supreme authority of the state' belongs to th... more The doctrine of popular sovereignty holds that the 'supreme authority of the state' belongs to the people, not to the political institutions exercising public power. What are the implications of this view when there is more than one people in the territory of that state? The case of Indigenous peoples highlights this question, as they are unequivocally peoples who are distinct from the majority population. This paper subjects to criticism of the received view according to which the inclusion of Indigenous peoples in democratic institutions is sufficient for the realization of their popular sovereignty. Instead, we argue that their constituent power must be recognized-the power to create and negotiate the constitutional order. The realization of popular sovereignty in settler states thus necessitates a process where the constitutional order is negotiated by Indigenous peoples and the majority population in conditions where the two parties are mutually recognized as sovereign.
Democracy is a term that is used to denote a variety of distinct objects and ideas. Democracy des... more Democracy is a term that is used to denote a variety of distinct objects and ideas. Democracy describes either a set of political institutions or an ideal of collective self-rule. Democracy can also be short for a normative principle of either legitimacy or justice. Finally, democracy might be used to denote an egalitarian attitude. These four uses of the term should be kept distinct and raises separate conceptual and normative issues.
Legal norms protecting the right to vote are an integrated part of human rights law. And yet, nat... more Legal norms protecting the right to vote are an integrated part of human rights law. And yet, national governments frequently pursue policies that restrict opportunities for voting by marginalized groups. The consistency of such policies with the human right to vote remains possible due to the vague conditions for when restrictions are justified. While international conventions provide for the legal protection of the right to vote, the gaps of that framework contributes to make the protection less effective.However, with the increasing activism of courts, in domestic and international settings, the legal situation is transformed. The courts are beginning to provide more substance to the relevant articles of human rights law. This development is particularly visible in the case of prisoner voting rights. In the last decade, the voting rights of prisoners have been expanded as a direct result of judicial decisions. Looking at this process critically, we focused on how the reasoning of...
Citizens and Resident Aliens Andrew Mason Is Residence Special? Ludvig Beckman Naturalisation, De... more Citizens and Resident Aliens Andrew Mason Is Residence Special? Ludvig Beckman Naturalisation, Desert and the Symbolic Meaning of Citizenship Sune Laegaard 'Democratic Agents' and 'Agents of Democracy' in Multilayered Governance Eva Erman The Practical Conditions of Sovereignty of the People Christine Chwaszcza The Limits of Post-Territorial Political Community David Chandler Making Global Governance Public Kenneth Baynes Initial Citizenship and Rectificatory Secessions Jouni Reinikainen
Let me vote in your country, and I’ll let you vote in mine. A proposal for transnational democracy, 2018
I share many of Joachim Blatter's worries regarding the democratic legitimacy of bi-and multilate... more I share many of Joachim Blatter's worries regarding the democratic legitimacy of bi-and multilateral forms of rulemaking. However, I am less convinced that his proposal is effective in addressing them. In contrast to Sofia Näsström, who questions whether Blatter is radical enough, I am this going to engage with the internal coherence of his proposal. According to Blatter, a new transnational demos can be created that includes citizens from separate nation-states. Instead of creating a supranational state that replaces existing national democracies, Blatter suggests that citizens should be afforded a limited representation in foreign parliaments and to vote in foreign national elections on a reciprocal basis. The aim of this scheme is to reduce the exclusive reliance on national constituencies in decisions that affect or subject people beyond national borders, thereby mitigating the democratic deficit of existing intergovernmental forms of decision-making while at the same time steering clear of radically revising the nation-state system.
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Books by Ludvig Beckman
En förvirrande situation har uppstått där föreställningen om det suveräna folket underblåser kritiken mot demokratins, folkstyrets, organisering. Så hur kan och bör vi förstå demokratins löfte om att makten utgår från folket?
All makt åt folket ger läsaren ögonöppnande perspektiv och redskap till ett kritiskt – och självkritiskt – granskande av demokratins mest grundläggande princip.
This novel approach adds a broad array of critical, conceptual and normative perspectives on the borders, territories and political agents of the state, employing a variety of disciplines to explore the possibilities and challenges for citizens as political agents in light of present processes of fragmentation and pluralization.
In this volume, schematically divided into two parts, Ludvig Beckman challenges the common view that support for the good life, the politics of virtue, is in conflict with liberal principles. In clear, analytical language he addresses the question of what a state should do. Chapter 1 attempts to specify the meaning of "liberalism"; chapter 2 discusses the meaning of tolerance and makes more specific the notion of "virtue"; chapters 3 and 4 assess ethical and political liberalism as exemplified by the writings of Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls. In part two, chapter 5 discusses the clash between norms of justice and conceptions of virtue in the family; chapter 6 explores the meaning of the idea of an ethically neutral state; chapter 7 explores three different arguments for the neutral state as found in the work of Ronald Dworkin; chapter 8 presents an analysis of the idea of the neutral state with the theory of John Rawls put under scrutiny; chapter 9 explains why the attempt to justify the neutral state by referring to modified skepticism fails and proposes a distinction between being skeptical and being critical.
Participating in the current debate on communitarianism, The Liberal State and the Politics of Virtue will be particularly interesting to people engaged in the public debate on ethics, morality and the state. It will also be of interest to teachers and researchers in the fields of politics and philosophy."
Papers by Ludvig Beckman
En förvirrande situation har uppstått där föreställningen om det suveräna folket underblåser kritiken mot demokratins, folkstyrets, organisering. Så hur kan och bör vi förstå demokratins löfte om att makten utgår från folket?
All makt åt folket ger läsaren ögonöppnande perspektiv och redskap till ett kritiskt – och självkritiskt – granskande av demokratins mest grundläggande princip.
This novel approach adds a broad array of critical, conceptual and normative perspectives on the borders, territories and political agents of the state, employing a variety of disciplines to explore the possibilities and challenges for citizens as political agents in light of present processes of fragmentation and pluralization.
In this volume, schematically divided into two parts, Ludvig Beckman challenges the common view that support for the good life, the politics of virtue, is in conflict with liberal principles. In clear, analytical language he addresses the question of what a state should do. Chapter 1 attempts to specify the meaning of "liberalism"; chapter 2 discusses the meaning of tolerance and makes more specific the notion of "virtue"; chapters 3 and 4 assess ethical and political liberalism as exemplified by the writings of Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls. In part two, chapter 5 discusses the clash between norms of justice and conceptions of virtue in the family; chapter 6 explores the meaning of the idea of an ethically neutral state; chapter 7 explores three different arguments for the neutral state as found in the work of Ronald Dworkin; chapter 8 presents an analysis of the idea of the neutral state with the theory of John Rawls put under scrutiny; chapter 9 explains why the attempt to justify the neutral state by referring to modified skepticism fails and proposes a distinction between being skeptical and being critical.
Participating in the current debate on communitarianism, The Liberal State and the Politics of Virtue will be particularly interesting to people engaged in the public debate on ethics, morality and the state. It will also be of interest to teachers and researchers in the fields of politics and philosophy."