Website by Anthony C Woodbury
Archivo digital de materiales y otros recursos académicos y pedagógicos sobre las lenguas chatino... more Archivo digital de materiales y otros recursos académicos y pedagógicos sobre las lenguas chatinos creido por miembros del projecto de la documentación de las lenguas chatino, 2003-presente.
Digital archive of academic and pedagogical materials and other resources on the Chatino languages created by members of the Chatino Language Documentation Project, 2003-present.
Book with audio by Anthony C Woodbury
Myths and narratives by elders from Chevak, Alaska, transcribed in Cup'ik with facing English tra... more Myths and narratives by elders from Chevak, Alaska, transcribed in Cup'ik with facing English translation. Cup'ik is the variety of Central Alaskan Yupik (or Yup'ik) that is spoken in Chevak. Click on Links for MP3 audio for the myths and narratives.
Papers by Anthony C Woodbury
We describe our own experience of linguist-community collaboration over the last ten years in our... more We describe our own experience of linguist-community collaboration over the last ten years in our Chatino Language Documentation Project, focused on the Chatino languages (Otomanguean; Oaxaca, Mexico). We relate episodes in the emergence and evolution of the collaboration between ourselves, and of the collaboration among ourselves and the Chatino communities with which we have worked. Our experience has several special features. First, our own collaboration began as native Chatino-speaking Ph.D. student and her teacher in a program focused on training speakers of Latin American indigenous languages in linguistics and anthropology, and developed into a larger collaboration among students and faculty where the student had a major leadership role. Second, our approach was documentary-descriptive and comparative, but it was also socially engaged or 'activist,', in that we sought to promote interest, awareness, and respect for the Chatino languages, to teach and support Chatino literacy, and to preserve and offer access to spoken Chatino, especially traditional verbal art. Our approach had synergies with local interests in writing and in honoring traditional speech ways, but it also led to conflicts over our roles as social actors, and the traditionally activist roles of indigenous teachers. Third, we experienced plasticity in the collaborative roles we played. Between ourselves, we were student and teacher, but also initiator and follower as we became engaged in revitalization. At the same time, the native speaker linguist found herself occupying a range of positions along a continuum from " insider " to " outsider " respect to her own community.
We take up Boas’s commitment to the establishment of a large corpus of texts from the indigenous ... more We take up Boas’s commitment to the establishment of a large corpus of texts from the indigenous languages and peoples of the Americas, examining what we take to be his fundamental principles: using texts as the philological record from which to document and explore language, culture, and intellectual life on their own terms; training speakers to engage in documentation through the creation and analysis of texts; and a focus on the emergence of patterns and interrelationships. We then outline what we see as his influence up to now, both directly through the kinds of projects he promoted and indirectly through a broader application of Boasian principles that has animated a series of later movements. Finally, we discuss the prospects for a more comprehensive text- and documentation-centered approach to language and culture that welds together these themes and movements, and which we envision as a holistic humanities of speaking.
This is a sketch of polysynthesis in Central Alaskan Yupik (CAY) based on the Cup'ik dialect of C... more This is a sketch of polysynthesis in Central Alaskan Yupik (CAY) based on the Cup'ik dialect of Chevak, Alaska. CAY has well-defined words whose content is often holophrastic and whose parts are often word-like. Holophrasis is achieved by a combination of rich inflectional suffixation and by a derivational morphology in which several hundred productive suffixes bearing different lexical and grammatical meanings and functions may be added, recursively, to a lexical base. Each suffix selects the category of its base, over which it normally has scope, and determines the category of the resultant base. This simple but prolific suffixation-based system, termed 'morphological orthodoxy', yields long, polysynthetic words. Three cases are then discussed where suffixal elements govern constructions that in one way or another stretch CAY's orthodox morphology, motivating them by showing parallel constructions governed by elements with similar grammatical and semantic content in languages with more heterodox morphology and syntax.
In the Chatino languages (Otomanguean; Oaxaca, Mexico), verbs show two independent patterns of co... more In the Chatino languages (Otomanguean; Oaxaca, Mexico), verbs show two independent patterns of conjugational classification in marking aspect and mood, one based on prefixation and the other based on tonal ablaut. I term this CONJUGATIONAL DOUBLE-CLASSIFICATION. Each pattern determines its own conjugational classification of verb stems: verbs fall into several aspect/mood prefix conjugation classes that depend partly on their segmental structure and transitivity; and they simultaneously fall into several largely orthogonal tone ablaut conjugation classes that depend partly on the tonal characteristics of the stem. A Chatino child therefore must learn both the prefix conjugation class and the tone-ablaut conjugation class of every verb s/he learns. Furthermore, it is shown that diachronically, the prefix classes and the tone-ablaut classes have had independent LIFE CYCLES: in San Marcos Zacatepec Eastern Chatino (ctz), both systems are largely intact; in Zenzontepec Chatino (czn), the prefixation classes are intact but the tone ablaut classes have eroded through tonal simplification; and in San Juan Quiahije Eastern Chatino (ctp), the prefixation classes have eroded through initial syllable loss while the tone ablaut classes are intact. It is suggested that autosegmental phonology and morphology, when placed in diachronic perspective, easily allow such conjugational double classification when tone and segmental prefixation occupy distinct autosegmental tiers and when prefixes are largely non-tone bearing.
Language documentation and description 12, 2014
Language documentation and conservation, 2014
We describe our own experience of linguist-community collaboration over the last ten years in our... more We describe our own experience of linguist-community collaboration over the last ten years in our Chatino Language Documentation Project, focused on the Chatino languages (Otomanguean; Oaxaca, Mexico). We relate episodes in the emergence and evolution of the collaboration between ourselves, and of the collaboration among ourselves and the Chatino communities with which we have worked. Our experience has several special features. First, our own collaboration began as native Chatino-speaking Ph.D. student and her teacher in a program focused on training speakers of Latin American indigenous languages in linguistics and anthropology, and developed into a larger collaboration among students and faculty where the student had a major leadership role. Second, our approach was documentary-descriptive and comparative, but it was also socially engaged or ‘activist,’, in that we sought to promote interest, awareness, and respect for the Chatino languages, to teach and support Chatino literacy, and to preserve and offer access to spoken Chatino, especially traditional verbal art. Our approach had synergies with local interests in writing and in honoring traditional speech ways, but it also led to conflicts over our roles as social actors, and the traditionally activist roles of indigenous teachers. Third, we experienced plasticity in the collaborative roles we played. Between ourselves, we were student and teacher, but also initiator and follower as we became engaged in revitalization. At the same time, the native speaker linguist found herself occupying a range of positions along a continuum from “insider” to “outsider” respect to her own community.
We give a narrative description of our ten-year path into the elaborate tonal systems of the Chat... more We give a narrative description of our ten-year path into the elaborate tonal systems of the Chatino languages (Otomanguean; Oaxaca, Mexico), and of some of the methods we have used and recommend, illustrated with speci c examples. The work, ongoing at the time of writing, began when one of us (Cruz), a native speaker of San Juan Quiahije Chatino, entered the University of Texas at Austin as a Ph.D. student and formed, together with the other of us (Woodbury), a professor there, the Chatino Language Documentation Project, ultimately incorporating ve other Ph.D. students and two other senior researchers. We argue for the importance of an interplay among speaker and non-speaker perspectives over the long course of work; a mix of introspection, hypothesis-testing, natural speech record- ing, transcription, translation, grammatical analysis, and dictionary-making as research methods and activities; an emphasis on community training as an active research context; the simultaneous study of many varieties within a close-knit language family to leverage progress; and the use of historical-comparative methods to get to know tonal systems and the roles they play at a deeper level.
A preliminary exposition of the tonal system of the Chatino language of Tataltepec de Valdés, Oax... more A preliminary exposition of the tonal system of the Chatino language of Tataltepec de Valdés, Oaxaca, Mexico.
Atkan Aleut has non-subject pronominals that are attracted to a position just before the verb but... more Atkan Aleut has non-subject pronominals that are attracted to a position just before the verb but do not fuse with it. This behavior, termed UNCLITIC, is modeled using a version of the automodular analysis proposed by Sadock (1991). The unclitic pattern is proposed as the explanation for a set of apparent counterexamples in the puzzling word-order-and-‘definiteness’ paradigms first presented by Bergsland and Dirks (1981:31-33) and commented on by Fortescue (1987), Leer (1988), and Sadock (2009). (Atkan Aleut, clitics, word order, definiteness, Autolexical syntax, multimodular analysis)
A preliminary exposition of the tonal system of San Juan Quiahije Eastern Chatino, indicating 13 ... more A preliminary exposition of the tonal system of San Juan Quiahije Eastern Chatino, indicating 13 distinct lexical classes, each defined by a different tonal pattern. The paper further demonstrates tonal sandhi changes in two-word windows for all logically possible combinations of tonal patterns (13 x 13 = 169), and accounts for them through a combination of representations for the tonal patterns, and rules for their interaction. In the representations, three distinct unlinked or "floating" tones that link forward from a host word to a following word depending on the following word's tonal pattern.
Preliminary sketch of phonology and tone in San Marcos Zacatepec Eastern Chatino, and presentatio... more Preliminary sketch of phonology and tone in San Marcos Zacatepec Eastern Chatino, and presentation of a scheme for handling cognate tone classes across Eastern Chatino varieties.
Linguistic Discovery, 2006
The core idea of CILLA is to recruit into our Linguistics and Anthropology Ph.D. programs promisi... more The core idea of CILLA is to recruit into our Linguistics and Anthropology Ph.D. programs promising graduate students from indigenous communities in Latin America. The students focus on documentary and descriptive linguistics, which we take as the starting point for both scientific study and community language activism.
It is sometimes argued that the language of certain indigenous communities in North America and A... more It is sometimes argued that the language of certain indigenous communities in North America and Australia is no longer the ancestral language, but ‘Indian English’ or ‘Eskimo English’ or ‘Aboriginal English.’ But are these stable, persistent, emblems of community identity, hence ‘languages’ just like English, Navajo, Yupik, or Warlpiri, or are they just transient phenomena, noticeable perhaps to standard-English speakers but lacking in linguistic and sociolinguistic ‘focus’ (LePage and Tabouret-Keller, 1985)? It is a question that really matters when communities and linguists must decide whether to document, teach, and promote these languages alongside, or even in preference to, the ancestral language.
In this paper, I want to discuss the question of just what to document in your own, or somebody else’s community, proposing a series of alternative documentation models and their implications for local and wider communities. In this paper, I want to discuss the question of just what to document in your own, or somebody else’s community, proposing a series of alternative documentation models and their implications for local and wider communities.
Yupik-Inuit (or Eskimo) languages have one pervasive morphological process, recursive suffixation... more Yupik-Inuit (or Eskimo) languages have one pervasive morphological process, recursive suffixation to a base, and—normally—a corollary scope rule according to which any suffix is an operator or modifier with scope over exactly the base to which it was added. This pattern is both prolific and exclusive: there is (almost) no prefixation, no mutation, ablaut, reduplication, nor any base-base or (practi- cally any) word-word compounding. Moreover the pattern has apparently been historically persistent, since it dominates all known members of Yupik-Inuit and more distantly-related Aleut as well.
Taking this morphological ‘straitjacket’ as its starting point, this paper explores violations of the corollary scope rule. My point is that these scopal violations are determined by the grammatical or semantic content of individual suffixes, in keeping with the behavior associated with that content in languages with more heterodox morphology and syntax. In effect, then, the language family’s orthodox morphology becomes the ground for a natural experiment, allowing us to diagnose independent and perhaps universal structural proclivities of certain common lexico-grammatical functions.
We describe our experiences training speakers of indigenous languages of Latin America in documen... more We describe our experiences training speakers of indigenous languages of Latin America in documentary linguistics at a major US university. We feel that it has had and will have benefits for community language preservation efforts, for documentary linguistics, for linguistics more generally, and for our university. We hope here to make this case; and we hope it will encourage those in other universities contemplating such a programme for themselves in a way that suits their own interests, needs, and world position.
In the last fifteen years, we have seen the emergence of a branch of linguistics which has come t... more In the last fifteen years, we have seen the emergence of a branch of linguistics which has come to be called Documentary Linguistics. It is concerned with the making and keeping of records of the world’s languages and their patterns of use. This emergence has taken place alongside major changes in the technology of linguistic data representation and maintenance; alongside new attention to linguistic diversity; alongside an increasing focus on the threats to that diversity by the endangerment of languages and language practices around the world, especially in small indigenous communities; and perhaps most importantly of all, alongside the discipline’s growing awareness that linguistic documentation has crucial stakeholders well beyond the academic community; in endangered language communities themselves, but also beyond. The purpose of this paper is to discuss documentary linguistics, how it has been emerging, and where it may be headed.
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Website by Anthony C Woodbury
Digital archive of academic and pedagogical materials and other resources on the Chatino languages created by members of the Chatino Language Documentation Project, 2003-present.
Book with audio by Anthony C Woodbury
Papers by Anthony C Woodbury
In this paper, I want to discuss the question of just what to document in your own, or somebody else’s community, proposing a series of alternative documentation models and their implications for local and wider communities. In this paper, I want to discuss the question of just what to document in your own, or somebody else’s community, proposing a series of alternative documentation models and their implications for local and wider communities.
Taking this morphological ‘straitjacket’ as its starting point, this paper explores violations of the corollary scope rule. My point is that these scopal violations are determined by the grammatical or semantic content of individual suffixes, in keeping with the behavior associated with that content in languages with more heterodox morphology and syntax. In effect, then, the language family’s orthodox morphology becomes the ground for a natural experiment, allowing us to diagnose independent and perhaps universal structural proclivities of certain common lexico-grammatical functions.
Digital archive of academic and pedagogical materials and other resources on the Chatino languages created by members of the Chatino Language Documentation Project, 2003-present.
In this paper, I want to discuss the question of just what to document in your own, or somebody else’s community, proposing a series of alternative documentation models and their implications for local and wider communities. In this paper, I want to discuss the question of just what to document in your own, or somebody else’s community, proposing a series of alternative documentation models and their implications for local and wider communities.
Taking this morphological ‘straitjacket’ as its starting point, this paper explores violations of the corollary scope rule. My point is that these scopal violations are determined by the grammatical or semantic content of individual suffixes, in keeping with the behavior associated with that content in languages with more heterodox morphology and syntax. In effect, then, the language family’s orthodox morphology becomes the ground for a natural experiment, allowing us to diagnose independent and perhaps universal structural proclivities of certain common lexico-grammatical functions.
with Dennis Wylie, Anthony C. Woodbury, Gladys Camacho Rios, Hiroto Uchihara, Kelsey Neely, Natalia Bermudez, Ambrocio Gutierrez, Cristian Juarez, Willem de Reuse, Patience Epps, Andrés Salanova, Eric Adell, Michael Everdell, Eric Campbell, Javier Carol
In this talk we discuss some foundational problems in the cross-linguistic comparison of wordhood and constituency. We present a solution to these problems and apply them to the study of 14 languages of the America (Chácobo (Pano), Yaminawa (Pano), Hup (Naduhup), Mebengokre (Ge), Chatino (Oto-Manguean), Quechua (Quechua), Mocoví (Guaicuruan), Zapotec (Oto-Manguean), Central Alaskan Yupik (Yupik-Inuit-Unangan), Apache (Na-Dene Athabaskan), Cherokee (Iroquioan), Naso (Chibchan), Chajul Ixil (Mayan), Southeastern Tepehuan (Uto-Aztecan), Chorote (Matacoan)). We argue for a new methodology that rests on rejection of a number of assumptions (often implicit) in descriptive and typological work: (i) the distinction between morphological and syntactic positions (ii) the distinction between morphosyntactic and phonological words; (iii) the distinction between wordhood and phrasehood diagnostics. Instead, we propose that an approach to cross-linguistic comparison of constituency that involves the systematic application of constituency diagnostics coded in a typological database that does not presuppose these distinctions. Languages are compared in terms of how many levels emerge out of the application of the diagnostics, the convergences between diagnostics, and the robustness of these convergences given the parameters of their application. We present a new set of terminology for describing sentence structure and comparing the results of constituency tests that we refer to as "flat structures" (based on a critical engagement and synthesis of the morphological and syntactic representations found in and Bickel and Zúñiga (2017) and Culicover and Jackendoff (2005)).
One of the most serious critiques of the investigation of constituency is methodological opportunism (e.g. Croft 2001; Croft 2010; Haspelmath 2011). Rather than lapsing into one of the two extremes of categorial universalism or categorial particularism (e.g. Haspelmath 2010), we deal with this problem by positing a novel concept referred to as the probability of chance convergence. This refers to the likelihood that two or more constituency diagnostics could have converged around the same result by chance given the number of tests applied and the morphosyntactic positions in the language. We also show how a metric of the probability of chance convergence can be computed. We argue that this methodology takes important steps towards overcoming language-internal and cross-linguistic methodological opportunism.
Our study has the following results:
. Languages vary in terms of whether and the extent to which a word constituent is motivated. This finding calls into question the whole framing of the debate on lexicalism (Marantz 1997; Wechsler 2005; Bruening 2018; Müller 2018) and wordhood generally (Blevins 2016; Geertzen et al. 2016).
. The distinction between grammatical and phonological word is not motivated in any language. This finding undermines some basic premises of certain formulations of Basic Linguistic Theory (e.g. Dixon 2010 and generative theories of phonological constituency such as prosodic phonology (Nespor & Vogel 1986).
We discuss other findings from this study and the future research that they could inspire. We also discuss the relevance of these findings for linguistic description.
References
Bickel, Balthasar, and Fernando Zuñiga. 2017. "The 'word' in polysynthetic languages: phonological and syntactic challenges." In The Oxford Handbook of Polysynthesis, edited by Michael Fortascue, Marianne Mithun and Nichols Evans, 158-186. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bickel, Balthasar, Kristine A. Hildebrandt, and René Schiering. 2009. "The distribution of phonological word domains: A probabilistic typology." In Phonological Domains: Universals and Deviations, edited by Janet Grijzenhout and Kabak Baris, 47-75. De Gruyter Mouton.
Blevins, James P. 2006. "Word-based morphology." Journal of Linguistics 42 (3): 531-573.
Blevins, James P. 2016. Word and Paradigm Morphology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bresnan, Joan, and Sam A. McHombo. 1995. "The Lexical Integrity Principle: Evidence from Bantu." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 13 (2): 181-254.
Bruening, Benjamin. 2018. "The lexicalist hypothesis: Both wrong and superfluous." Language 94 (1): 1-42.
Croft, William. 2010. "Radical Construction Grammar." In The Oxford Handbook of Construction Grammar, edited by Thomas Hoffman and Graeme Trousdale, 211-232. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
-. 2001. Radical Construction Grammar: Syntactic Theory in Typological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Croft, William. 2010. "Ten unwarranted assumptions in syntactic argumentation." In Language Usage and Language Structure, edited by Kasper Boye and Elisabeth Engberg-Pedersen, 313-350. Mouton de Gruyter.
Culicover, Peter W., and Ray Jackendoff. 2005. Simpler Syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dixon, R.M.W, and Alexandra Y Aikhenvald. 2002. "Word: a typological framework." In Word: A cross-linguistic typology, edited by R.M.W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, 1-34. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dixon, R.M.W. 2010. Basic Linguistic Theory, Vol.2: Grammatical Topics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dryer, Matthew. 2017. The myth of grammatical (morphosyntactic) words. ms.
Geertzen, Jeroen, James P Blevins, and Petar Milin. 2016. "The informativeness of linguistic unit bondaries." Italian Journal of Linguistics 28 (2): 1-24.
Halle, Morris, and Alec Marantz. 1993. "Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection." In The view from building 20, edited by Ken Halle and S.J. Keyser, 111-176. MIT Press.
Haspelmath, Martin. 2010. "Comparative concepts and descriptive categories in crosslinguistic studies." Language 86 (3): 663-687.
Haspelmath, Martin. 2011. "The indeterminacy of word segmentation and the nature of morphology and syntax." Folia Linguistica (Mouton de Gruyter - Societas Linguistica Europaea) 45 (1): 31-80.
Marantz, Alec. 1997. "No Escape from Syntax: Don't Try Morphological Analysis in the Pricavy of Your Own Lexicon." U Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2): 201-225.
Müller, Stefan. 2018. "The end of Lexicalism as we know it?" Language 94 (1): e54-e66.
Nespor, Marina, and Irene Vogel. 1986. Prosodic Phonology. Dordrecht: Foris Publications.
Schiering, René, Balthsar Bickel, and Kristine A. Hildebrandt. 2010. "The prosodic word is not unviersal, but emergent." Journal of Linguistics 46 (03): 657-709.
Wechsler, Stephen. 2008. "Dualist Syntax." Edited by Stefan Müller. Proceedings of the HPSG08 Conference. NICT, Keihanna, Japan: CSLI Publications. http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/.
Are there two constituency representations?
Since the 1970s, a general distinction between morphosyntactic and phonological words became a common assumption in linguistic theory (Dixon and Aikhenvald 2002, inter alia). The distinction is now assumed in much descriptive work as well (Epps 2008; Guillaume 2008; Miyaoka 2012, inter alia). The general idea that there are distinct phonological and morphosyntactic words was extended to constituency in general in generative approaches (see Elordieta 2008; Scheer 2011 for historical overviews). The distinction between morphosyntactic and phonological constituency purports to account for mismatches between morphosyntactic domains defined by syntagmatic properties and/or constituency tests and phonological domains which define the span of the application of morphophonological rules.
This talk argues that the basic idea that there are two clearly distinct constituency representations is up for revision in light of recent critiques of the notion of wordhood (Haspelmath 2011; Bickel & Zuñiga 2017; Bickel, Hildebrandt, Schiering 2009; Schiering, Bickel, Hildebrandt 2010; Dryer 2017). First I present the results of constituency tests on 9 languages of the Americas that show that the morphosyntactic word cannot be motivated without phonological evidence (see Tallman et al. 2017). In general, convergences in the span of morphosyntactic positions identified by constituency tests only motivate robust word-like constituents when morphophonological evidence is included. Based on these data, I also show that mismatches between morphophonological domains and between morphosyntactic domains are nearly as common as mismatches across these domains. I suggest that this undermines the empirical base of dual constituency; the data are too sparse to clearly support two structures.
In contrast to Haspelmath (2011) and Bickel and Zuñiga (2017) I suggest that word constituents can be motivated in some languages based on non-spurious convergences between morphosyntactic and phonological criteria. The distinction between morphosyntactic and phonological words is currently empirically unmotivated, however. Finally approaches that assume rich phonological and morphosyntactic constituency in all languages are either empirically unmotivated or unfalsifiable.
References
Bickel, Balthasar, and Fernando Zuñiga. 2017. "The 'word' in polysynthetic languages: phonological and syntactic challenges." In The Oxford Handbook of Polysynthesis, edited by Michael Fortascue, Marianne Mithun and Nichols Evans, 158-186. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bickel, Balthasar, Kristine A. Hildebrandt, and René Schiering. 2009. "The distribution of phonological word domains: A probabilistic typology." In Phonological Domains: Universals and Deviations, edited by Janet Grijzenhout and Kabak Baris, 47-75. De Gruyter Mouton.
Dixon, R.M.W, and Alexandra Y Aikhenvald. 2002. "Word: a typological framework." In Word: A cross-linguistic typology, edited by R.M.W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, 1-34. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dryer, Matthew. 2017. The myth of grammatical (morphosyntactic) words. ms.
Elordieta, Gorka. 2011. "An overview of theories of the syntax-phonology interface." Journal of Basque Linguistics and Philology 42: 209-286.
Epps, Patience. 2008. A Grammar of Hup. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Guillaume, Antoine. 2008. A Grammar of Cavineña. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Haspelmath, Martin. 2011. "The indeterminacy of word segmentation and the nature of morphology and syntax." Folia Linguistica (Mouton de Gruyter - Societas Linguistica Europaea) 45 (1): 31-80.
Miyaoka, Osahito. 2012. A Grammar of Central Alaskan Yupik (CAY). Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter.
Scheer, Tobias. 2011. A Guide to Morphosyntax-Phonology Interface Theories. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Schiering, René, Balthsar Bickel, and Kristine A. Hildebrandt. 2010. "The prosodic word is not unviersal, but emergent." Journal of Linguistics 46 (03): 657-709.
Tallman, Adam J.R., Dennis Wylie, Eric Adell, Natalia Bermudez, Gladys Camacho, Patience Epps, Michael Everdell, Ambrocio Gutierrez, Cristian Juarez, and Anthony C. Woodbury. 2018. "Constituency and the morphology-syntax divide in the languages of the Americas: towards a distributional typology." 21st Annual Workshop on American Indigenous Languages. University of California Santa Barbara.