The International Encyclopedia of Organizational Communication, Jun 8, 2016
Clandestine/hidden organizations are composed of groups of people who keep their affiliations sec... more Clandestine/hidden organizations are composed of groups of people who keep their affiliations secret and conceal internal and external organizational activities. Since the early 2000s, the prominence and notoriety of clandestine organizations have made them the subject of much discussion, debate, and research, although they have existed throughout human history. Three distinct communication characteristics that distinguish clandestine organizations from other types of collective organization create several theoretical, methodological, and ethical challenges for researchers. The increasing development and use of digital information technologies make the study of clandestine organizations both easier and more difficult. Keywords: clandestine organizations; dark web; hidden organizations; secret societies
ABSTRACT By examining data from fifteen Latin American nations on several agricultural- and food-... more ABSTRACT By examining data from fifteen Latin American nations on several agricultural- and food-related variables for 1965 to 1977, this paper analyzes the efficacy of the Green Revolution for food consumption. A Radical Model is offered to explain why a high technology, export-oriented, agricultural policy may not adequately serve the food consumption needs of Third World countries. Copyright 1984 by The Policy Studies Organization.
Throughout the 1980 presidential campaign, candidate Ronald Reagan clearly and sharply criticised... more Throughout the 1980 presidential campaign, candidate Ronald Reagan clearly and sharply criticised the Carter human rights policy, arguing that it was morally unsound, ineffective, and threatening to United States’ security interests. According to the Reagan view, the policy was morally tenuous because it created a double standard, condemning minor human rights violators while overlooking major offenders. It was considered ineffective because it actually reduced United States influence in the targeted nations. Moreover, Carter’s policy was said to threaten United States security interests because it seriously undermined regimes which, while imperfect, were at least pro-Western. In contrast to Carter, Reagan promised that he would initiate a more realistic human rights programme. By avoiding the pitfalls of the Carter policy and properly understanding the moral questions involved, he would enact a policy that was both ethically sound and politically effective.1
Abstract: IN MANY OF THE ARTICLES AN EFFORT IS MADE TO ASSESS THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN TERRORISM... more Abstract: IN MANY OF THE ARTICLES AN EFFORT IS MADE TO ASSESS THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN TERRORISM AGAINST THE BROADER CANVAS OF TRENDS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CONFLICT. THE FIRST THREE PARTS ...
The actual structures and motivations of terrorist organizations like Daesh (aka. IS, ISIS, ISIL)... more The actual structures and motivations of terrorist organizations like Daesh (aka. IS, ISIS, ISIL) are often invisible to the general public, and given their clandestine nature, often opaque to all external actors (including governments, militaries, and others). For the general public, the 'picture' of terrorism and terrorist organizations is often painted by the media, with media framing having a direct influence on the American public's understanding of the global terrorist threat, and in turn on the policies and actions the public expects and wants in response. We argue that the central disconnect between the preferences of the American public and the actions of the current administration-a disconnect that we argue did not exist in relation to al Qaeda-can in part be explained by media framing of Daesh. We compare media representations of Daesh, and al Qaeda, with a specific focus on the time period between January 1, 2013 and December 31, 2014 and find that Daesh has been framed as an existential threat, derivative of its framing as a singularly motivated militaristic group. Because of this framing, there is an inherent disconnect between public perceptions of the threat posed by Daesh and the response to Daesh being pursued by the Administration.
"Introduction Michael Stohl Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Political Terrorism Some ... more "Introduction Michael Stohl Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Political Terrorism Some Characteristics of Political Terrorism in the 1960's Ted Robert Gurr The Urban Context of Political Terrorism P. N. Grabosky Political Disintegration and Latent Terror Peter R. Knauss and D. A. Strickland Societal Structure and Revolutionary Terrorism: A Preliminary Investigation Harry R. Targ The Theoretical Utility of Typologies of Terrorism: Lessons and Opportunities Peter A. Fleming, Michael Stohl, and Alex P. Schmid Terror in the United States: Three Perspectives Frederic D. Homer Governance by Terror Raymond D. Duvall and Michael Stoll National Interests and State Terrorism in International Affairs Michael Stohl The Practice of Political Terrorism Terrorism at the Home and Abroad: The U. S. Government View Federal Bureau of Investigation Ethnic and Ideological Terrorism in Western Europe Raymond R. Corrado, with Rebecca Evans Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa Robert A. Denemark and Mary B. Welfling Terrorism in Latin America George A. Lopez Terrorism in the Middle East: The Case of the Arab-Israeli Conflict Ilan Peleg Political Terrorism in the United States: Historical Antecedents and Contemporary Trends Ted Robert Gurr Conclusion"
The conventional introductory course rests upon the pedagogical assumption that the teacher's... more The conventional introductory course rests upon the pedagogical assumption that the teacher's function is to transmit information (or knowledge) and that the student's function is to receive it. According to this transmitter-receiver model of the educational process, teaching begins with a “knower” who “transmits” what he knows to a “learner.” In higher education, certain euphemisms are employed to soften and furnish a color of legitimacy to this model: the teacher is a “scholar,” and “authority,” in his field; he possesses an “expert knowledge” which the student has come to school to “learn“; the student is the “learner.” The teacher's role, accordingly, is the active one of transmitting information and the student's role, accordingly, is the passive one of receiving and recording (or memorizing) this information.
In the 21st century, the human rights repertoire established during the postwar years is necessar... more In the 21st century, the human rights repertoire established during the postwar years is necessary but not sufficient for global governance of an expanding range of abuses. In the second generation, human rights is caught between realist, structural and multicultural critiques that rights are not enough. On the one hand, critics contend that the classic corpus of rights does not attend to the most vulnerable populations and emerging forms of exploitation-and conversely, that even conventional rights cannot be enforced or fulfilled. To meet these challenges, this project analyses dynamic expansions of the norms and mechanisms of human rights that have emerged in practice. We will chronicle the mobilization of new actors, new rights claims, new institutions and channels of leverage, and new modes of accountability. We respond to the challengers with affirmative evidence of new mechanisms for enforcing existing rights and new strategies for claiming rights for new populations and processes. As we examine the potential and limitations of these expansions of the horizon of human rights, we will assess how an expanded notion of human rights can lead to new possibilities for reform-and where it still falls short. Our analysis is multidisciplinary , multi-method, with balanced attention to civil-political and social-economic rights, and draws from a full range of global experience, including cases from Asia, Europe, Africa, and Latin America. WHAT'S WRONG WITH RIGHTS? After decades of development, the international human rights regime is under siege in theory and practice. The human rights regime consists of a set of interlocking claims, practices, and institutions that seek freedom, equality, and human dignity, codified in a set of core treaties that establish a normative consensus on minimal standards. In the generation since the 1994 Vienna Conference concluded that human rights are "universal, indivisible, and interdependent," human rights standards, movements,
Constructions of terrorism emanate from a wide range of sources. Governments and international or... more Constructions of terrorism emanate from a wide range of sources. Governments and international organizations create criminal laws and administrative lists defining who is a terrorist or what acts constitute terrorism. In society, discussions among its members and the press play a major role in how the words terrorism and extremism are used and applied, which in turn influences public understanding and government policy. Terrorist groups themselves contribute to these constructions through the rationales and justifications they use for their actions. Today we are seeing the continual reference to terrorism in everyday language, government policy, news reporting, and international diplomacy and from various groups and uprisings. With the term being used to describe a wide range of violence, it is difficult to formulate effective government responses aimed at prevention and eradication. It further makes things difficult in societal settings for creating conducive environments for reconciliation. This volume seeks to establish appropriate research frameworks for understanding how we construct understanding(s) of terrorism. From the perspective of countering terrorism and extremism, if there is not a well-developed understanding of the object of these frameworks, they will not be effective. Assessments of the literature of terrorism have revealed consistent and troubling shortcomings. Lum, Kennedy, and Sherley and Andrew Silke carefully examined studies of terrorism published over the previous decades and the great explosion of terrorism research after 9/11. 1 The most germane findings about terrorism and counterterrorism research in their two studies help frame the contributions that have been reviewed here. The first finding is that most of the publications on terrorism have been contributions by scholars who were relatively new to the subject. These scholars discovered terrorism as a problem, usually after a particularly
The International Encyclopedia of Organizational Communication, Jun 8, 2016
Clandestine/hidden organizations are composed of groups of people who keep their affiliations sec... more Clandestine/hidden organizations are composed of groups of people who keep their affiliations secret and conceal internal and external organizational activities. Since the early 2000s, the prominence and notoriety of clandestine organizations have made them the subject of much discussion, debate, and research, although they have existed throughout human history. Three distinct communication characteristics that distinguish clandestine organizations from other types of collective organization create several theoretical, methodological, and ethical challenges for researchers. The increasing development and use of digital information technologies make the study of clandestine organizations both easier and more difficult. Keywords: clandestine organizations; dark web; hidden organizations; secret societies
ABSTRACT By examining data from fifteen Latin American nations on several agricultural- and food-... more ABSTRACT By examining data from fifteen Latin American nations on several agricultural- and food-related variables for 1965 to 1977, this paper analyzes the efficacy of the Green Revolution for food consumption. A Radical Model is offered to explain why a high technology, export-oriented, agricultural policy may not adequately serve the food consumption needs of Third World countries. Copyright 1984 by The Policy Studies Organization.
Throughout the 1980 presidential campaign, candidate Ronald Reagan clearly and sharply criticised... more Throughout the 1980 presidential campaign, candidate Ronald Reagan clearly and sharply criticised the Carter human rights policy, arguing that it was morally unsound, ineffective, and threatening to United States’ security interests. According to the Reagan view, the policy was morally tenuous because it created a double standard, condemning minor human rights violators while overlooking major offenders. It was considered ineffective because it actually reduced United States influence in the targeted nations. Moreover, Carter’s policy was said to threaten United States security interests because it seriously undermined regimes which, while imperfect, were at least pro-Western. In contrast to Carter, Reagan promised that he would initiate a more realistic human rights programme. By avoiding the pitfalls of the Carter policy and properly understanding the moral questions involved, he would enact a policy that was both ethically sound and politically effective.1
Abstract: IN MANY OF THE ARTICLES AN EFFORT IS MADE TO ASSESS THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN TERRORISM... more Abstract: IN MANY OF THE ARTICLES AN EFFORT IS MADE TO ASSESS THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN TERRORISM AGAINST THE BROADER CANVAS OF TRENDS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CONFLICT. THE FIRST THREE PARTS ...
The actual structures and motivations of terrorist organizations like Daesh (aka. IS, ISIS, ISIL)... more The actual structures and motivations of terrorist organizations like Daesh (aka. IS, ISIS, ISIL) are often invisible to the general public, and given their clandestine nature, often opaque to all external actors (including governments, militaries, and others). For the general public, the 'picture' of terrorism and terrorist organizations is often painted by the media, with media framing having a direct influence on the American public's understanding of the global terrorist threat, and in turn on the policies and actions the public expects and wants in response. We argue that the central disconnect between the preferences of the American public and the actions of the current administration-a disconnect that we argue did not exist in relation to al Qaeda-can in part be explained by media framing of Daesh. We compare media representations of Daesh, and al Qaeda, with a specific focus on the time period between January 1, 2013 and December 31, 2014 and find that Daesh has been framed as an existential threat, derivative of its framing as a singularly motivated militaristic group. Because of this framing, there is an inherent disconnect between public perceptions of the threat posed by Daesh and the response to Daesh being pursued by the Administration.
"Introduction Michael Stohl Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Political Terrorism Some ... more "Introduction Michael Stohl Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Political Terrorism Some Characteristics of Political Terrorism in the 1960's Ted Robert Gurr The Urban Context of Political Terrorism P. N. Grabosky Political Disintegration and Latent Terror Peter R. Knauss and D. A. Strickland Societal Structure and Revolutionary Terrorism: A Preliminary Investigation Harry R. Targ The Theoretical Utility of Typologies of Terrorism: Lessons and Opportunities Peter A. Fleming, Michael Stohl, and Alex P. Schmid Terror in the United States: Three Perspectives Frederic D. Homer Governance by Terror Raymond D. Duvall and Michael Stoll National Interests and State Terrorism in International Affairs Michael Stohl The Practice of Political Terrorism Terrorism at the Home and Abroad: The U. S. Government View Federal Bureau of Investigation Ethnic and Ideological Terrorism in Western Europe Raymond R. Corrado, with Rebecca Evans Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa Robert A. Denemark and Mary B. Welfling Terrorism in Latin America George A. Lopez Terrorism in the Middle East: The Case of the Arab-Israeli Conflict Ilan Peleg Political Terrorism in the United States: Historical Antecedents and Contemporary Trends Ted Robert Gurr Conclusion"
The conventional introductory course rests upon the pedagogical assumption that the teacher's... more The conventional introductory course rests upon the pedagogical assumption that the teacher's function is to transmit information (or knowledge) and that the student's function is to receive it. According to this transmitter-receiver model of the educational process, teaching begins with a “knower” who “transmits” what he knows to a “learner.” In higher education, certain euphemisms are employed to soften and furnish a color of legitimacy to this model: the teacher is a “scholar,” and “authority,” in his field; he possesses an “expert knowledge” which the student has come to school to “learn“; the student is the “learner.” The teacher's role, accordingly, is the active one of transmitting information and the student's role, accordingly, is the passive one of receiving and recording (or memorizing) this information.
In the 21st century, the human rights repertoire established during the postwar years is necessar... more In the 21st century, the human rights repertoire established during the postwar years is necessary but not sufficient for global governance of an expanding range of abuses. In the second generation, human rights is caught between realist, structural and multicultural critiques that rights are not enough. On the one hand, critics contend that the classic corpus of rights does not attend to the most vulnerable populations and emerging forms of exploitation-and conversely, that even conventional rights cannot be enforced or fulfilled. To meet these challenges, this project analyses dynamic expansions of the norms and mechanisms of human rights that have emerged in practice. We will chronicle the mobilization of new actors, new rights claims, new institutions and channels of leverage, and new modes of accountability. We respond to the challengers with affirmative evidence of new mechanisms for enforcing existing rights and new strategies for claiming rights for new populations and processes. As we examine the potential and limitations of these expansions of the horizon of human rights, we will assess how an expanded notion of human rights can lead to new possibilities for reform-and where it still falls short. Our analysis is multidisciplinary , multi-method, with balanced attention to civil-political and social-economic rights, and draws from a full range of global experience, including cases from Asia, Europe, Africa, and Latin America. WHAT'S WRONG WITH RIGHTS? After decades of development, the international human rights regime is under siege in theory and practice. The human rights regime consists of a set of interlocking claims, practices, and institutions that seek freedom, equality, and human dignity, codified in a set of core treaties that establish a normative consensus on minimal standards. In the generation since the 1994 Vienna Conference concluded that human rights are "universal, indivisible, and interdependent," human rights standards, movements,
Constructions of terrorism emanate from a wide range of sources. Governments and international or... more Constructions of terrorism emanate from a wide range of sources. Governments and international organizations create criminal laws and administrative lists defining who is a terrorist or what acts constitute terrorism. In society, discussions among its members and the press play a major role in how the words terrorism and extremism are used and applied, which in turn influences public understanding and government policy. Terrorist groups themselves contribute to these constructions through the rationales and justifications they use for their actions. Today we are seeing the continual reference to terrorism in everyday language, government policy, news reporting, and international diplomacy and from various groups and uprisings. With the term being used to describe a wide range of violence, it is difficult to formulate effective government responses aimed at prevention and eradication. It further makes things difficult in societal settings for creating conducive environments for reconciliation. This volume seeks to establish appropriate research frameworks for understanding how we construct understanding(s) of terrorism. From the perspective of countering terrorism and extremism, if there is not a well-developed understanding of the object of these frameworks, they will not be effective. Assessments of the literature of terrorism have revealed consistent and troubling shortcomings. Lum, Kennedy, and Sherley and Andrew Silke carefully examined studies of terrorism published over the previous decades and the great explosion of terrorism research after 9/11. 1 The most germane findings about terrorism and counterterrorism research in their two studies help frame the contributions that have been reviewed here. The first finding is that most of the publications on terrorism have been contributions by scholars who were relatively new to the subject. These scholars discovered terrorism as a problem, usually after a particularly
We examine how and why al-Qa'ida and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have come to dominate di... more We examine how and why al-Qa'ida and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have come to dominate discourse of the international terrorist threat in the post-9/11 era, through their emergence as the primary referents for understanding terrorism, the organizations that employ it, and the actions taken to combat it. We propose a simple mechanism-based on relevance theory-wherein a given actor might attain and sustain a socially shared understanding, allowing them to function as symbolic referents in media discourse. In Study 1, we address the plausibility of this mechanism, using computer-assisted linguistic analysis to assess coverage of Foreign Terrorist Organizations in The New York Times and Wall Street Journal from 1996 to 2017. In Study 2, we conduct an inductive framing analysis aimed at identifying unique and commonly reoccurring applications of framing packages relying on known actors as framing devices. We conclude by discussing implications of these practices.
This article explores the construction of extremism in media discourse, the factors driving speci... more This article explores the construction of extremism in media discourse, the factors driving specific constructions and the implications of these constructions for counterterrorism policy. We contend that extremism has predominantly and increasingly been framed as a security issue. This article explores the implications of this practice through the framework of securitisation. We measure the average intensity of security framing in 38,616 articles found in three major US newspapers, New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Los Angeles Times, between 20 January 1993 and 19 January 2017 comprising the Clinton, Bush and Obama presidencies, and look at factors influencing the shift in intensity over time. Through our analysis, we show that it is possible to return to a pre- 9/11 discourse but that the confluence of real-world events and the strategic choices of political actors have so far prevented this from fully occurring. We then explore the effect of securitization on public perceptions of the threat from terrorism, finding that increases in the intensity of security framing artificially increases the public’s worry about becoming a victim of terrorism. We conclude by discussing implications for the communication of counterterrorism policy and the requirements for an after, after 9/11 approach
Constructions of Terrorism: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Research and Policy, 2017
In the aftermath of the attacks on September 11, 2001, al-Qaeda emerged not only as the specific ... more In the aftermath of the attacks on September 11, 2001, al-Qaeda emerged not only as the specific perpetrator of the act but also as the focus of the “war on terror.” Until 2014 or so, and during the almost decade and a half following 9/11, al-Qaeda did not recede from its perceived position as a primary (if not the primary) international terrorist threat and enemy of the United States. Despite al-Qaeda’s having attained such a strong foothold on how the media and government portrays, and how the American public understands and responds to, the international terrorist threat, several new players have surfaced as potentially problematic enemies (e.g., Boko Haram, al-Shabaab, and most important, Daesh), especially during the past two years. Media coverage of these groups often connects them, either implicitly or explicitly, to al-Qaeda, using al-Qaeda to explain their form and function. As such, it is important to take a critical look at the way al-Qaeda and its actions have been depicted in the media during this ascendant period for other terrorist threats, and to explore the effects and consequences of these portrayals.
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