Janjira Sombatpoonsiri
Janjira Sombatpoonsiri completed her doctoral degree at Melbourne’s La Trobe University, which looks at the use of humour as vehicle of nonviolent conflict transformation particularly in Serbia’s 1990s.
She is currently lecturer at the Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat University, Thailand, where she teaches violence and nonviolence in politics, international relations theories, and critical approaches to international security. In 2014, Sombatpoonsiri was elected the co-Secretary General of the Asia Pacific Peace Research Association (APPRA).
While still working on the topic of nonviolent activism and conflict transformation, she has undertaken a new research project funded by the Thailand Research Fund. It aims to examine police responses to street protest in Thailand, the Philippines and India, and to propose policy-based recommendation to ‘reform’ protest policing in Thailand. She has just received a visiting fellowship from the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Advanced Studies (JNIAS) to carry out her research on Indian police responses to protest movements, and as a result she is based in New Delhi in 2016.
In addition, Sombatpoonsiri regularly publishes op-eds in Thailand’s Matichon Newspaper and occasionally in Opendemocracy.org regarding nonviolent activism and political conservatism under Thailand’s incumbent military dictatorship.
She loves travelling and learning about other peoples' culture, and considers herself a global citizen.
She is currently lecturer at the Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat University, Thailand, where she teaches violence and nonviolence in politics, international relations theories, and critical approaches to international security. In 2014, Sombatpoonsiri was elected the co-Secretary General of the Asia Pacific Peace Research Association (APPRA).
While still working on the topic of nonviolent activism and conflict transformation, she has undertaken a new research project funded by the Thailand Research Fund. It aims to examine police responses to street protest in Thailand, the Philippines and India, and to propose policy-based recommendation to ‘reform’ protest policing in Thailand. She has just received a visiting fellowship from the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Advanced Studies (JNIAS) to carry out her research on Indian police responses to protest movements, and as a result she is based in New Delhi in 2016.
In addition, Sombatpoonsiri regularly publishes op-eds in Thailand’s Matichon Newspaper and occasionally in Opendemocracy.org regarding nonviolent activism and political conservatism under Thailand’s incumbent military dictatorship.
She loves travelling and learning about other peoples' culture, and considers herself a global citizen.
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Journal articles by Janjira Sombatpoonsiri
These are: 1) A security narrative creating fear of national order breakdown due to polarising conflicts caused by representative democracy; 2) A security narrative promising the reintroduction of political stability through military dictatorship; 3) The identification of anti-junta protests as acts that threaten to sabotage this order-restoration process; 4) The portrayal of the army-led junta as the national savior protecting Thailand from internal threats, including protests demanding democracy.
The article concludes by suggesting that in order to combat the securitization strategy of the junta, pro-democracy activists need to develop de-securitization strategies in order to enhance the effectiveness of their campaigns.
Books by Janjira Sombatpoonsiri
Over the past few decades, nonviolent social movements have incorporated “subversive laughter” in their protest repertoires. In Western democracies, tactical carnivals and avant-garde street theater have become increasingly prominent, especially among the anti-globalization and anti-militarism campaigners. The “Absurd Response” activists, for instance, opposed the United States-led war in Iraq, dressing in “fluorescent colored gowns, opera-length gloves, and two-foot high Marge Simpson-type wigs.” They carried a banner that read “an absurd answer to an absurd war.” Rather than chanting “Give Peace a Chance,” their chanting contained a sarcastic tone: “We Need Oil! We Need Gas!,” “Watch Out, World, We’ll Kick Your Ass!” and “We Love BUSH! We Love DICK! All You Peaceniks Make Us SICK!”
In Central Europe, humorous protest actions played a conspicuous role in the struggle against communism. The Polish Orange Alternative’s absurd street performances provide an inspiring example in this context. On the Soviet-nominated “Children’s Day,” for instance, the activists dressing in the elf outfits (red shoes, red caps and if possible, red nails) took to the street. They handed out candy, sang children’s songs and danced in a circle. As the police moved to detain “the elves,” they willingly surrendered, loading themselves in the police cars where they merrily waved to the onlookers. Then, they kissed the police.
In Thailand, waves of protests staged between 2005 and 2010 were characterized by activities and theater performances that ridiculed the ruling elites. For example, after the protest crackdown in 2010, demonstrators opted for cheeky street actions to circumvent the consequences of the Emergency Decree imposed to prohibit public gatherings. On every Sunday, they carried out non-political activities such as aerobic dancing or bicycle riding and proclaimed that these actions were lawful because they were only a group exercise.
This book examines the nexus between humor and nonviolent protest, aiming to enhance our understanding of the growing popularity of humor in the protest repertoires of activists around the world. Drawing on the insights of the 1996-7 protesters and Otpor activists in Serbia, it theorizes how humor operates in nonviolent conflicts in three ways. Firstly, forms of humor such as satire and parody challenge the ruling elites’ propaganda by annexing its form in order to adapt and reconstruct it in an absurd version that undermines its original purpose. Secondly, carnivalesque activities can transform the protest atmosphere from one of antagonism to cheerfulness. This emotive shift can influence protesters to refrain from provoking the security forces, and thus pre-empt the government’s justification for a crackdown. Lastly, carnivalesque protests contain the metaphor of participants’ emancipation from an oppressive situation. This metaphor can generate popular awareness of the possibilities of changing the status quo, and inspire activists to turn these possibilities into reality.
Book reviews by Janjira Sombatpoonsiri
Book chapters by Janjira Sombatpoonsiri
These are: 1) A security narrative creating fear of national order breakdown due to polarising conflicts caused by representative democracy; 2) A security narrative promising the reintroduction of political stability through military dictatorship; 3) The identification of anti-junta protests as acts that threaten to sabotage this order-restoration process; 4) The portrayal of the army-led junta as the national savior protecting Thailand from internal threats, including protests demanding democracy.
The article concludes by suggesting that in order to combat the securitization strategy of the junta, pro-democracy activists need to develop de-securitization strategies in order to enhance the effectiveness of their campaigns.
Over the past few decades, nonviolent social movements have incorporated “subversive laughter” in their protest repertoires. In Western democracies, tactical carnivals and avant-garde street theater have become increasingly prominent, especially among the anti-globalization and anti-militarism campaigners. The “Absurd Response” activists, for instance, opposed the United States-led war in Iraq, dressing in “fluorescent colored gowns, opera-length gloves, and two-foot high Marge Simpson-type wigs.” They carried a banner that read “an absurd answer to an absurd war.” Rather than chanting “Give Peace a Chance,” their chanting contained a sarcastic tone: “We Need Oil! We Need Gas!,” “Watch Out, World, We’ll Kick Your Ass!” and “We Love BUSH! We Love DICK! All You Peaceniks Make Us SICK!”
In Central Europe, humorous protest actions played a conspicuous role in the struggle against communism. The Polish Orange Alternative’s absurd street performances provide an inspiring example in this context. On the Soviet-nominated “Children’s Day,” for instance, the activists dressing in the elf outfits (red shoes, red caps and if possible, red nails) took to the street. They handed out candy, sang children’s songs and danced in a circle. As the police moved to detain “the elves,” they willingly surrendered, loading themselves in the police cars where they merrily waved to the onlookers. Then, they kissed the police.
In Thailand, waves of protests staged between 2005 and 2010 were characterized by activities and theater performances that ridiculed the ruling elites. For example, after the protest crackdown in 2010, demonstrators opted for cheeky street actions to circumvent the consequences of the Emergency Decree imposed to prohibit public gatherings. On every Sunday, they carried out non-political activities such as aerobic dancing or bicycle riding and proclaimed that these actions were lawful because they were only a group exercise.
This book examines the nexus between humor and nonviolent protest, aiming to enhance our understanding of the growing popularity of humor in the protest repertoires of activists around the world. Drawing on the insights of the 1996-7 protesters and Otpor activists in Serbia, it theorizes how humor operates in nonviolent conflicts in three ways. Firstly, forms of humor such as satire and parody challenge the ruling elites’ propaganda by annexing its form in order to adapt and reconstruct it in an absurd version that undermines its original purpose. Secondly, carnivalesque activities can transform the protest atmosphere from one of antagonism to cheerfulness. This emotive shift can influence protesters to refrain from provoking the security forces, and thus pre-empt the government’s justification for a crackdown. Lastly, carnivalesque protests contain the metaphor of participants’ emancipation from an oppressive situation. This metaphor can generate popular awareness of the possibilities of changing the status quo, and inspire activists to turn these possibilities into reality.
tightened its grip on cyberspace, ramping up attempts to control the
internet and online dissent. To defend internet freedom and maintain
pressure, activists have responded with a wave of new campaigns and
tactics. Two recent cases illustrate how, and why, some campaigns
have been successful and others have not. The lessons learned may
offer activists a window into how to maximize their efforts in a highly
polarized environment.