Exploring a range of transnational labour movements, the book provides a theory for understanding... more Exploring a range of transnational labour movements, the book provides a theory for understanding how collective action succeeds and fails.
Summary
Processes of neoliberal globalization have put national trade unions under pressure as the transnational organization of production puts these labour movements in competition with each other. The global economic crisis has intensified these pressures further. And yet, economic and political integration processes have also provided workers with new possibilities to organize resistance.Emphasizing the importance of agency, this book analyzes transnational labour action in times of crisis, historically and now. It draws on a variety of fascinating cases, across formal and informal collectives, in order to clarify which factors facilitate or block the formation of solidarity. Moving beyond empirical description of cases to an informed understanding of collective action across borders, the volume provides an insightful theorization of transnational action.
Endorsements
This volume makes a timely contribution to debates about class and global solidarity. Combining rigorous theoretical analysis with rich empirical data, the importance of the volume is not only in its scholarly contribution, but its engaged approach focusing on how the relationships between labour, new social movements and migrant workers are critical to social justice and potentially wider transformation. Jane Hardy, Professor of Political Economy, University of Hertfordshire
In the present situation when old social models are being eroded at the bottom and trade union rights are attacked from above, this book shows the necessity for unions to act as a collective intellectual and to bring together labour migrants and resident wage earners in the same organization. Roy Pedersen, President of the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions in Oslo
A highly original collection drawing upon several disciplines, this book investigates the possibilities of labour exercising agency in a global economy. Ranging over a wide diversity of theories, topics and geographic areas the chapters show where and when labour action shapes the world we live in. An excellent up-to-date engagement with global labour dynamics. Robert O'Brien, Professor of Global Labour Issues, McMaster University
Table of Contents
Introduction: The Structuring Conditions of the Global Economy and Possibilities of Agency, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Knut Kjeldstadli, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan / Part I: Class Formation / 1. The Crisis of the World’s Old Labour Movements, Marcel van der Linden / 2. Farewell to Europe’s Working Classes: Welcome the Making of the European Working Class?, Ingo Schmidt / 3. Free Trade and Transnational Labour Solidarity: Structural and Agential Challenges for the 21st Century, Andreas Bieler / 4. Mass Strikes in Brazil, South Africa and India after 2008 – Separate Battles, but a United Struggle?, Jörg Nowak / Part II. Transnational Action – Past and Present / 5. Trade Union Internationalism and European integration: A Critical Evaluation, Darragh Golden / 6. A Closed Nation or an Open Working Class? When do Unions Opt for Including Labour Migrants?, Knut Kjeldstadli / 7. A Pyrrhic Victory? A Case of National Unions and Immigrant Workers Returned, Tiago Matos / Part III. Power and Strategy / 8. Labour after Globalisation: Old and New Sources of Power, Eddie Webster / 9. Power, Labour and Globalisation: How Context-Appropriate Strategies Help Transnational Labour Alliances Succeed, Marissa Brookes / 10. Governance Struggles and Worker Power: The New Spirit of Labour Transnationalism, Jamie K. McCallum/ 11. What Role Can Trade Union Education Play in Enhancing Transnational Labour Solidarity?, Bianca Föhrer / Part IV. Varieties of Internationalism / 12. Pathways of Influence: Transnational Activism and Labour Rights in China, Sabrina Zajak / 13. Labour in the Era of Transnational Migration, What Prospects for International Solidarity, Jenny Jungehülsing / 14. Towards a ‘Cosmopolitan’ Labour Movement? Managerial and Mobilising Dynamics in International Trade Unionism, Charles Umney / Conclusion: Questions for the Future: Towards an Analytical Framework, Knut Kjeldstadli, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan
In Chapter , we highlighted the need for a research design that acknowledges the links between t... more In Chapter , we highlighted the need for a research design that acknowledges the links between the policy orientation of new economic governance (NEG) prescriptions and the material interests of different social groups. We thus identified commodification as the policy orientation most relevant to our analysis of the nexus between EU economic governance and labour politics and developed a corresponding analytical framework to assess NEG prescriptions in the areas of employment relations and public services. Before engaging in this assessment, however, we need to understand their meaning, for which we must make an additional analytical move. The meaning of NEG policy prescriptions depends not only on their wording but also on their location in larger policy scripts and their uneven coercive power across countries, time, and policy areas. Hence, NEG prescriptions are embedded in larger semantic fields and taxonomies, in power struggles over the definition of appropriate solutions to social problems, and in the uneven European political economy. This chapter thus first explains the semantic, communicative, and policy contexts in which we situate NEG prescriptions and then outlines the implications of this analytical move for our research design, including case selection, data collection, and comparative approach.
In this chapter, we analyse the EU governance of water services and its discontents. We investiga... more In this chapter, we analyse the EU governance of water services and its discontents. We investigate the extent to which EU leaders called for a commodification of water through EU laws and new economic governance (NEG) prescriptions; and we assess the transnational countermovements of unions and social movements that they triggered. In addition, we assess the interactions of these vertical EU governance interventions with horizontal market pressures triggered by the making of a European market in the sector. In the water sector, horizontal market integration has been advancing relatively slowly because of significant physical barriers to trade. As opposed to other public network industries (including transport), water supply and distribution systems are typically contained within sub-national borders. The distribution of water (except bottled water) remains a local issue, making tap water a non-tradable good. Nonetheless, water services were hardly insulated from neoliberal demands to commodify public services across the globe (Dobner, ; Bieler, ; Moore, ). From the s onwards, water-related technologies, governance ideas, and, most importantly, capital have become ever more transnational. Water services became a target of mobile capital across borders. The operation of water supply networks and participation in water-related infrastructure projects (the improvement of sanitation systems, for example) represented lucrative business opportunities for transnational corporations (TNCs), especially given the scale and knowhow requirements of these tasks (Hall and Lobina, : ). The expansion of water TNCs, however, has also triggered the emergence of countervailing protest movements defending the commons, especially in countries where the arrival of TNCs meant direct privatisation and price increases (Sultana and Loftus, ; Bieler and Erne, ; Bieler, ).
Most union leaders knew that the single market project and monetary union could expose workers' p... more Most union leaders knew that the single market project and monetary union could expose workers' pay and working conditions to increased horizontal market integration pressures. Even so, European unions by and large supported the Single European Act (SEA) () and the Maastricht Treaty (). Most European trade unionists thought that these treaties not only promised higher overall growth rates but also seemed to provide a basis for social EU laws and some protection against the most radical forms of capitalist globalisation (Bieler, ). Although the idea of a European social model successively gained some traction among European policymakers, vertical EU interventions in the social field that improved working and living conditions remained an exception. Accordingly, a multilevel system of European employment relations emerged (Marginson and Sisson, ) that included some EU-level labour laws but continued to be shaped primarily by horizontal market integration pressures and different responses to them by governments, employers, and unions at national level. As the increased European horizontal market integration pressures would put workers and national employment relations regimes in competition with one another, French and German business leaders already predicted in that unions would 'lose their role in wage negotiations' after the introduction of the Euro (Erne, : ). Until , national social partners formally remained autonomous in the key areas of employment relations, namely, wage and collective bargaining policy. After the financial crisis however, the picture changed dramatically. The EU's new economic governance (NEG) regime
The shift to the European Union's (EU's) new economic governance (NEG) regime after the financial... more The shift to the European Union's (EU's) new economic governance (NEG) regime after the financial crisis of questions key assumptions that guide the thinking of scholars and practitioners in the field. This prompts us to argue first for three conceptual innovations, namely, new ways to envision () different modes of European integration, () different EU governance mechanisms, and () the politicisation of EU governance and labour politics. After that, we outline the interests of the EU's NEG regime for employment relations and public services, as well as the need to examine the role of different structural conditions under which countervailing movements of trade unions and social movements can or cannot politicise EU integration (Erne, ; Szabó, Golden, and Erne, ).
In this chapter, we compare the policy orientation of the new economic governance (NEG) prescript... more In this chapter, we compare the policy orientation of the new economic governance (NEG) prescriptions that the European Commission and Council of finance ministers (EU executives) issued to Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Romania (-) across our two cross-sectoral policy areas (employment relations and public services) and three public services sectors (transport, water, and healthcare). To what extent have they been informed by an overarching policy script that sought to commodify labour and public services? This question is crucial from this book's labour politics perspective, as the presence of a commodifying script is a necessary (albeit not sufficient) condition for transnational countermovements that could alter the setup and policy direction of the EU's NEG regime. Certainly, commodifying EU interventions as such do not necessarily trigger countervailing protest movements, especially not transnational ones (Dribbusch, ). Successful social movements depend also on activists' ability to construct a shared sense of injustice among people and to identify fitting targets for their grievances (Kelly, []). Agency-oriented factors, such as activists' framing of the problem and their interactions with workers, allies, and the public in general, are important for successful labour and social movements, including in the case of transnational collective action (Diani and Bison, ; Erne, ; Nunes, ; Szabó, Golden, and Erne, ). This does not, however, mean that labour activists can build transnational movements as they please. The policy direction of the NEG prescriptions and the nature of the NEG regime shape the prospect of countervailing protests too (Erne, ). Many commodifying EU laws have passed unchallenged (Kohler-Koch and Quittkat, ), but most transnational protests in the socioeconomic field have been triggered by commodifying EU laws (Erne and Nowak, ), for
The EU's Shift to a Post-Covid NEG Regime On March , the World Health Organisation recogni... more The EU's Shift to a Post-Covid NEG Regime On March , the World Health Organisation recognised the Covid- outbreak as a global pandemic. On the same day, the Financial Times reported that the 'Coronavirus "tsunami" pushes Italy's hospitals to the breaking point', despite the greater number of critical care beds per person in Italy compared with most European Union (EU) member states (Johnson and Ghiglione, ). To prevent the collapse of their healthcare systems, European governments implemented strict containment measures, colloquially known as lockdowns. Governments also massively increased their public spending to fight the Covid- outbreak and to counteract the social and economic side effects of lockdown measures. EU executives actively supported this policy response. On March , Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told the EU heads of states and governments at a European Council video conference that activation of the general escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) was imminent. In , EU legislators had introduced this clause to allow the Council, on the recommendation of the Commission, to suspend the application of the preventive and corrective arms of the SGP in a situation of generalised crisis caused by a severe economic downturn in the eurozone or the EU as a whole (see Regulation (EC) /, Arts. (), (, ), and (), as revised by the Six-Pack of EU laws of ). On March , the Commission published its Communication (COM// final), which called for activation of the clause. On March , the Council endorsed this request at a video conference and published a corresponding press 'Statement of EU ministers of finance on the Stability and Growth Pact in light of the COVID- crisis' (Council of the EU, ). The suspension of the application of both the preventive and the corrective arms of the SGP for all member states was remarkable, as a leading institutionalist scholar of the NEG regime had argued just before the outbreak of the pandemic that 'we cannot expect EU
The question of transport was central to the original design of European economic integration. Ho... more The question of transport was central to the original design of European economic integration. However, the inclusion of a specific Transport Title in the Treaty of Rome generated fierce debate on state-market relations. A fundamental source of conflict, which has not fully abated, had to do with the primacy of public services with clear social goals over economic freedoms and competition. Other sources of conflict stem from the existence of different modalitiesroad, rail, air, and sea. Over the decades, each modality has developed its own technology, management, and operating procedures in a bid to increase its competitiveness and gain market share, usually at the expense of other modalities. Hence, the liberalisation of one modality, be it at national or at EU level, directly impacts the functioning of another (Héritier, ). Today, the EU governance of transport can be characterised as 'recent, gradual, uneven, complex and crisis-driven' (Kaeding, : ). This chapter examines the extent to which EU governance interventions have been prescribing a commodification of (public) transport services. First, we assess the EU governance of the transport sector prior to the onset of the financial crisis. In this period, the adoption of a growing number of EU laws, through the ordinary legislative procedure, led to the gradual commodification of transport services, even though the Treaty establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) exempted transport services from its free movement of services provisions (Art. () TEEC, now Art. TFEU) and emphasised the relevance of the 'concept of a public service' in the transport sector (Art. TEEC, now Art. TFEU). Despite this, the EU has over time succeeded in commodifying many transport services, particularly in road haulage, aviation, and shipping (Héritier, ; Stevens, ; Kaeding, ; Kassim and Stevens, ). In the port, rail, and local public
The objective of this report is to assess important developments in the global aviation industry ... more The objective of this report is to assess important developments in the global aviation industry and how this affects civil aviation in Norway and Europe. The report is based on an academic literature review and other secondary sources. The challenges brought about by deregulation and the emergence of low cost carriers (LCCs) as well as more recently, the ‘Middle East 3’ airlines (Emirates, Etihad Airways and Qatar Airways), call for major political attention from a range of stakeholders. With this in mind, we have drawn on a wide literature, both geographically and chronologically speaking, with a view to drawing insights from experiences of deregulation. An appraisal of the American deregulation experience is provided, which results in various unintended consequences whose ripple-effects continue to shape the sector. In particular, we point to changes in the field of labour, in the broad sense, and the network infrastructure. With regard to the former, it is apparent that a job in aviation no longer carries the prestige it once did. Intense competition has led to increased labour productivity and wage cuts. The example of Colgan Air bears out some of the risks identified with increased pressures and strains in aviation. However, it would be spurious to assume a connection between inferior labour conditions and LCCs. In terms of network and infrastructure, research identified so-called ‘pockets of pain’ where fare prices remain high while connectivity remains relatively low. Also, airline consolidation has not delivered the certainty purported by the economic theory. Despite initial innovations by LCCs, these airlines, in terms of service and fares, are now largely indistinguishable from their U.S. legacy counterparts. Today, we can speak of four major U.S. airlines. Consequently, yet another industry is deemed ‘too big to fail’ and its costs, some of which can be the result of poor decision-making, are borne by the general public. For some, this oligopolistic tendency is best addressed through further liberalization. This raises an important question regarding the efficient market hypothesis and the spatial boundaries of deregulation. While the European experience of deregulation in the aviation sector, by comparison, has been more piecemeal it has by no means been less complex. On the contrary, a variety of social and fiscal regimes has complicated matters considerably. This heterogeneity has implications for the industry structure, business and employment models as well as regulatory oversight mechanisms. In particular, LCCs adopt different business or employment models thereby defying a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach. While intrinsically linked, it is important, for analytical purposes, to distinguish between the business and employment models that are adopted by airlines. Hence, understanding the specific models that LCCs adopt is critical to drafting a relevant and effective aviation strategy. In addition to the standard employment relationship, typified by the legacy carriers and some LCCs, this report examines four possible employment models that LCCs might use. Approaches can vary whether we speak of pilots or cabin-crew. By providing practical examples, it is possible to discern the increasingly contentious nature of such employment arrangements. For too long aviation has operated under the radar of public imagination. The findings of the so-called Ghent Report from 2015, which highlights the extent of atypical employment in the case of pilots, should not be overlooked. Nor should the potential consequences for flight safety be underestimated. Phenomena such as zero hour contracts and ‘bogus’ self-employment are becoming increasingly commonplace in the cockpits of aircraft. To boot, young and inexperienced pilots are entering schemes called pay-to-fly (P2F) on revenue-earning flights. There is an onus on politicians to be up to speed on such developments and their deleterious effects on the aviation sector. Equally, there is a responsibility on the media not to be co-opted by industry and to report accurately on such practices. This is in the public interest. For the best part, we have focused on the different employment and business models adopted by two LCCs that are of particular relevance to the Norwegian context, namely Ryanair and Norwegian Air Shuttle (NAS). Clearly, there is a preference for litigation in the legal arena where loopholes make a mockery of national legal systems. This is especially the case with Ryanair, and the Cocca case is demonstrable of this. This case can also help explain Ryanair’s departure from Rygge airport. More recently there is evidence that NAS is becoming just as inclined to challenge, what might hitherto have been taken as granted, in a courtroom be it in Norway or further afield. In terms of business models, there is a marked difference between the two LCCs. For instance, NAS has created a number of subsidiaries (e.g. Norwegian UK). Since, May 2013,…
Le premier débat en France traitant des élections européennes du 26 mai 2019 – qui a réuni 12 can... more Le premier débat en France traitant des élections européennes du 26 mai 2019 – qui a réuni 12 candidates et candidats têtes de listes le 4 avril – a surtout marqué le public par sa longueur et sa cacophonie.EC - Education Audiovisual & Culture Executive Agency (EACEA
Exploring a range of transnational labour movements, the book provides a theory for understanding... more Exploring a range of transnational labour movements, the book provides a theory for understanding how collective action succeeds and fails.
Summary
Processes of neoliberal globalization have put national trade unions under pressure as the transnational organization of production puts these labour movements in competition with each other. The global economic crisis has intensified these pressures further. And yet, economic and political integration processes have also provided workers with new possibilities to organize resistance.Emphasizing the importance of agency, this book analyzes transnational labour action in times of crisis, historically and now. It draws on a variety of fascinating cases, across formal and informal collectives, in order to clarify which factors facilitate or block the formation of solidarity. Moving beyond empirical description of cases to an informed understanding of collective action across borders, the volume provides an insightful theorization of transnational action.
Endorsements
This volume makes a timely contribution to debates about class and global solidarity. Combining rigorous theoretical analysis with rich empirical data, the importance of the volume is not only in its scholarly contribution, but its engaged approach focusing on how the relationships between labour, new social movements and migrant workers are critical to social justice and potentially wider transformation. Jane Hardy, Professor of Political Economy, University of Hertfordshire
In the present situation when old social models are being eroded at the bottom and trade union rights are attacked from above, this book shows the necessity for unions to act as a collective intellectual and to bring together labour migrants and resident wage earners in the same organization. Roy Pedersen, President of the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions in Oslo
A highly original collection drawing upon several disciplines, this book investigates the possibilities of labour exercising agency in a global economy. Ranging over a wide diversity of theories, topics and geographic areas the chapters show where and when labour action shapes the world we live in. An excellent up-to-date engagement with global labour dynamics. Robert O'Brien, Professor of Global Labour Issues, McMaster University
Table of Contents
Introduction: The Structuring Conditions of the Global Economy and Possibilities of Agency, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Knut Kjeldstadli, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan / Part I: Class Formation / 1. The Crisis of the World’s Old Labour Movements, Marcel van der Linden / 2. Farewell to Europe’s Working Classes: Welcome the Making of the European Working Class?, Ingo Schmidt / 3. Free Trade and Transnational Labour Solidarity: Structural and Agential Challenges for the 21st Century, Andreas Bieler / 4. Mass Strikes in Brazil, South Africa and India after 2008 – Separate Battles, but a United Struggle?, Jörg Nowak / Part II. Transnational Action – Past and Present / 5. Trade Union Internationalism and European integration: A Critical Evaluation, Darragh Golden / 6. A Closed Nation or an Open Working Class? When do Unions Opt for Including Labour Migrants?, Knut Kjeldstadli / 7. A Pyrrhic Victory? A Case of National Unions and Immigrant Workers Returned, Tiago Matos / Part III. Power and Strategy / 8. Labour after Globalisation: Old and New Sources of Power, Eddie Webster / 9. Power, Labour and Globalisation: How Context-Appropriate Strategies Help Transnational Labour Alliances Succeed, Marissa Brookes / 10. Governance Struggles and Worker Power: The New Spirit of Labour Transnationalism, Jamie K. McCallum/ 11. What Role Can Trade Union Education Play in Enhancing Transnational Labour Solidarity?, Bianca Föhrer / Part IV. Varieties of Internationalism / 12. Pathways of Influence: Transnational Activism and Labour Rights in China, Sabrina Zajak / 13. Labour in the Era of Transnational Migration, What Prospects for International Solidarity, Jenny Jungehülsing / 14. Towards a ‘Cosmopolitan’ Labour Movement? Managerial and Mobilising Dynamics in International Trade Unionism, Charles Umney / Conclusion: Questions for the Future: Towards an Analytical Framework, Knut Kjeldstadli, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan
In Chapter , we highlighted the need for a research design that acknowledges the links between t... more In Chapter , we highlighted the need for a research design that acknowledges the links between the policy orientation of new economic governance (NEG) prescriptions and the material interests of different social groups. We thus identified commodification as the policy orientation most relevant to our analysis of the nexus between EU economic governance and labour politics and developed a corresponding analytical framework to assess NEG prescriptions in the areas of employment relations and public services. Before engaging in this assessment, however, we need to understand their meaning, for which we must make an additional analytical move. The meaning of NEG policy prescriptions depends not only on their wording but also on their location in larger policy scripts and their uneven coercive power across countries, time, and policy areas. Hence, NEG prescriptions are embedded in larger semantic fields and taxonomies, in power struggles over the definition of appropriate solutions to social problems, and in the uneven European political economy. This chapter thus first explains the semantic, communicative, and policy contexts in which we situate NEG prescriptions and then outlines the implications of this analytical move for our research design, including case selection, data collection, and comparative approach.
In this chapter, we analyse the EU governance of water services and its discontents. We investiga... more In this chapter, we analyse the EU governance of water services and its discontents. We investigate the extent to which EU leaders called for a commodification of water through EU laws and new economic governance (NEG) prescriptions; and we assess the transnational countermovements of unions and social movements that they triggered. In addition, we assess the interactions of these vertical EU governance interventions with horizontal market pressures triggered by the making of a European market in the sector. In the water sector, horizontal market integration has been advancing relatively slowly because of significant physical barriers to trade. As opposed to other public network industries (including transport), water supply and distribution systems are typically contained within sub-national borders. The distribution of water (except bottled water) remains a local issue, making tap water a non-tradable good. Nonetheless, water services were hardly insulated from neoliberal demands to commodify public services across the globe (Dobner, ; Bieler, ; Moore, ). From the s onwards, water-related technologies, governance ideas, and, most importantly, capital have become ever more transnational. Water services became a target of mobile capital across borders. The operation of water supply networks and participation in water-related infrastructure projects (the improvement of sanitation systems, for example) represented lucrative business opportunities for transnational corporations (TNCs), especially given the scale and knowhow requirements of these tasks (Hall and Lobina, : ). The expansion of water TNCs, however, has also triggered the emergence of countervailing protest movements defending the commons, especially in countries where the arrival of TNCs meant direct privatisation and price increases (Sultana and Loftus, ; Bieler and Erne, ; Bieler, ).
Most union leaders knew that the single market project and monetary union could expose workers' p... more Most union leaders knew that the single market project and monetary union could expose workers' pay and working conditions to increased horizontal market integration pressures. Even so, European unions by and large supported the Single European Act (SEA) () and the Maastricht Treaty (). Most European trade unionists thought that these treaties not only promised higher overall growth rates but also seemed to provide a basis for social EU laws and some protection against the most radical forms of capitalist globalisation (Bieler, ). Although the idea of a European social model successively gained some traction among European policymakers, vertical EU interventions in the social field that improved working and living conditions remained an exception. Accordingly, a multilevel system of European employment relations emerged (Marginson and Sisson, ) that included some EU-level labour laws but continued to be shaped primarily by horizontal market integration pressures and different responses to them by governments, employers, and unions at national level. As the increased European horizontal market integration pressures would put workers and national employment relations regimes in competition with one another, French and German business leaders already predicted in that unions would 'lose their role in wage negotiations' after the introduction of the Euro (Erne, : ). Until , national social partners formally remained autonomous in the key areas of employment relations, namely, wage and collective bargaining policy. After the financial crisis however, the picture changed dramatically. The EU's new economic governance (NEG) regime
The shift to the European Union's (EU's) new economic governance (NEG) regime after the financial... more The shift to the European Union's (EU's) new economic governance (NEG) regime after the financial crisis of questions key assumptions that guide the thinking of scholars and practitioners in the field. This prompts us to argue first for three conceptual innovations, namely, new ways to envision () different modes of European integration, () different EU governance mechanisms, and () the politicisation of EU governance and labour politics. After that, we outline the interests of the EU's NEG regime for employment relations and public services, as well as the need to examine the role of different structural conditions under which countervailing movements of trade unions and social movements can or cannot politicise EU integration (Erne, ; Szabó, Golden, and Erne, ).
In this chapter, we compare the policy orientation of the new economic governance (NEG) prescript... more In this chapter, we compare the policy orientation of the new economic governance (NEG) prescriptions that the European Commission and Council of finance ministers (EU executives) issued to Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Romania (-) across our two cross-sectoral policy areas (employment relations and public services) and three public services sectors (transport, water, and healthcare). To what extent have they been informed by an overarching policy script that sought to commodify labour and public services? This question is crucial from this book's labour politics perspective, as the presence of a commodifying script is a necessary (albeit not sufficient) condition for transnational countermovements that could alter the setup and policy direction of the EU's NEG regime. Certainly, commodifying EU interventions as such do not necessarily trigger countervailing protest movements, especially not transnational ones (Dribbusch, ). Successful social movements depend also on activists' ability to construct a shared sense of injustice among people and to identify fitting targets for their grievances (Kelly, []). Agency-oriented factors, such as activists' framing of the problem and their interactions with workers, allies, and the public in general, are important for successful labour and social movements, including in the case of transnational collective action (Diani and Bison, ; Erne, ; Nunes, ; Szabó, Golden, and Erne, ). This does not, however, mean that labour activists can build transnational movements as they please. The policy direction of the NEG prescriptions and the nature of the NEG regime shape the prospect of countervailing protests too (Erne, ). Many commodifying EU laws have passed unchallenged (Kohler-Koch and Quittkat, ), but most transnational protests in the socioeconomic field have been triggered by commodifying EU laws (Erne and Nowak, ), for
The EU's Shift to a Post-Covid NEG Regime On March , the World Health Organisation recogni... more The EU's Shift to a Post-Covid NEG Regime On March , the World Health Organisation recognised the Covid- outbreak as a global pandemic. On the same day, the Financial Times reported that the 'Coronavirus "tsunami" pushes Italy's hospitals to the breaking point', despite the greater number of critical care beds per person in Italy compared with most European Union (EU) member states (Johnson and Ghiglione, ). To prevent the collapse of their healthcare systems, European governments implemented strict containment measures, colloquially known as lockdowns. Governments also massively increased their public spending to fight the Covid- outbreak and to counteract the social and economic side effects of lockdown measures. EU executives actively supported this policy response. On March , Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told the EU heads of states and governments at a European Council video conference that activation of the general escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) was imminent. In , EU legislators had introduced this clause to allow the Council, on the recommendation of the Commission, to suspend the application of the preventive and corrective arms of the SGP in a situation of generalised crisis caused by a severe economic downturn in the eurozone or the EU as a whole (see Regulation (EC) /, Arts. (), (, ), and (), as revised by the Six-Pack of EU laws of ). On March , the Commission published its Communication (COM// final), which called for activation of the clause. On March , the Council endorsed this request at a video conference and published a corresponding press 'Statement of EU ministers of finance on the Stability and Growth Pact in light of the COVID- crisis' (Council of the EU, ). The suspension of the application of both the preventive and the corrective arms of the SGP for all member states was remarkable, as a leading institutionalist scholar of the NEG regime had argued just before the outbreak of the pandemic that 'we cannot expect EU
The question of transport was central to the original design of European economic integration. Ho... more The question of transport was central to the original design of European economic integration. However, the inclusion of a specific Transport Title in the Treaty of Rome generated fierce debate on state-market relations. A fundamental source of conflict, which has not fully abated, had to do with the primacy of public services with clear social goals over economic freedoms and competition. Other sources of conflict stem from the existence of different modalitiesroad, rail, air, and sea. Over the decades, each modality has developed its own technology, management, and operating procedures in a bid to increase its competitiveness and gain market share, usually at the expense of other modalities. Hence, the liberalisation of one modality, be it at national or at EU level, directly impacts the functioning of another (Héritier, ). Today, the EU governance of transport can be characterised as 'recent, gradual, uneven, complex and crisis-driven' (Kaeding, : ). This chapter examines the extent to which EU governance interventions have been prescribing a commodification of (public) transport services. First, we assess the EU governance of the transport sector prior to the onset of the financial crisis. In this period, the adoption of a growing number of EU laws, through the ordinary legislative procedure, led to the gradual commodification of transport services, even though the Treaty establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) exempted transport services from its free movement of services provisions (Art. () TEEC, now Art. TFEU) and emphasised the relevance of the 'concept of a public service' in the transport sector (Art. TEEC, now Art. TFEU). Despite this, the EU has over time succeeded in commodifying many transport services, particularly in road haulage, aviation, and shipping (Héritier, ; Stevens, ; Kaeding, ; Kassim and Stevens, ). In the port, rail, and local public
The objective of this report is to assess important developments in the global aviation industry ... more The objective of this report is to assess important developments in the global aviation industry and how this affects civil aviation in Norway and Europe. The report is based on an academic literature review and other secondary sources. The challenges brought about by deregulation and the emergence of low cost carriers (LCCs) as well as more recently, the ‘Middle East 3’ airlines (Emirates, Etihad Airways and Qatar Airways), call for major political attention from a range of stakeholders. With this in mind, we have drawn on a wide literature, both geographically and chronologically speaking, with a view to drawing insights from experiences of deregulation. An appraisal of the American deregulation experience is provided, which results in various unintended consequences whose ripple-effects continue to shape the sector. In particular, we point to changes in the field of labour, in the broad sense, and the network infrastructure. With regard to the former, it is apparent that a job in aviation no longer carries the prestige it once did. Intense competition has led to increased labour productivity and wage cuts. The example of Colgan Air bears out some of the risks identified with increased pressures and strains in aviation. However, it would be spurious to assume a connection between inferior labour conditions and LCCs. In terms of network and infrastructure, research identified so-called ‘pockets of pain’ where fare prices remain high while connectivity remains relatively low. Also, airline consolidation has not delivered the certainty purported by the economic theory. Despite initial innovations by LCCs, these airlines, in terms of service and fares, are now largely indistinguishable from their U.S. legacy counterparts. Today, we can speak of four major U.S. airlines. Consequently, yet another industry is deemed ‘too big to fail’ and its costs, some of which can be the result of poor decision-making, are borne by the general public. For some, this oligopolistic tendency is best addressed through further liberalization. This raises an important question regarding the efficient market hypothesis and the spatial boundaries of deregulation. While the European experience of deregulation in the aviation sector, by comparison, has been more piecemeal it has by no means been less complex. On the contrary, a variety of social and fiscal regimes has complicated matters considerably. This heterogeneity has implications for the industry structure, business and employment models as well as regulatory oversight mechanisms. In particular, LCCs adopt different business or employment models thereby defying a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach. While intrinsically linked, it is important, for analytical purposes, to distinguish between the business and employment models that are adopted by airlines. Hence, understanding the specific models that LCCs adopt is critical to drafting a relevant and effective aviation strategy. In addition to the standard employment relationship, typified by the legacy carriers and some LCCs, this report examines four possible employment models that LCCs might use. Approaches can vary whether we speak of pilots or cabin-crew. By providing practical examples, it is possible to discern the increasingly contentious nature of such employment arrangements. For too long aviation has operated under the radar of public imagination. The findings of the so-called Ghent Report from 2015, which highlights the extent of atypical employment in the case of pilots, should not be overlooked. Nor should the potential consequences for flight safety be underestimated. Phenomena such as zero hour contracts and ‘bogus’ self-employment are becoming increasingly commonplace in the cockpits of aircraft. To boot, young and inexperienced pilots are entering schemes called pay-to-fly (P2F) on revenue-earning flights. There is an onus on politicians to be up to speed on such developments and their deleterious effects on the aviation sector. Equally, there is a responsibility on the media not to be co-opted by industry and to report accurately on such practices. This is in the public interest. For the best part, we have focused on the different employment and business models adopted by two LCCs that are of particular relevance to the Norwegian context, namely Ryanair and Norwegian Air Shuttle (NAS). Clearly, there is a preference for litigation in the legal arena where loopholes make a mockery of national legal systems. This is especially the case with Ryanair, and the Cocca case is demonstrable of this. This case can also help explain Ryanair’s departure from Rygge airport. More recently there is evidence that NAS is becoming just as inclined to challenge, what might hitherto have been taken as granted, in a courtroom be it in Norway or further afield. In terms of business models, there is a marked difference between the two LCCs. For instance, NAS has created a number of subsidiaries (e.g. Norwegian UK). Since, May 2013,…
Le premier débat en France traitant des élections européennes du 26 mai 2019 – qui a réuni 12 can... more Le premier débat en France traitant des élections européennes du 26 mai 2019 – qui a réuni 12 candidates et candidats têtes de listes le 4 avril – a surtout marqué le public par sa longueur et sa cacophonie.EC - Education Audiovisual & Culture Executive Agency (EACEA
Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research, 2015
This introductory article to the special issue proposes a more encompassing view of transnational... more This introductory article to the special issue proposes a more encompassing view of transnational collective action in Europe, which goes beyond the classical, country-by-country oriented, comparative industrial relations approach. Instead, we propose an extension of focus to capture also other actors, action repertoires, places and levels. Specifically, we introduce and integrate the contributions to this issue, by extending our analytical perspectives from traditional forms of employment to precarious and posted workers; from national and European trade union structures to informal groups of workers and social movements; from unions’ traditional strongholds in manufacturing multinationals to workers in the meat industry, health care or occupied factories; from national unions seen as coherent units to a perspective that emphasizes their internal contradictions; from the analysis of discrete actions to historically more encompassing perspectives; and from utilitarian views on colle...
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Books by Darragh Golden
Summary
Processes of neoliberal globalization have put national trade unions under pressure as the transnational organization of production puts these labour movements in competition with each other. The global economic crisis has intensified these pressures further. And yet, economic and political integration processes have also provided workers with new possibilities to organize resistance.Emphasizing the importance of agency, this book analyzes transnational labour action in times of crisis, historically and now. It draws on a variety of fascinating cases, across formal and informal collectives, in order to clarify which factors facilitate or block the formation of solidarity. Moving beyond empirical description of cases to an informed understanding of collective action across borders, the volume provides an insightful theorization of transnational action.
Endorsements
This volume makes a timely contribution to debates about class and global solidarity. Combining rigorous theoretical analysis with rich empirical data, the importance of the volume is not only in its scholarly contribution, but its engaged approach focusing on how the relationships between labour, new social movements and migrant workers are critical to social justice and potentially wider transformation. Jane Hardy, Professor of Political Economy, University of Hertfordshire
In the present situation when old social models are being eroded at the bottom and trade union rights are attacked from above, this book shows the necessity for unions to act as a collective intellectual and to bring together labour migrants and resident wage earners in the same organization. Roy Pedersen, President of the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions in Oslo
A highly original collection drawing upon several disciplines, this book investigates the possibilities of labour exercising agency in a global economy. Ranging over a wide diversity of theories, topics and geographic areas the chapters show where and when labour action shapes the world we live in. An excellent up-to-date engagement with global labour dynamics. Robert O'Brien, Professor of Global Labour Issues, McMaster University
Table of Contents
Introduction: The Structuring Conditions of the Global Economy and Possibilities of Agency, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Knut Kjeldstadli, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan / Part I: Class Formation / 1. The Crisis of the World’s Old Labour Movements, Marcel van der Linden / 2. Farewell to Europe’s Working Classes: Welcome the Making of the European Working Class?, Ingo Schmidt / 3. Free Trade and Transnational Labour Solidarity: Structural and Agential Challenges for the 21st Century, Andreas Bieler / 4. Mass Strikes in Brazil, South Africa and India after 2008 – Separate Battles, but a United Struggle?, Jörg Nowak / Part II. Transnational Action – Past and Present / 5. Trade Union Internationalism and European integration: A Critical Evaluation, Darragh Golden / 6. A Closed Nation or an Open Working Class? When do Unions Opt for Including Labour Migrants?, Knut Kjeldstadli / 7. A Pyrrhic Victory? A Case of National Unions and Immigrant Workers Returned, Tiago Matos / Part III. Power and Strategy / 8. Labour after Globalisation: Old and New Sources of Power, Eddie Webster / 9. Power, Labour and Globalisation: How Context-Appropriate Strategies Help Transnational Labour Alliances Succeed, Marissa Brookes / 10. Governance Struggles and Worker Power: The New Spirit of Labour Transnationalism, Jamie K. McCallum/ 11. What Role Can Trade Union Education Play in Enhancing Transnational Labour Solidarity?, Bianca Föhrer / Part IV. Varieties of Internationalism / 12. Pathways of Influence: Transnational Activism and Labour Rights in China, Sabrina Zajak / 13. Labour in the Era of Transnational Migration, What Prospects for International Solidarity, Jenny Jungehülsing / 14. Towards a ‘Cosmopolitan’ Labour Movement? Managerial and Mobilising Dynamics in International Trade Unionism, Charles Umney / Conclusion: Questions for the Future: Towards an Analytical Framework, Knut Kjeldstadli, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan
Papers by Darragh Golden
Summary
Processes of neoliberal globalization have put national trade unions under pressure as the transnational organization of production puts these labour movements in competition with each other. The global economic crisis has intensified these pressures further. And yet, economic and political integration processes have also provided workers with new possibilities to organize resistance.Emphasizing the importance of agency, this book analyzes transnational labour action in times of crisis, historically and now. It draws on a variety of fascinating cases, across formal and informal collectives, in order to clarify which factors facilitate or block the formation of solidarity. Moving beyond empirical description of cases to an informed understanding of collective action across borders, the volume provides an insightful theorization of transnational action.
Endorsements
This volume makes a timely contribution to debates about class and global solidarity. Combining rigorous theoretical analysis with rich empirical data, the importance of the volume is not only in its scholarly contribution, but its engaged approach focusing on how the relationships between labour, new social movements and migrant workers are critical to social justice and potentially wider transformation. Jane Hardy, Professor of Political Economy, University of Hertfordshire
In the present situation when old social models are being eroded at the bottom and trade union rights are attacked from above, this book shows the necessity for unions to act as a collective intellectual and to bring together labour migrants and resident wage earners in the same organization. Roy Pedersen, President of the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions in Oslo
A highly original collection drawing upon several disciplines, this book investigates the possibilities of labour exercising agency in a global economy. Ranging over a wide diversity of theories, topics and geographic areas the chapters show where and when labour action shapes the world we live in. An excellent up-to-date engagement with global labour dynamics. Robert O'Brien, Professor of Global Labour Issues, McMaster University
Table of Contents
Introduction: The Structuring Conditions of the Global Economy and Possibilities of Agency, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Knut Kjeldstadli, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan / Part I: Class Formation / 1. The Crisis of the World’s Old Labour Movements, Marcel van der Linden / 2. Farewell to Europe’s Working Classes: Welcome the Making of the European Working Class?, Ingo Schmidt / 3. Free Trade and Transnational Labour Solidarity: Structural and Agential Challenges for the 21st Century, Andreas Bieler / 4. Mass Strikes in Brazil, South Africa and India after 2008 – Separate Battles, but a United Struggle?, Jörg Nowak / Part II. Transnational Action – Past and Present / 5. Trade Union Internationalism and European integration: A Critical Evaluation, Darragh Golden / 6. A Closed Nation or an Open Working Class? When do Unions Opt for Including Labour Migrants?, Knut Kjeldstadli / 7. A Pyrrhic Victory? A Case of National Unions and Immigrant Workers Returned, Tiago Matos / Part III. Power and Strategy / 8. Labour after Globalisation: Old and New Sources of Power, Eddie Webster / 9. Power, Labour and Globalisation: How Context-Appropriate Strategies Help Transnational Labour Alliances Succeed, Marissa Brookes / 10. Governance Struggles and Worker Power: The New Spirit of Labour Transnationalism, Jamie K. McCallum/ 11. What Role Can Trade Union Education Play in Enhancing Transnational Labour Solidarity?, Bianca Föhrer / Part IV. Varieties of Internationalism / 12. Pathways of Influence: Transnational Activism and Labour Rights in China, Sabrina Zajak / 13. Labour in the Era of Transnational Migration, What Prospects for International Solidarity, Jenny Jungehülsing / 14. Towards a ‘Cosmopolitan’ Labour Movement? Managerial and Mobilising Dynamics in International Trade Unionism, Charles Umney / Conclusion: Questions for the Future: Towards an Analytical Framework, Knut Kjeldstadli, Andreas Bieler, Roland Erne, Darragh Golden, Idar Helle, Tiago Matos and Sabina Stan