Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power

Perspective Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power Charles L. Briggs VASSAR COLLEGE Richard Bauman INDIANA UNIVERSITY This article addresses the relationship between discourse, textual and social order, and power by means of an examination of the concept of genre. It begins with a critical review of the way genre has been used in linguistic anthropology. A distinction is delineated between approaches that take for granted the status of genre as a tool for classifying and ordering discourse and those that contend with elements of generic ambiguity and dynamism. Proceeding to outline a new approach to genre, the discussion analyzes a wide range of intertextual relations that are deployed in constituting generic links. A series of examples contrasts strategies for minimizing gaps between texts and generic precedents with strategies for maximizing such gaps. A final section points to the ways that investigating generic intertextuality can illuminate questions of ideology, political economy, and power. the subject of genre? It must be admitted from the outset that Why the genre devote subject of articleof genre? number inwhen It thepre-must Journal of be possible admitted of Linguistic objections from Anthropology the outset when that to genre engenders ana number possibleaobjections lournal of Linguistic Anthropology 2(2):131-172. Copyright © 1992, American Anthropological Association. 131 This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 132 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology sented as an analytic tool for the study of speech. text , genre strikes some practitioners as too global an be of much use to detailed formal and functional ana with literary theory and critical practice may simila not likely to be illuminating with respect to either " tion" or "ordinary" linguistic processes. It is generall classifying discourse; typological tasks are often reje and anti-positivists alike, and some researchers will fi lieve that the use of broad empirical categories is like to fine-grained analysis of particular social interactio sues, all of us know intuitively that generic classif work: an empirical residue that does not fit any c gory - or, even worse, that falls into too many - is a In defending our chosen topic, we could point out t genre (with or without the label) has played a role in pology since at least the time of Boas. Generic classif the agenda for research on Native American langu genre was later boosted by ethnoscience, structuralis of speaking, and the performance-centered approa recent popularity of Bakhtin's translinguistics and n emotion and gender have similarly accorded new c vestigation. The first part of our article will thus be discussion of the place of genre within linguistic ant As will become apparent in the second part, our goa the concept or to claim that it should occupy a more guistic anthropology. We will rather argue that it cance have been misconstrued in certain fundame nents and critics alike. Although the same could be genre in folkloristics and literary theory as well as i pology, these areas lie beyond the scope of this ar hension has contributed to the ambivalent reception received and its periodic movements in and out of sc will argue that grasping the complex intertextual rel genre, along with the way these relations are closely tural, ideological, and political-economic factors, can why studies of genre have proved to be so problem able not only to provide a more solid foundation f genre, but also to show how research on generic inte minate central issues in linguistic anthropology. The Boasian Tradition As we have noted, genre - as term and as concept - has achieved cu rency in contemporary linguistic anthropology largely under the stimu lus of the ethnography of speaking, performance-centered approaches t verbal art, and the work of Mikhail Bakhtin. To be sure, the foundation of this interest in genre were laid much earlier, principally at the poin This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, ¡ntertextuality, and Social Power 133 of convergence between linguistic anthropology and the adjacent d pline of folklore, in which the generic shaping and classification forms has been a fundamental concern. In particular, generi (though not the term) played a certain operational role in the Ame tradition of Boas and his intellectual heirs, although the concept w dom the focus of critical examination in their work. Given the cen of texts in the Boasian tradition, rooted in the philological foundat Boasian anthropology, discrimination among orders of texts was a seen to be a necessary task, at least for certain purposes. The most prominent use of generic distinctions in the Boasian li curs in the organization of text collections. Perusal of these collec however, reveals that the grouping of texts within their pages quently quite ad hoc, without discussion of the conceptual basis respective sections. Sapir, for example, in his classic collection Wi Texts , writes only that "the arrangement of the texts under the h Myth, Customs, Letters, Non-Mythical Narratives, and Supplem Upper Chinookan Texts, is self-explanatory and need not be comm upon" (1909:xii). The distinction between myths and tales or hi narratives attributed by Boas to North American cultures general some effect in shaping text collections (see, e.g., Reichard 194 other sorting principles, such as grouping by informant (see, e.g., chard 1925), may also be found. One noteworthy feature of Amer text collections in the Boasian tradition is the frequent inclusion of pus of "ethnological narratives" (e.g., Sapir and Hoijer 1942) or graphic texts" (e.g., Jacobs 1959), generic rubrics that reflect the predisposition toward cultural information in entextualized pa This genre brings into special relief the way in which generic cat and textual forms are cocreated by the ethnographer and the cons (see Briggs 1986). Boas's own work displays a marked ambivalence about the use of generic categories. On the positive side, he does suggest the record the full array of verbal genres because of their varying "s peculiarities" (1940c[1917]:200), in tacit recognition that discourse a significant patterning principle in the organization and distribu linguistic structure, and he does direct attention to the presence o sence of particular verbal genres in a culture's repertoire as a mea testing (generally, debunking) universalistic theories of the ori development of literature (1940c[1917]:209). Overall, however treats generic distinctions with varying degrees of care and preci certain instances, he displays a tendency to use generic desig rather casually. In the opening paragraphs of "The Development of Tales and Myths" (1940b[1916]:397), for instance, folktales and my first separated terminologically, then (apparently) merged un general rubric of tales , after which (again apparently) folk-tales b the cover term. If this is an instance of casual sliding across a range of terms, the other points at which the absence of clear generic distinctions in writings rests on a more principled foundation. In his compara This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 134 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology vestigations of the narrative repertoires of North Ameri discovered that particular themes and motifs might diff degree of independence, to combine and recombine with in a variety of shifting ways. In larger scope, by whatev might employ to make generic distinctions between myt for example, Boas perceived that there is "a continual f from mythology to folk-tale and vice versa " (1940b[1916 trust of various attempts to discriminate between narrat further bolstered by his perception that such distinction consistent for specific narratives across group boundaries whatever criteria the distinction was attempted, narra clearly genetically related might appear in one group's re long to one class, and in the neighboring group's repertoi Hence, Boas attributed the "somewhat indefinite" use of t and folk-tale to "a lack of a sharp line of demarcation bet classes of tales" (1940a[1914]:454). Boas's critique of genera analytical genre definitions rests on a substantive test of a it is not their productiveness in delimiting categories of within cultures that is at issue, but their inconsistency in netically related cultural items across cultures that rende tionable usefulness for Boas's purposes. There is, however, one basis for discriminating betw folktales to which Boas is prepared to accord a degree of productiveness - this is a distinction purportedly "give himself" (1940a[1914]:454). "In the mind of the Americ writes, there exists almost always a clear distinction between two cla group relates incidents which happened at a time when the w assumed its present form, and when mankind was not yet in the arts and customs that belong to our period. The other gro of our modern period. In other words, tales of the first grou as myths; those of the other as history. [1940a(1914):454-455J Concerning this purportedly local distinction, Boas r here, too, historical and comparative investigations reveal tween the two classes, and thus from his "analytical" poin way of sorting out narrative genres is no better founded vised by scholars. It does, however, have the advantage ing "to concepts that are perfectly clear in the native folktales and myths as defined in this manner must theref ied as a unit, we have avoided the introduction of an arbit through our modern cultural point of view, and retained that is present in the minds of the myth-telling people" (1 Several elements are significant here. First, observe that the distinction between myth and folktale that he outline Indians generally; he never finds it necessary or useful to tinction directly and in detail in any given Native Am Rather, he generalizes broadly and summarily, remaining This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , ìntertextuality, and Social Power 135 trally interested in those particularistic historical and comparati tigations that require that "folk-tales and myths . . . still be stu unit" (1940a[1914]:455). A further point that is especially worthy of attention is Boas' s insistence on how "perfectly clear in the mind of the Indian" is tinction between myths and historical tales. One wonders at the Boas's assurance in this regard, especially in light of his observa "historical tales may in the course of time become mythical tales transferred into the mythical period, and that historical tales m nate which parallel in the character and sequence of their inciden ical tales" (1940a[1914]:455). Apparently, Boas did not encoun chose to disregard - instances in which his consultants saw p narratives as generic hybrids or as categorically ambiguous. N less, the distinction drawn by Boas between analytical genres categories represents an early invocation of a persistent issue in l anthropology and adjacent disciplines. Among Boas's students, one who stands out for his considered tion to the problematics of genre is Paul Ra din. Radin's most sig contribution is his "Literary Aspects of Winnebago Mythology" which takes its opening frame of reference from Boas but depar Boas's approach in markedly important ways. Ra din begins by o that "it has been frequently pointed out that many Indian tribe their myths into two groups, one coinciding in the main with o gory of myth proper, and the other with that of our semi-histori or novelette," noting that "the two types are set off from one an objective differences in style," some of which are defined in term guistic elements and structures (1926:18). Noting that "this di between myth (waika) and the tale (worak) is very strong and eve classified by them in one or another category" (1926:18), Rad seem to be casting his account in the mold provided by Boas. Eve however, the Winnebago case demands qualification of the schema, as being "at variance with all conventional ethnologic fications: an origin story, being regarded as accounting for true ings, must fall into the category of the 'tale' " (1926:21). Radi clearly concerned, as Boas and others appeared not to be, wit defined generic discriminations, adding to the preceding one stil having to do with occasions of use and dramatis personae. The most striking discovery that flows from Radin's attentive Winnebago bases for discriminating among orders of narrati availability of a third classificatory possibility, "a mixed categ 'myth-tale' " (1926:18). So much for Boas's "perfect clarity." R on to elaborate: The differentiation between a myth and a tale can be made, then, for the Win- nebago on several counts, none of them mutually exclusive, and the proper classification of any one story is sometimes therefore a question of the weighting of several factors. ... In any case it is clear that whenever we encounter a story of what might be called a mixed type, we can never be certain what This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 136 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology weighting oř the various factors will seem proper to the Win consequence, to what category the story will be assigned. [19 Now, although Radin might seem to be conceding an in entangle the various bases employed by the Winnebago given narrative to one or another category, his insight is f that. What he is saying, rather, although in prelimin terms, is that generic categories represent flexible social r senses: (1) the selection of one or another basis for catego pend upon situational factors, and (2) the generic calibrat tive, by combining within it features characteristic of con will likewise depend upon situational and strategic factor politics. To the best of our knowledge, however, this rem was never significantly exploited beyond this essay, by R else, for the next half-century. Formal Definitions of Genre Outside the Boasian tradition of linguistic anthropology, but convergent with it in certain respects, was a small line of scholarship devoted to the formulation of structural definitions of oral genres. Thomas Se- beok, in his classic article, "The Structure and Content of Cheremis Charms" (196411953]), cites the stylistic analysis of folklore texts by Boas and some of his students (e.g., Radin, Reichard) among other lines of structural analysis, but identifies his own analysis most centrally with symbolic logic and the morphological analysis of the Russian formalist folklorist, Vladimir Propp. Propp's influential study is well known and has been the subject of much critical discussion; there is no need to recapitulate his argument here, beyond noting that Propp offers his analysis of fairy tale morphology as the basis of a hypothetical definition of the genre (1968[1928]:99), an element missing from the Americanist line of formal stylistic analysis. "Much in the sense in which Vladimir Propp argued that all fairy tales are uniform in structure," Sebeok argues, "one is compelled to recognize that every Cheremis incantation belongs to the same structural type" (1964[1953]:363). Sebeok describes his analytical strategy as follows: "Our analytical procedure will be an application of binary opposition as a patterning prin- ciple: that is, we shall repeatedly divide sequences dichotomously until the ultimate constituents are reached" (1964[1953]:360). The charm is thus divided by sections, sentences, clauses, and actor-action phrases, the ultimate contrastive constituents, the relationships between which are rendered in symbolic logic notation to yield the defining structure of the genre. In a supplement to the original version of the article, published in 1964, Sebeok adds to his morphological analysis of the Cheremis charm an examination of its poetic style. Although charm structure is invariant in defining the genre, "each text is marked by a unique set of features which impart to it a certain particularity and concreteness or - to borrow a label from literary criticism - texture. An extremely interesting fact about the This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , Intertextuality, and Social Power 137 data is this: that striking symmetries are found to characterize each m sage no less than the work itself" (1964(1 953]: 363). The contrast is t between "general structure" and "individual texture." Sebeok goe to analyze the structure of a charm text in terms of syllabic patterns phonological and syntactic parallelism. There is structure at both lev but morphological structure defines the entire genre, whereas te structures organize individual texts. The assignment of priority to m phological structure over textural patterns has significant implication is an analytical, not an ethnographic, operation. How Cheremis pe conceive of the genre, what features define or characterize it in their derstanding and practice, remains outside the purview of Sebeok' s an ysis. Like Sebeok, Alan Dundes draws his inspiration from the work of Propp in insisting on the primacy of morphological analysis in the study of folklore gerires. For Dundes, the determination of morphological structure opens the way to the investigation of many folkloristic prob- lems of which one is genre definition (Georges and Dundes 1963:111). Again, like Sebeok (and Propp), Dundes sees morphological structure as the locus of invariance in folklore forms, but although he acknowledges the variant nature of style or texture, he places more emphasis on content as a variant element: "Content may vary, but form is relatively stable" (1965:127; see also 1964:25, 53). Dundes's focus on "variability within a given frame" (1964:25) leads him to employ such linguistic models as Pike's tagmenic analysis (Dundes 1964) and Hocketťs topic-comment analysis (Georges and Dundes 1963) in his structural explorations. There is a certain ambiguity in Dundes's writings on the structural definition of genre. At times, he advances structural analysis as the basis of genre definition itself: "An immediate aim of structural analysis in folklore is to define the genres of folklore" (Georges and Dundes 1963.111, see also Dundes 1964:105). At other times, however, he points up the inadequacy of a reliance on morphological structure alone. Among the conclusions he draws in The Morphology of North American Indian Folktales (1964), for example, is the following: Another conclusion suggested by the present analysis is the confirmation of the notion that myth and folktale are not structurally distinct genres. In fact morphologically speaking, myths and folktales are one and the same This means that the distinction between them is wholly dependent upon content entena or totally external factors, such as belief and function. [1964:110] In general, then, Dundes s writings raise another persistent problem in regard to genre definition, namely, what feature(s) constitute a sufficient or adequate basis for defining a genre: morphological structure, content belief, function, and so on? same problem arises in Charles T. Scott's Persian and Arabic Riddles: the formal A Language-Centered Approach to Genre (1965), another attempt at the formal definition of genre. Scott goes to striking lengths- even con- tortions-to confine his analysis within the disciplinary boundaries of linguistics, but is ultimately forced to concede the inadequacy of this ap This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 138 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology proach. At the end of his monograph Scott e riddle genre that is recognized as being incomp The riddle is defined as a grammatical unit of disco within a matrix of longer discourse or of nonverb composed of two obligatory utterance-level units, b a partially obscured semantic fit. [1965:74] What makes the definition incomplete is that t course, or of nonverbal behavior in which the described because that is the province of anthr then, that linguistic units alone are not sufficient to provide a complete definition of a literary genre. They are relevant to a description of the internal composition of a genre, which is a necessary component of a definition. However, a description of the nonverbal matrix within which the genre is distributed is a further necessary component of a definition, and linguistics cannot provide this description. It is in these terms that we support an earlier assertion . . . that the linguist, within the restrictions of his discipline, is compelled to take an incomplete and unsatisfactory position with respect to literature. [1965:74] Genre in the Ethnography of Speaking With the emergence of the ethnography of speaking in the early 1960s, as we have suggested at the beginning of this article, genre assumes a significant place in the repertoire of concepts in linguistic anthropology (Philips 1987). Neither the term nor the concept figures in Dell Hymes's pioneering essay, "The Ethnography of Speaking" (1962), although the significance of genre is anticipated in Hymes's considerations of speech events and linguistic routines. Genre is mentioned only in passing in Hymes's "Toward Ethnographies of Communication" (1964), but this ar- ticle likewise adumbrates the later frames of reference in terms of which Hymes locates genre within the conceptual and analytical framework of the ethnography of speaking. In the 1967 article, "Models of the Inter- action of Language and Social Setting," genre achieves a dear place in the program, which is subsequently expanded and elaborated in a range of further programmatic essays. In general terms, Hymes's writings offer three complementary perspectives on genre: (1) genre as category or type of speech act or event; (2) genre as a nexus of interrelationships among components of the speech event; and (3) genre as a formal vantage point on speaking practice. Taken all together, Hymes's writings (1967, 1972a, 1972b, 1974, 1975a, 1975b) offer a rich and ramified framework for the exploration of genre, but the scope and focus of this article require that we limit our discussion to selected points. One significant issue addressed by Hymes has to do with the scope or comprehensiveness of genre as an organizing factor in the speech economy of a community. At first, Hymes suggests that "it is heuristically important to proceed as though all speech has formal characteristics of This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, întertextuality , and Social Power 139 some sort as manifestation of genres; and it may well be true Elsewhere, it is genres and speech acts that jointly constitute of ways of speaking (1972b:50). Later, in "Ways of Speaking" ( position is hedged: "It is tempting to generalize the [category] ... so that all verbal material is assignable to some genre. . hunch is that communities differ in the extent to which this is least in the sense of tightly organized genres" (1974:443-444). vantage point, then, the task becomes one of discovering wha of the speech economy is generically organized, what portion neric regimentation, and why. This question is further underscored in substantive terms th juxtaposition of related ethnographic accounts by Gary Gossen Stross. Consistent with the perspective of the ethnography of Gossen (1972, 1974) approaches the speech genres of the Ch ple of highland Chiapas as locally constituted and systemically lated, in powerful contrast to the scholarly tradition of re priori, universalistic, Western-based analytical genres, atomist fined and etically applied.1 Some Chamula genres may be a Western ones, but the categories and their organization are fundamentally different. In discriminating the Chamula syste neric categories, Gossen employs the structural-semantic analy niques of ethnoscience, which encouraged the exploration of l category systems, to discover the comprehensive taxonomi tion of the Chamula domain of sk'op kirsano 'people speech everyday to the most highly formalized and densely meaning As speaking is a cultural focus in Chamula, the cultural organi this generic taxonomy is complex and resonant, encompassi lated and isomorphic formal, functional, situational, social tional, axiological, ethical, and cosmological principles. The elucidation of Chamula ways of speaking thus offers a powerf point on Chamula culture and society in general. Gossen's a derscores the productiveness of a systemic ethnographic persp against a focus on selected or privileged genres (e.g., myth) alo mere generic inventories (as in Shimkin 1964[1947]). As illuminating as Gossen's analysis may be, though, it al the limitations of a rigorously taxonomie classificatory per genre. Some of the most salient limitations may be highlighte paring Gossen's work and that of Brian Stross on the neighbor japa Tzeltal (1974). Gossen's taxonomy of Chamula genres of havior carries the taxonomie organization down to fifth level t cussing his methodology, Gossen acknowledges that first, s third level taxa represent "general agreement" among his six m mants, who ranged in age from 18 to 60. Informants did not a the same degree of consistency on fourth and fifth level taxa, fewer than half did not agree on the definition of a category a ment in the system, it was not included in his consideratio sultant schema yields an organizing framework of great order erful integration, a succinct view of Chamula language, society This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 140 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology ture as an integrated system. But what of th concerning which there was only limited agreem none at all? This messy underside of people's speech is what draws the attention of Brian Stross in his analysis of Tenejapa Tzeltal labels for kinds of speaking (1974). The Tenejapa Tzeltal, as noted, are neighbors of the Chamula in highland Chiapas, speakers of a related Mayan language. Stross finds a four-level taxonomy of kinds of k'op 'speech' that is quite similar to the one discovered by Gossen. He goes on, however, to record 416 additional terms in the Tzeltal metalinguistic lexicon - not an exhaustive and finite list, but simply as many terms as he managed to collect before giving up the elicitation process. Moreover, he gives us some of the rules for generating additional acceptable terms within this highly productive metalinguistic system. The important point is that his informants could not agree upon the assignment of these terms to superordinate categories. Stross, then, offers us a category system that is open, ambiguous, flexible, disorderly: "The Tzeltal domain of speaking is in fact an open system with fuzzy boundaries. ... As such it is highly adaptable to change in the social environment and must be seen as con- stantly evolving" (1974:213). Taken together, Gossen's and Stross's ex- plorations reveal genre systems in their contrasting capacities as spheres of order and as open-ended spheres of expressive possibility. The counterposition of the two investigations must also raise questions concerning the isomorphism of generic systems and other aspects of culture. Whereas Gossen's analysis highlights strong structural correspondences, the amorphous openness and flexibility revealed by Stross calls into question what the overall fit might be. In establishing the place of genre in the conceptual repertoire of the ethnography of speaking, one important task has been to articulate the relationship between genre and other core concepts and units of analysis, such as speech act, speech event, and speech style. This task represents another prominent concern in Hymes's programmatic essays. Like many other issues, this one emerged into focus in stages. In one early formulation, Hymes blurs distinctions in stating that "by Genres are meant categories or types of speech act and speech event" (1967:25). Else- where, however, he articulates several bases for distinguishing among these units of analysis. As early as 1964, Hymes suggests that "from one standpoint the analysis of speech into acts is an analysis of speech into instances of genres. The notion of genre implies the possibility of identifying formal characteristics traditionally recognized" (1972a:65). That is to say, in these terms, the notion of speech act focuses on speaking in its guise as social action, whereas the concept of genre directs attention to the routinized, conventionalized organization of formal means, on the formal structure of language beyond the sentence (1972b:48). This is not merely an analytical distinction; local conceptions of the organization of the domain of speaking may be articulated in terms of categorical systems of speech acts as well as of genres (see Abrahams and Bauman 1971). This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, Inter textuality, and Social Power 141 If genre affords a formal vantage point on speech acts, speech styl offer a formal vantage point on genre. Building upon the work of Su Ervin-Tripp (1972), Hymes (1974) develops a concept of speech styles a organized in terms of relations of co-occurrence and alternation: One can characterize whatever features go together to identify a style of spe in terms of rules of co-occurrence among them, and can characterize a ch among styles in terms of rules of alternation. The first concept gives system status to the ways of selecting and grouping together of linguistic means th actually obtain in a community. The second concept frees the resulting sty from mechanical connection with a particular defining situation. [1974:434J Significant speech styles may be associated with social groups (varieti recurrent types of situations (registers), persons (personal style), spe situations (situational styles), and genres (genre styles). Genre sty then, are constellations of co-occurrent formal elements and structures that define or characterize particular classes of utterances. The constituent elements of genre styles may figure in other speech styles as well, establishing indexical resonances between them. Additionally, particular elements may be abstracted from recognized generic styles and employed in other discursive settings to endow them with an indexical tinge, a coloration, of the genres with which they are primarily associated and the social meaning that attaches to them, as when students perceive an instructor to be "preaching at them" in a classroom lecture. In a related manner, a subset of diacritical generic features may be combined with those that characterize another genre to effect an interpretive trans- formation of genre, a phenomenon that Hymes terms "metaphrasis" (1975a). Finally, elementary or minimal genres - irreducible generic structures - may combine in a variety of ways into complex, incorporative genres, as is widely noted of African oratory, for example, or riddle ballads. Considered in these terms, genres may be seen as convention- alized yet highly flexible organizations of formal means and structures that constitute complex frames of reference for communicative practice. Greg Urban, in his study, "The Semiotics of Two Speech Styles in Shokleng" (1984a), develops this line of analysis in especially suggestive ways. The two speech styles featured in Urban' s essay are in fact generic styles, one associated with origin-myth narration and the other with ritual wailing. Extending the principle of co-occurrence, Urban notes that "speech styles are inherently indexical, since their use co-occurs with some other entity, namely, the context or subject matter" (1984a:313). He goes on to offer a close semiotic analysis of origin-myth narration and ritual wailing that elucidates the webs of interrelationship that link them to other ways of speaking in Shokleng and to explore the communicative capacities of generic speech styles more broadly. Hymes' s observation that attention to rules of alternation organizing choices among speech styles "frees the resulting styles from mechanical connection with a particular defining situation" (1974:434) implicates the relationship between genres and speech events. The casual merger of genres and speech events in the early literature of the ethnography of This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 142 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology speaking soon yielded to the documentation a based literature of the transferability of genres f tional contexts of use to other speech events as w mobilization of particular genres in a range of ev example, traces the various contexts in which ik figure in San Bias Kuna culture, from the primary disease prevention, improving abilities, and gene world to the rehearsal of an ikar by specialists, t of an ikar , and the chanting of an ikar for enter sions, each of which is marked by formal and (Sherzer 1983:118-120). In a similar vein, Aless the formally and functionally contrastive uses of atory, called lauga, in ceremonial events (especial in a type of political meeting called fono. Sherze establish that the generic specification of the ik complished by the examination of texts alone, bu interaction between the organization of the disco tion of the event in which it is employed; the w a genre is grounded in, or detachable from, even The Kuna and Samoan examples raise one fur brated by Hymes in various writings. The most s tified by Duranti between lauga in the fono and l events has to do with performance. The ceremon recognized domain of 'performance' par excell sense of a display of verbal virtuosity, whereas t delivered and received in a very different, more mode. Likewise, the ikar as featured in festive oc marily as virtuosic performance, in practicing as demonstration, and so on. These cases, then, h lation of genres to performance and to other fram quiry has been pursued most fully in relation 1977b; Hymes 1975a) is understandable in light of trality of artistic "literary" forms in the study Most significant here is the recognition that not most poetically marked genres is framed as perf formance, in the sense of the assumption of acco for a display of virtuosity, subject to evaluation f ness with which the display is accomplished. Of recent work in the exploration of genre in l William Hanks's essay, "Discourse Genres in (1987), stands out as the most direct and critical conception of genre and to offer a comprehensiv vestigation. Although the contributions of the et are fundamental to Hanks's treatment of genre, is most immediately a synthesis of Mikhail Bakh and Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice. In mark tions of genre - formalist and otherwise - in wh property of texts, Hanks conceives of genre as an This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , ìntertextuality, and Social Power 143 for the production and reception of discourse. In Hank's per "The idea of objectivist rules is replaced by schemes and strateg ing one to view genre as a set of focal or prototypical elements, actors use variously and which never become fixed in a unita ture" (1987:681). Generic structures and functions, which ar tively specified in formalist and eufunctional approaches, "becom lematic achievements in a practice-based framework" (1987:68 specifically, Hanks defines genres as "the historically specific tions and ideals according to which authors [in Bakhtin's sen thorship as the production of utterances] compose discourse ences receive it. In this view, genres consist of orienting framew terpretive procedures, and sets of expectations that are not part course structure, but of the ways actors relate to and use la (1987:670). The principle of historic specificity is especially important; it builds into the notion of genre the recognition of historical emergence and change (see also Hymes 1975a), again in radical contrast to treatments of genres as timeless, fixed, unitary structures. In Hanks' s framework, genres occupy a dual relationship to historically situated action. Genres are at the same time the ideational outcomes of historically specific acts and among the constituting, transposable frames of reference in terms of which communicative action is possible; they are thus open to innovation, manipulation, and change (1987:671, 6 77). Hanks goes on to offer a penetrating elucidation in terms of form-function-meaning interrelationships of the emergence and transformation of genres of 16th-century Maya discourse as part of the emergence of new, hybrid forms of discourse under rapidly changing colonial conditions. Here, the "stylistic, thematic, and indexical schemata" (1987:668) that constitute a range of available generic orienting frameworks become resources for the shaping of new discursive practice. The Problematics of Genre On the basis of the foregoing survey of perspectives on genre in linguistic anthropology, let us attempt to abstract and summarize the principal issues, problems, and ways of thinking about them that have characterized the field in order to establish a frame of reference for the dis- cussion that follows. One of the most central and persistent approaches to genre is from the vantage point of classification. Here, in its most basic terms, genre serves as a way of making categorical discriminations among discursive forms, which may be conceived of in textual terms, as verbal products, or in practice-based terms, as ways of speaking (and writing). The scope of genre, its range of applicability, varies among approaches. The term may be limited to "literary" forms, as forms of verbal art, or it may be extended to encompass a broader range of discursive forms, including, potentially, the entire domain of verbal production. Likewise, genre may be reserved for named categories of discourse, or, alternatively, all diseur- This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 144 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology sive forms may be taken to be generically regim that there is no speaking without genre, may be given, or hypothetically, as to be discovered. The use of genre as a classificatory concept doe self-conscious attention to classification itself as Indeed, much work in the field tends to treat eac istically. Some significant work, however, has be temic organization of generic classifications, fro either scientific taxonomy or the ethnographic i constructed classification systems. The former, it a conception of generic categories as necessarily sistent with the canons of scientific taxonomy, w reveals generic categories that overlap and interp complex ways, or aspects of verbal production th derly categorization. Implicated here as well, of c distinction - a priori, analytical, universalista cat in Western terms, versus locally constituted clas ploying local labels, which are to be discovered. The criteria employed to define genres have inc features, ultimately taking in everything that pe nificant about discourse: form, function or effect the world and the cosmos, truth value, tone, s manner or contexts of use. Definitional efforts in however, are distinguished by the centrality of f as the sole basis of definition or in relation to fu text. The most significant dimension of contrast tives on genre distinguishes those approaches t organization of genre as an immanent, normativ of texts from those that view generic form as a c ible and open-ended set of expectations concer formal means and structures in discursive practi to raise the emergent properties of discursive or the socially given, normative dimensions of gene Finally, we would register the very broad contr proaches to genre that treat genre as a problem in that explore the interrelationships that link gen cepts, and sociocultural factors. Within linguistic ular, one line of inquiry has concerned itself w tween genre and other sociolinguistic organizi speech acts, speech events, speech styles, and thropological compass, investigators have analyze relationship between genres or genre systems mains, such as ethics and cosmology, or other institutions or systems of social relations. Whatever the focus of inquiry may be, however that characterizes understandings of genre in (and, we might add, in adjacent disciplines) set that constitute genre as an orderly and ordering This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , íntertextuality , and Social Power 145 zation of language, society, and culture from those that contend w elements of disjunction, ambiguity, and general lack of fit th around the margins of generic categories, systems, and texts. In tion that follows, we offer in exploratory terms a perspective on that brings the fuzzy fringes of genre to the center of the intellec terprise. Generic íntertextuality The preceding discussion suggests that genre has been under rized in linguistic anthropology. Beyond the fact that it has been p wide range of analytic and descriptive uses, practitioners have ge simply assumed that they and their audiences know what genres what makes them work. We suggest that this general failure to e critically the nature of genres and to devote sufficient attention t limitations as tools for classifying discourse is motivated in part persistence of the orientation toward genre laid out by Aristotle Poetics. Aristotle (Telford 1961:1-2) suggested that to distingui types as epic or tragedy we must discern three elements of "the ite whole" of a given work: (1) the formal means by which an obj imitated, (2) the objects which are imitated, and (3) the manner o tation (first-person narration, third-person narration, or acti though a great deal of discussion has centered on questions of and representation and on the differentia specifica of particular gen istotle's emphasis on genre as dealing with works in terms of that features of their global construction place them within poet has endured. We noted above that Bakhtin's work has stimulated a rethinking of, and a new emphasis on, genre in linguistic anthropology and other fields. His characterization of genre is particularly rich in that it sees linguistic dimensions of genres in terms of their ideologically mediated connections with social groups and "spheres of human activity" in historical perspective (1986:65). By drawing attention to "complex" genres that "absorb and digest" other generic types, Bakhtin challenged the notion that genres are static, stylistically homogeneous, and nonoverlapping units (of which more later). In spite of the many advances he made in this area, however, Bakhtin's own definitions of genre are strikingly similar to Aristotle's: An early work, The Formal Method in Literary Scholarship , suggests that "genre is the typical totality of the artistic utterance, and a vital totality, a finished and resolved whole" (Bakhtin and Medvedev 1985[1928]:129), while one of his last essays, which focused specifically on "speech genres," suggests that genres are "certain relatively stable thematic, compositional, and stylistic types of utterances" (1986:64). Like Aristotle and his followers, Bakhtin laments the failure of researchers "to meet the fundamental logical requirement of classification: a unified basis" (1986:64). In spite of the profound shift he effects in the theoretical placement of genre, Bakhtin thus casts genre as a tool for both classifying texts and grasping their textual structure by looking in each case for a "unified" set of generic features. This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 146 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology The basic question here concerns the manner seen as "containing" structure, form, function, a kobson has played such a key role in shaping h ogists (inter alia) approach poetics, let us exam be the proper analytic focus. In concluding his cl ment: Linguistics and Poetics," Jakobson (1960:365 tinction between the study of invariants and var ing, on the one hand, and concern with variabilit a particular poetic work, on the other. He cite Wimsatt and Beardsley in arguing that "there ar the same poem - differing among themselves in mance is an event, but the poem itself, if there is kind of enduring object" (1960:365-366, emphas makes it clear that the study of performance wi standing of the "enduring object," and it is accor the synchronic and historical analysis of poetry" To be sure, the last 20 years have witnessed a sh text to performance , with the latter term drawin both social and poetic dimensions of the assumpt an audience for a display of virtuosity, subjec 1977b; Hymes 1975a). Although concern with shift researchers' focus from the "enduring obje etic production and reception, this change runs t ing the analytic drawstrings wider - to encom tween linguistic and social or cultural dimensions rather than questioning the equation of poetics w of particular discursive acts. Not only is the focu in the wrong place as well. Intertextual Strategies and Genre An initial clue that can help us build an alter study of genre - and of poetics and performance by Bakhtin's view of intertextuality. Kristeva trasting basis of Bakhtin's thinking along these Bakhtin was one of the first to replace the static he model where literary structure does not simply exist to another structure. What allows a dynamic dimens conception of the "literary word" as an intersection of t a point (a fixed meaning), as a dialogue among sev writer, the addressee (or the character), and the con tural context. [Kristeva 1980:64-65, emphasis in orig Two facets of this characterization are crucial. Fir tion, and meaning are seen not as immanent feat products of an ongoing process of producing Second, this process is not centered in the speech written text itself, but lies in its interface with a This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, Intertextuality , and Social Power 147 Bakhtin's interest in a "translinguistics" that is vitally co intertextuality has clearly provided part of the force that li recent interest in reported speech evident in linguistic ant other fields.2 A number of works have pointed to the way tual relationships between a particular text and prior discou imagined) play a crucial role in shaping form, function, dis ture, and meaning; in permitting speakers (and authors) to tiple modes of inserting themselves into the discourse; and competing perspectives on what is taking place. We would argue, similarly, that genre cannot fruitfully b ized as a facet of the immanent properties of particular tex mances. Like reported speech, genre is quintessentially When discourse is linked to a particular genre, the process produced and received is mediated through its relationsh discourse. Unlike most examples of reported speech, howeve is not made to isolated utterances, but to generalized o models of discourse production and reception.3 When genre intertextual terms, its complex and contradictory relati course becomes evident. We suggest that the creation of int lationships through genre simultaneously renders texts ord and bounded, on the one hand, and fragmented, hetero open-ended, on the other. Each dimension of this proce from both the synchronic and the diachronic perspective. Viewed synchronically, genres provide powerful mean discourse into ordered, unified, and bounded texts. As so a generic framing device, such as "once upon a time/' we of expectations regarding narrative form and content. Anim and people may possess supernatural powers, and we anti folding of a plot structure that involves, as Propp (1968(192 long ago, an interdiction, a violation, a departure, the c tasks, failure followed by success, and the like. The invocat thus provides a textual model for creating cohesion and coh producing and interpreting particular sorts of features and and functional relations all the way from particular poetic global structure of the narrative. We would like to call atten ply to the structural effects but to the process itself- the textuality or, as we referred to it in an earlier work, entextu man and Briggs 1990). When viewed in diachronic or, as Bakhtin put it, vertical generic intertextuality provides a powerful means of order in historical and social terms. Genres have strong histo tions - proverbs and fairy tales have the ring of the tra whereas electronic mail (E-mail) is associated with the ultram res also bear social, ideological, and political-economic conne res may thus be associated with distinct groups as define age, social class, occupation, and the like. Invoking a genr indexical connections that extend far beyond the present se duction or reception, thereby linking a particular act to This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 148 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology places, and persons. To draw on the terminology we features thus foreground the status of utterances a of prior discourse. Even when the content of the di textual precedent, generic intertextuality points to tualization at the level of discourse production and pertains crucially to negotiations of identity and po particular genre, producers of discourse assert (tacit they possess the authority needed to decontextu bears these historical and social connections and to recontextualize it in the current discursive setting. When great authority is invested in texts associated with elders or ancestors, traditionalizing discourse by creating links with traditional genres is often the most powerful strategy for cre- ating textual authority (see Briggs 1988; Gossen 1974; Kuipers 1990). Building on Bourdieu (19 77). We can say, thus, that generic intertextuality affords great power for naturalizing both texts and the cultural reality that they represent (see also Hanks 1987). The variability that is evident in the way generic intertextual relationships are created points to an extremely important dimension of the diachronic dynamics of genre. We drew attention above to the fact that lin- guistic anthropologists, linguists, folklorists, and literary critics have largely followed Aristotle in viewing genre in empirical terms as involving a process through which rules or conventions impose structural and content-based constraints on textual production. Even writers who are particularly interested in the way speakers and hearers and writers and readers resist these rules and conventions generally see the nature of the entailed intertextual relations as relatively transparent and automatic. The fallacy of this assumption is evident when one realizes that genres are not road maps to particular texts. Invocations of genre rather entail the (re)construction of classes of texts. Specific features are then selected and abstracted, thus bringing into play a powerful process of decontextualization (see Bauman and Briggs 1990). As scholars in a number of fields have suggested, the power of genres emerges from the way they draw on a broad array of features - phonological, morphological, lexical, and syntactic, as well as contextual and interactive (see, for example, Ben- Amos 1976(1969]; Leitch 1991). By choosing to make certain features explicit (and particularly by foregrounding some elements through repetition and metapragmatic framing), producers of discourse actively (re)construct and reconfigure genres. Note the great similarity between the discourse practices associated with the use of genre in shaping extextualization, on the one hand, and the scholarly practices of linguistic anthropologists, literary critics, and the like, on the other: both entail creating classes of texts, selecting and abstracting features, and using this process in creating textual authority. (More later on the importance of this analogy.) We have argued that the central role played by an active sociocultural and linguistic process of creating intertextual relations in genre renders it a powerful means of creating textual order, unity, and boundedness. The dynamic and constructed character of this relation is apparent in that This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power 149 the same text may be connected to the same genre to vary highly contrastive ways, and for quite different reasons. like to suggest that it becomes evident that these intertext not simply automatic effects of immanent properties of t focus is shifted to the way that generic intertextuality si produces the obverse of these properties. Turning first to t dimensions of this problem, although generic intertextual imbue texts with order, unit, and boundedness, it also dra to the lack of self-sufficiency and autonomy of the formalfiguration of the discourse at hand - recourse must be mad cursive formations to interpret its patterning and signifi tin's terms, genre points to the inherent dialogicality of th genre can create order and sense in a text, it can render fragmented, and nonsensical. When viewed diachronically or vertically, the fit betwee text and its generic model - as well as other tokens of the is never perfect; to paraphrase Sapir, we might say that a Generic frameworks thus never provide sufficient means and receiving discourse. Some elements of contextualiz fashioning indexical connections to the ongoing discourse, action, broader social relations, and the particular historic at which the discourse is produced and received. In shor matic and metapragmatic (cf. Silverstein 1976, 1992) frame brought into play in shaping production and reception. The process of linking particular utterances to generic mo essarily produces an intertextual gap. Although the creation is unavoidable, its relative suppression or foregrounding h effects. One the one hand, texts framed in some genr achieve generic transparency by minimizing the distance b and genres, thus rendering the discourse maximally i through the use of generic precedents. This approach s conservative, traditionalizing modes of creating textual au other hand, maximizing and highlighting these intertextu lies strategies for building authority through claims of ind ity and innovation (such as are common in 20th-century W ture), resistance to the hegemonic structures associated wi genres, and other motives for distancing oneself from text Examples of Strategies for Manipulating Generic Interte One of the most interesting facets of the way genre ent course production and reception is the great variation that strategies for manipulating such gaps. Although we cannot a schematic inventory of the means by which intertextual d pressed and foregrounded, some examples may serve to the range of possibilities and the profound linguistic and s these intertextual differences. Kuipers's (1990) analysis of Weyewa ritual speech in Su sia, provides a striking example of the process of minimizi This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 150 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology gaps. Ritual specialists attempt to decrease th "words of the ancestors" and their invocation The three types of "ritual speech" with which K cerned - "divination," zaizo rites of placation ment" - involve progressively greater suppre and personal pronouns, locutives (which fram speech), and discourse markers, features that c mance in its unique social and historical settin in hand with building greater textual authority - tual gaps - by affording more prominence to proper names. Such strategies for minimizing intertextual gaps bear directly on recent discussions of the complex social processes involved in the construction of history, tradition, authenticity, ethnicity, and identity (see, for exam- ple, Appadurai 1981; Clifford 1988; Dorst 1989; Handler and Linnekin 1984; Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983; Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1991). Invoca- tions of genre provide powerful strategies for building what Anderson (1991 [1983]) terms "imagined communities." As in the Weyewa case, the speech genres that comprise the "talk of the elders of bygone days" among Spanish speakers in New Mexico play a key role in this process; unlike Weyewa "ritual speech," however, their use in constructing history, tradition, and ethnicity differs from genre to genre in both practice and ideology (see Briggs 1988). The spiritual efficacy and experiential intensity of Lenten performances of hymns and prayers is contingent upon the progressive displacement of any perceived separation between the words uttered by Christ and the Virgin Mary in the course of the crucifixion, their inscription in sacred texts, and their utterance in performance. Worshippers as- sert that the written texts used in Lenten rituals have been handed down verbatim through the generations. Unison recitation suppresses intertextual variation within performances by regulating the volume, pitch, rate, breath, syntax, lexicon, and rhetorical structure of each worshipper's dis- course production to such a point that differences between individual voices are nearly erased. The ritual process symbolically strips away elements that contextualize performances in terms of the social, temporal, spatial, and historical parameters of contemporary society and renders the here and now an icon of the crucifixion tableau. In attempting to achieve symbolic unification with Christ and the Virgin, participants deny the intertextual gap to such an extent that they seek to overcome the opposition between signifier and signified itself, merging the experience of the worshipper and that of Christ and the Virgin (as textually constructed). The control over ritual intertextuality that this process confers on the "Brothers," particularly elderly officers in the confraternity, affords them a great deal of religious authority and social power in gen- eral in their communities. Mexicano speech genres are organized along a continuum, from genres that emphasize entextualization to those in which overt contextualization is crucial (Briggs 1988). Whereas hymns and prayers are highly extex- This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , ïntertextuality , and Social Power 151 tualized, oral historical discourse is the most contextualized. In torical discourse, elders attempt to maximize the gap between " of the elders of bygone days" and the contemporary discursive in which it emerges. One way in which this process is unde volves avoiding direct discourse, recasting this "talk" as the own utterances and personal experience; direct intertextual link words of "the elders of bygone days" are thus avoided. The tion of intertextual distance plays a central role in both the rhet terning of the discourse and its explicit framing by virtue of motivates point-by-point contrasts between life antes "in bygo and the present. This is not to say that the discursive effect of s egies is to achieve some sort of complete separation of text and any invocation of generic features creates both intertextual re intertextual gaps. Such maximization is rather a rhetorical stra foregrounds the latter dimension of generic intertextuality. Unlike the Weyewa case, this strategy does not render the any less powerful in social terms than attempts to minimize the tual distance. For Weyewa, the ability to silence all dissenting v impose "unity" by linking monologic utterances as directly as p the "words of the ancestors" provides the central means of speech genres and individual performances with ritual and soci In the Mexicano case, on the other hand, both minimizing and ing strategies, as differentially distributed according to genre, in appropriating - and (re)constructing - "the talk of the elder gone days," thereby legitimating courses of action and position power. Although genres tend to be linked to particular sets of strategies for manipulating intertextual gaps, it is clearly not the case that selection of a particular genre dictates the manner in which this process will be carried out. Transformation narratives ("myths") told by Warao storytellers in eastern Venezuela present narrators with a wide range of possible ways of manipulating intertextual gaps between the powerful speech of characters who lived "when our world was still being formed/' the individual who told the particular narrative to the present narrator, and the narrating event. Authoritative, semantically monologic performances attempt to reduce the intertextual distance to zero, merging primordial and contemporary realms by suppressing explicit contextualization and centering the discourse deictically in the narrated (rather than the narrating) events (see Briggs 1992a). Like Mexicano oral historical discourse, Warao dialogic performances point precisely to differences between the two tex- tual planes, playfully recontextualizing quoted utterances in both pri- mordial and contemporary realms. Pedagogically oriented performances create maximal intertextual distance by focusing on the storytelling pro- cess itself, thus rendering the time when "our world was still being formed" experientially inaccessible. Not only can tokens of the same genre be performed in these intertextually contrastive fashions, but the same individual also can tell the same narrative in these three ways (see also Hymes 1985). This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 152 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology A shift in key (see Hymes 1972a) can similarly tive types of intertextual relations for the sam (1983, 1991) analysis of the way that Kuna ikarka tice, display, and as entertainment at drunken curing rituals; each type of performance would s quite different strategies for treating intertextua Another example of the use of highly contrastiv in different performances of the same genre (1984) Samoan data, as discussed above. When f monial contexts, lauga foreground intertextua precedents. In political meetings (fono), on the stylistic features in displaying one's competence, thority invoked by the genre, is far less import shaping the ensuing discussions. Thus, both the n tual links to prior and subsequent discourse and t the reception of lauga , and evaluations of the m formed, contrast radically between settings. As w and Kuna examples, these differences in strategi tuality lie at the heart of both formal and functi the social power of the discourse. Strategies for maximizing and minimizing inter even more intimately as they enter dialogically in text or performance. In nightlong performances o coloquios) in the Mexican state of Guanajuato, int essarily created as the script is subjected to a ser this process of recentering the text in perfor script is copied out, learned, rehearsed, and p 1992b). In a production in Tierra Blanca de Abajo man and Pamela Ritch, all the actors save one acc the written script, as mediated by the primer en who has overall control of the production, and cordingly attempted to memorize their lines and frase *by exact phrases' (i.e., word-for-word). edged that such factors as limited literacy, impe difficulties in hearing the prompter, lapses in m vent exact reproduction of the script, they sough tual gap to zero. Fidelity to genre and text entail of formal constraints, particularly the produc with assonant endings on alternating lines; ass other patterns, such as rhymed couplets. Similar dered in a highly conventionalized style of delive or four regular stresses per line and a fixed into repeated (by some actors) for each line. The actor who plays the Hermitaño (Hermit) ating intertextuality that was diametrically oppo other actors. Although the fact that he is illitera nical" limitations to intertextual transparency, script was more squarely motivated by a carn This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , Inter textuality, and Social Power 153 stance. As the Hermitaño offered few of his lines directly from m the prompter fed him his lines one-by-one, in a manner audible audience. Unlike the other actors who required prompting for eac however, the Hermitaño decided whether to remain faithful to t listic and content-based features of the text and genre - the domin tertextual ideology - or to transform it. He linked his utterances and genre by creating three types of intertextual relations. First, repeated at least some of the lexical items in the line as spoken prompter, and the syntactic structure remained largely identical the two renditions; he repeated some lines verbatim. Second, t mitaño matched the phonological features of the line-final words utterances to those of their counterparts in the script. Third, the taño retained the characteristic intonational style of the coloquio. tention of octasyllabic lines, rhyming schemes, and intonational thus created strong generic intertextuality both with the essenti acteristics of the coloquio and with the lines as read by the promp With the exception of the lines he repeated verbatim, howev Hermitaño's discourse departed subversively from the types of g constraints observed by the other actors. Although the language coloquio and of the prompter7 s recitation was archaic, elevated, pi often magniloquent, the Hermitaño's recasting of them was co debased, richly sexual, and coarse. He similarly displaced much semantic content of his lines; although the sexual and other allus substituted can be parsed individually through familiarity with c nity social relations and the actor's own biography, they were so linked to each other semantically that the Hermitaño's speeche tially added up to rich nonsense. Interestingly, the Hermitaño cr parody by transforming features of the phonological patterning ated with the genre - alliteration, assonance, and rhyme - throug ning. The strategies he adopted go beyond the creation of comic ef objectify and foreground the pragmatics of recentering the text production process, as undertaken by the other actors, the prime gado, and the prompter. By subversively recasting the lines that cited for him by the prompter (and are heard by much of the aud well), the Hermitaño revealed the central role played by the supp of intertextual gaps in the genre. The Hermitaño's dramatic a guage (Halliday 1978:164-182) called attention to the possibility of tively exploiting intertextual gaps rather than attempting to rend invisible. Yet the Hermitaño's burlesque creation and prolifera such gaps is itself a generic convention of the coloquio ; the Herm traditionally expected to take liberties with the scripted text. formed, the coloquio genre exploits two strongly contrasting inte strategies. The coloquio example points to the way that different strategies can be invested in different roles in the same performance. The tall tale provides a case in which different ways of approaching intertextual gaps are undertaken by the same participant and serve as constitutive features of the genre. Tall tales generally begin as personal-experience narratives; this This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 154 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology framing entails a commitment to recounting e own life in a truthful manner. This told-as-tr metanarrative devices that assert the text's faithfulness, both to the events themselves and (through reported speech) to previous renditions of part or all of the narrative. A strategy used by a master Texas storyteller, the late Ed Bell, additionally involves directly addressing the audience's state of belief or disbelief and the credibility of the story itself: "And I don't blame y'all if you don't believe me about this tree, because I wouldn't believe it either if I hadn'ta seen it with my own eyes, I don't know whether I can tell ya how you could believe it or not, but that was a big tree" (Bauman 1986:99). As the story progresses, however, it increasingly transcends the limits of credibility. Hyperbolic details and metanarrative indications of the decreasing believability of the events create a sort of generic static, as it were, that interferes with interpreting the discourse as the relation of per- sonal experience. The unreal qualities eventually become sufficiently prominent to lead most audience members to reinterpret the story as a tall tale. The genre thus involves a transformational process in discourse reception that moves from accepting strategies that seek to minimize intertextual gaps to perceiving a growing gap between the discourse and its purported generic framing to embracing a different form of generic intertextuality, one that celebrates intertextual gaps as powerful creative tools (see Bauman 1986:78-111, 1987). The movement evident in tall tales from one type of generic intertextuality to another points to the status of what Bakhtin (1986(1979]) refers to as secondary or complex genres as powerful means of creatively exploit- ing intertextual gaps. Here, possibilities for manipulating the gap be- tween discourse and genre are multiplied as a text is linked to more than one set of generic features, to a genre that is itself mixed, or to both. Beyond opening up a range of possible interpretive relationships between generic precedents and the discourse being produced and received, mixing genres foregrounds the possibility of using intertextual gaps as points of departure for working the power of generic intertextuality backwards, as it were, in exploring and reshaping the formal, interpretive, and ideological power of the constituent genres and their relationship. Let us turn to another type of Warao discourse in illustrating the role of intertextuality in mixed genres. When someone dies, female relatives compose and sing sana 'laments' until after the return from the graveyard (see Briggs 1992b). Beyond expressing the anger and sadness of the mourner, sana offer sharp criticism of actions seen as having contributed to the death or threatening the well-being of members of the community. One woman generally composes verses containing new material while the remaining wailers sing refrains - and listen. The other participants then either repeat the verses, changing both deictic elements and semantic content to reflect their own experience, or present their own verses. Sana performances regulate intertextuality in three significant ways. First, wailers use reported speech in extracting discourse from a wide range of genres, including gossip, conversations, political rhetoric, ar- This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power 155 guments, and dispute mediation events. The intertextual r thus quite impressive in that performers both create link ment performances and assimilate a broad range of other lament. Wailers exploit intertextual gaps to great effect b reinterpreting this prior discourse in terms of the way its zation is affected by the death and by juxtapositions with utterances. Deictics and tense/aspect forms further manip tance between reported and reporting speech. A second this intertextual regulation pertains to the carefully orch phony that dominates performances. Extremely subtle tempo, pitch, volume, and timbre of the women's voices, poetic interrelations between the verses they sing, foregr gence of both individual voices and a collective discou 1989); the latter dimension shields individual wailers from Recall Urban's (1988) analysis of the way the iconic relation acoustic features of individual voices, other tokens of the "natural icons" of crying constitute "meta-signals" regardi idarity and "adherence to a collective norm" in examples o recorded in other areas of South America. Warao women u content, and performance dynamics of their laments in cal norms - and claims by others to adhere to them - into que these same features of sana regulate the intertextual relat their laments and future discourse. Sana are seldom critici preted; although their content is subsequently recontextua rative accounts of "what the women are crying," wom specify in their sana how these stories should be told and The interaction between gender and genre is crucial he laments, Warao women have very little role in the produc tion of "mythic" narratives, political rhetoric, and shaman The ability of sana to incorporate other genres and, exploiti gaps, to question their authority provides women with fre opportunities to have a more powerful role in discourse and reception. Research by Feld (1990a[1982], 1990b) and (1991) on the role of polyphony and intertextuality in, resp (New Guinea) and Inner Maniat (Greek) laments points t role that generic intertextuality plays in constituting - an ing- gender roles. (We will have more to say about the r tween gender, emotion, and genre below.) Axes of Comparison These examples point to the broad range of strategies tha minimizing and maximizing intertextual gaps. While we are being able to present an exhaustive inventory of the form tuality associated with genre, we would like to adumbra principal loci in which variation is evident with respect to generic intertextuality and the means by which intertextu nipulated. This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 1 56 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 1. One axis of comparison is provided by the dim tualization process that are exploited in creating a textual relations. Just as phonology, lexicon, mor structure, turn-taking, thematic content, prosody roles, and other features can be used in linking d edents, strategies for minimizing and maximizing draw on an equally broad range of features. Dell H Hymes (198 7), and others have documented the r ical progressions of narrative action and patterns ating intertextual continuity and variation in Nati Bauman (1986:54 -77) argues that West Texas or reported speech in building a punch line, are mor those in which reported speech is not the point o in the coloquio example, one of the most common mal features in creating generic intertextuality, w mantic content, participant structures, metapragm like are used in challenging generic precedents; can also be reversed. 2. Another source of variability with respect to the degree to which generic relations create order, unity, and boundedness lies in the fact that all genres are not created equal - or, more accurately, equally empow- ered - in terms of their ability to structure discourse. While "ordinary conversation" affords much greater room for disorder, heterogeneity, and open-endedness, some genres of ritual discourse provide almost no room for these characteristics or for structural flexibility in general. The Weyewa and Mexicano examples illustrate the differential distribution of this ordering capability by genre within particular discursive economies. 3. The power of genre to create textual structure also varies in keeping with the degree to which the generic patterning is imposed on a particular body of discourse. Although connections between a particular text and its generic precedent(s) sometimes crucially shape the formal structure and social force of the discourse, in other cases generic intertextuality is simply one of the available interpretive options. The use of lauga in ceremonial and political contexts provides an example in which these two options are evident in the case of a single genre. Generic features may not be overtly marked, and features that do appear may be fore- grounded to various degrees (through repetition, metapragmatic signaling, et cetera) (see Briggs 1988). As we will argue below, the fact that the capacity of genre to create textual order, unity, and boundedness can be invoked to varying degrees is of profound interactive, ideological, and political-economic significance. 4. One of the most interesting loci of variation involves the extent to which intertextual strategies become, in Silverstein's (1992) terms, denotatively explicit, in the sense that the metapragmatic framing of intertextual relations is marked overtly through the denotative content of the entailed expressions. With regard to the preceding examples, Warao ritual wailing and Texan tall tales make extensive use of explicit framings, whereas the Hermitaño's subversive transformations are not explicitly This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , lntertextuality, and Social Power 157 signaled. The latter example will serve as a warning against the ready (and ethnocentric) conclusion that denotationally nals will be more salient in every case; when semantic inter greatly limited by auditory interference, the use of unintel or languages, and the like, implicit signals expressed thr or visual features may be more accessible. Basso's (1984 Apache moral narratives similarly provides a telling exampl power of implicit framings. These parsimonious narratives explicit information on intertextual relations; the framing limited to a statement regarding the place in which the rep took place ("it happened at") and its temporal locus ("lo point of the performance is to induce an individual who is p her or his recent behavior - and what community members about it - to the moral transgression committed in the stor ingly, these narratives contain explicit statements of interte (provided by the opening spatial and temporal frames) as w implicit relations (the link to talk about a member of the a case also points to the fallacy in assuming that intertextual established by performers or authors alone: a crucial part o of constructing intertextual relations may be undertaken by 5. A similar note of caution should be sounded with respec of oral versus written resources in creating intertextuality Goody (19 77), Ong (1967, 1982), and other writers, who sha guish between "orality" and "literacy" as distinct modes production and reception and cognitive orientations, wo expect that intertextual gaps will be minimized when writt used. The written text is indeed regarded as authoritative tual gaps are highly constrained - in the case of the scripts ican coloquios and New Mexican notebooks containing prayers. Nonetheless, the (re)production of written text their reception and recontextualization (in either oral or wr necessarily creates intertextual gaps. The Hermitaño ex how these gaps can be creatively expanded in establishin relations. Heath's (1982) research on class differences in lite suggests that learning to exploit intertextual gaps by lin taking information from books" to other types of discours and reception (such as providing descriptions of everyda events) is a crucial prerequisite to success in school. (We wil to say later about the connection between intertextuality, l cialization, and social class.) Hanks (1987) and Lockhart (1 demonstrate the way that the production of written docum spectively, the Maya and Nahua of colonial Mexico drew o novation as a key response for negotiating rapidly chang political relations. 6. A number of writers have argued for the need to e genre shapes the expression of emotions as well as the re of the relationship between genre and gender. In an early the ethnography of speaking to issues of gender and em (1974) describes Malagasy men's control over speech styl This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 158 journal of Linguistic Anthropology that minimize expressions of anger, criticism women, on the other hand, use "unsophisticated emotion in a direct and often confrontational man demonstrates the differing potential of contrastiv ing emotions; in particular, women's ritual weeping means of expressing shared sentiments, whereas m duce particular affective states in listeners. Schief Kaluli mothers develop teasing routines with so same type of interactions - and the emotional e sion - with daughters. In a number of papers, Bren has pointed to the contrastive social values, pattern and emotional states that are evoked by different suggest that excluding women from participation performances enacted by Hindi-speaking Fiji Ind them from obtaining access to a number of cultur experiences. Naturalizing the connection between genre, gender, and emotional experience can in turn rationalize the subordinate status of particular social groups or categories of persons; Lutz's (1990) discussion of the association between "emotionality" and the female in Western society provides a case in point. On the other hand, individuals who enjoy less social power due to gender, age, race, or other characteristics may draw on particular genres in expressing the injustice of their situation or in attempt- ing to gain a more active role in social and political processes; women's performances of ritual wailing provide a striking example (see Briggs 1992b; Seremetakis 1991; Tolbert 1990). 5 7. The role of music in creating intertextuality is also fascinating. By virtue of its capacity for closely regulating pitch, timbre, tempo, volume, and other features, and its frequent use in regulating movement (through dance), music can provide a powerful resource in attempting to suppress intertextual gaps. The use of music in parody and satire (as in Brecht's plays) points contrastively to its potential for foregrounding in- tertextual gaps. Feld (1990a[1982]) shows how musical features can si- multaneously create intertextual links to generic precedents and to quite different types of discourse; the tonal characteristics of Kaluli "melodic- sung-texted weeping" stimulate powerful emotional responses by connecting a woman's performance with the weeping of other women and with the tremendously evocative call of the muni bird. The fascinating problem of sonic or acoustic icons, including onomatopoeias, sound symbols, vocables, and the like, can be fruitfully analyzed with respect to their functions as powerful means of naturalizing intertextual relations. The relationship between musical and verbal modalities, along with dance, costume, and the like, in creating and challenging generic intextuality constitutes an area in which further research is needed. 8. A final axis of comparison pertains to the nature of generic intertextuality. The framing of some texts aligns them closely with a single genre; This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power 159 as we noted above, the link in other cases may be either t different genres, to a mixed ("secondary") genre, or to bo may be relatively fixed or emergent and open-ended. War ing, for example, affords a great deal of flexibility as to w incorporated and how they enter into the performance. Th formed by stand-up comics exhibit similar flexibility. In ot intertextual relations are established with two or more pa in relatively consistent ways. Icelandic legends regarding magical poets, for example tations of verses imbued with magical efficacy into narrat man 1992a). A number of types of intertextual relations pla in constituting these texts. First, narrators traditionalize their authenticity by recounting intertextual histories of th of a particular example from narrator to narrator. This m framing both minimizes intertextual distance by construc continuity and maximizes the gap by questioning the auth interpretations of the story. Second, the intertextual gap b ported recitation of the magical verse and its presentation i is minimized through the poetic distinctiveness of the ver mains, however, in that the narrator is not composing but the magical verse; its performative potency for realizing su lence is thus absent. Third, the narrative relates to the vers tent alone, describing the circumstances of its initial perfo porting on its effects (e.g. , a man cursed in a verse died in ner that it specified). Finally, the verse affects the narrat magical verses extend beyond their textual confines to sha grammatical, and rhetorical patterning of the narrative. H of intertextual strategies that accrue to each genre as well a interrelations are relatively conventional. Broader Implications for Linguistic Anthropology These examples suggest that generic intertextuality c quately understood in terms of formal and functional patt questions of ideology, political economy, and power mus as well if we are to grasp the nature of intertextual relation sion thus opens up a much larger theoretical and metho that has emerged in linguistic anthropology and the study in general. At first glance, it seems as if the number of sch aligned their work with the concept of discourse would ha fruitful integration or at least an articulation of a wid proaches and concerns. A closer look suggests that the high conceptualizations of the nature and significance of "di often widened the gap between research agendas. A great d work in linguistic anthropology resonates with Sherzer's c course-centered" approach to the study of culture, one t detailed analyses of "actual instances of language in use," ca umenting the relationship between formal and functional This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 160 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology dimensions of social interaction, social structur (1987:296). The concept of "discourse" used by Foucault, Bourdieu, and other post-structural cated more in the general processes by which so tions create, sustain, and question social p "speech events." Such practitioners are generally rhetorical and political parameters of scholarly munication, and institutional discourse than ethnographic "Others." Unfortunately, this hiatus has further divided cultural anthropology. The rift emerges in comp lishing textual authority, with linguistic anthr the low ground of methodological and analytic tural types staking out the higher ground of sen and political issues that prevail in the postmode frequently gives rise to ignorance of compleme hardening of intradisciplinary and epistemologi the perspective we have outlined in this artic guistic anthropologists can draw on the theor strengths of their training in challenging this The preceding section focused mainly on form sions of strategies for creating intertextual rel examples clearly show, however, the roots of in just as deeply into social, cultural, ideological, a ets of social life as they do into the minutiae of use. We would like to suggest that relations bet ideology can be read in both directions - in term social, cultural, ideological, and political-econom empower intertextual strategies and the mann intertextuality and their associated practices sh The long-standing association between genr discourse provides a strong sense of the impa and social relations on intertextuality. The ex clearly defined and elaborate system of genres with the social, political, and communicative va and literatures. For example, one of the central rope during the Renaissance was the legitimat (particularly vis-à-vis Latin and Greek) through culcation of an extensive set of rules for the ge (see Dubrow 1982:58; Lewalski 1986). Like the dard language, the production of a presumably ventions played a role in the creation of "im Anderson 1991(1983]). The potential utility of an ary genres for the establishment of an order explicit by such figures as Hobbes and Pope. A h tion of genres formed a central concern during of the prevalent fear of disorder in individuals (see Dubrow 1982). This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power 161 The association of genre with order has similarly often pr interested in countering established social and literary o lenge established genres or even the role of genres in gene mantics' search for a "natural" order led them, accordingly association between conventional order and genre as a basis ing genre. Feminist scholars have argued that women often and manipulate generic conventions as a means of gaining male-dominated discourses (see Miller 1986). The scholar of such "folk" genres as the epic, proverb, fable, fairy tal assisted in the nostalgic creation of a "folk" culture, which in advancing nationalist agendas by appropriating the past tablishing the cultural autonomy and superiority of literar Hall 1981; Handler and Linnekin 1984; Herzfeld 1982; Kirsh blett 1991; Stewart 1991). A number of writers have argued that individual genres cally ordered (see, for example, Bourdieu 1991:67; Kuiper 1992:87). By virtue of the profound social and ideological a genres, hierarchies of genres are tied to social hierarchies. G nection between genres and conventional order, as well as chical organization, it is far from surprising that developi in different generic frameworks is a major focus of educati Following Bourdieu's (1977, 1991; Bourdieu and Passeron of the cultural politics of education, it is evident that the h ganization of discursive competences according to genre cient means for both controlling access to symbolic capital a the discursive competence of individuals. Recall Heath's (1982) analysis of the connection between " ing information from books" and educational success. Th white, working-class white, and working-class African-Am munities she studied were characterized by distinctive "wa Although books were accorded great authority and readi encouraged in both of the predominantly white communit ing-class parents "do not, upon seeing an item or event in t remind children of a similar event in a book and launch a mentary on similarities and differences" (Heath 1982:61). H that although bedtime routines were not common in the w African-American community, participation in oral sto other forms of verbal art afforded children great acuity in textual relations, particularly as based on metaphorical and links.6 Heath suggests, however, that classroom discour these types of intertextuality "because they enable childre lels teachers did not intend, and indeed, may not recognize dren point them out" (Heath 1982:70). She goes on to argue patibility between the "ways of taking" inculcated by midd parents - even before the children were reading - and thos the classroom fostered much greater success in school. Reje res that predominated in the African- American community row constraints on recontextualization that prevailed amon This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 162 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology bers of the working class constituted crucial mea to symbolic capital. Bauman's (1977a, 1982) account of children tines" - speech acts (such as riddles and knock response is solicited - presents analogous data which literacy practices are not central. He su routines provide contexts in which such educatio skills as asking and answering questions can b for using them in gaining interactional power ca teresting parallel to Heath's data, the Anglo ch tin, Texas, sample were interested in a broader ra tines than either Chicano or African- American more extensive intertextual relations between so television shows, comic books, and other forms o evident in the repertoire of the Anglo children. that both race and class regulate access to socializ intertextual strategies that are rewarded by th studies we cited earlier on genre and gender sugg crucial role in shaping the relevant socializatio would go on to suggest that such differential dis in intertextual strategies provides an important cial inequalities based on race and ethnicity, ge One of the thorniest issues that divides social-c from their linguistically oriented colleagues is th members of the former subdiscipline take in the ethnography (see Clifford 1988; Clifford and Ma thropologists - and more than a few social-cultur regard their preoccupation with the writing of et field" and in the office, as a means of diverting from the task of discovering the similarities and that people talk and act. Investigating intertextu to offer important possibilities for transcend standoff. Fieldwork, analysis, and publication intertextual strategies as are coloquio performan the other forms we have discussed. Such tech draw on complex intertextual relations in creatin configured for scholarly recontextualizations. skillfully shown, ethnographers can be easily generic intertextuality that their "informants" ar discourse. As in other types of discourse product is negotiated is not just what types of intertextu lished, but who gets to control this process; ra institutional position, and postcolonial social stru the production and reception of intertextual rela Briggs 1986; Mishler 1986). A number of anthropologists have recently foc textuality in ethnographic writing, illuminating work and its representation are shaped by intert This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre , Intertextuality, and Social Power 163 neric parameters of ethnographies are shaped through intertextual li not simply with the discourse of Others, but with such literary genre travel literature, autobiography, and colonial accounts (Clifford 1 Clifford and Marcus 1986; Marcus and Fischer 1986; Taussig 1987, 199 Although anthropological writing generally claims to derive its author from knowledge gained "in the field/' intertextual relations establish through allegorical narratives and rhetorical tropes play a crucial role creating authenticity and scientific authority. Examined from the pe spective of the creation of generic intertextuality, these literary featu are fascinating, both for the way they attempt to naturalize the eth rapher's control over intertextual processes and for the manner in w they seek to erase the monumental gap between the discourses they r resent and their own textual representations. The extensive use of ta recorders in the field and side-by-side transcriptions/translations by l guistic anthropologists (present company included) clearly play a role this process. This is not to say that anthropological research, linguistic or otherwise, is untenable and should be abandoned. It is to say that field work and its representation provide no less interesting examples of generic intertextuality than other types of discourse and that they are no less in need of scholarly attention. Attempts to dismiss analysis of the intertextual relations that we construct in the course of research and writing would seem to deny us vital information regarding the scientific status of these materials. Such proscriptions simply add up to another set of strategies for minimizing intertextual gaps; as in all such cases, we must inquire into the ideologies that sustain them and the power relations that render them effective or ineffective. Conclusion In this article we have critiqued views of genre that draw on purport edly immanent, invariant features in attempting to provide internally consistent systems of mutually exclusive genres. We presented an alternative view of genre, one that places generic distinctions not within text but in the practices used in creating intertextual relations with other bo ies of discourse. Since the establishment of such relations necessarily se lects and abstracts generic features, we argued that generic intertextua ity is not an inherent property of the relation between a text and a genr but the construction of such a relationship. A text can be linked to gener precedents in multiple ways; generic framings of texts are thus oft mixed, blurred, ambiguous, contradictory. We accordingly suggeste that generic links necessarily produce an intertextual gap; the strategie used for constructing intertextual relations can seek to minimize this ga maximize it, or both. Choices between intertextual strategies are ideolog ically motivated, and they are closely related to social, cultural, politica economic, and historical factors. Scholars have generally regarded systems of literary and speech genre as means of classifying or ordering discourse. Since intertextual relation This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 164 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology produce disorder, heterogeneity, and textual open-e order, unity, and boundedness, scholarly strategies links similarly involve arbitrary selections between tual relations and are affected by ideological, soci economic, and historical factors. Therefore, no syst fined by scholars can provide a wholly systematic, e jective set of consistently applied, mutually exclusiv One of the most interesting lines of inquiry in lin and folklore (see Ben-Amos 1976(1969], 1992) has speech genres in the ethnographic study of locally c cation systems rather than in a priori analytic categ had a positive impact on research by drawing attent of discursive ordering undertaken by a broader ran receivers of texts than those associated with scho Unfortunately, it has also helped displace the reificat textuality from scholarly discourse to representatio Others. Ethnographically based studies often portra ethnic genres as a process of applying relatively sta tent, mutually exclusive, and well-defined categorie and reception of texts. In representing such an orde run the risk of doubly mystifying the problem by ideologies and power arrangements that underlie loc neric order as well as by covering up their own rhe in ordering ethnographic data. In so doing, schol members of the community in question who are dee over the production and reception of intertextual rel often overlook the existence of marginalized and dis strategies (but see Appadurai et al. 1991). While th genres conducted by the two of us over the years h lyze the social, political, and linguistic processes tha tion and reception of verbal art, our work is hardly i of reification. Our goal in this article is thus not to "rescue" th from these difficulties or to assert its centrality to anthropology. Any attempt to champion - or to dism genre would have strong ideological underpinnin tried to use our discussion of genre as a means of ra sues regarding discourse production and reception (Bauman and Briggs 1990) we argued that discourse a proceed either by (1) studying (sodo)linguistic ele apart from the process of discourse production an studying social interactions as analytic microcosms. the fruitfulness of studying discourse vis-à-vis the in the course of successive decontextualizations and r and of exploring the process of entextualization that and functional basis for such transformations. We have attempted to advance this line of inquiry tention to some of the ways that linguistic anthropo This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 21:22:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Genre, Intertextuality , and Social Power 165 concept of genre in elucidating discourse processes; we h a number of problems in the theoretical underpinnings of sions that pose obstacles to progress along these lines. We the notion of generic intertextuality in analyzing particula decontextualizing and recontextualizing discourse, along w that this process both reflects and produces social power. this discussion has demonstrated the value of integrating and functional analysis, the sine qua non of linguistic anthr attention to ideology, power, and scholarly practices. W have suggested some of the ways that such a critical synth can illuminate contrastive - and often competing - app study of discourse. Notes 1. The way that a number of anthropologists approached ethnographically situated genres converged with work in folkloristics; the distinction drawn by BenAmos (1976[1969J) between "analytical types/' the etic categories used by scholars in comparative research, and "ethnic genres," the emic categories used by members of particular speech communities, was highly influential. 2. See studies by Bauman (1986), Briggs (1990, 1992b), Goodwin (1990), Hymes (1981), Philips (1986), Silverstein (1985), Tannen (1989), Urban (1984b), and a volume edited by Lucy entitled Reflexive Language : Reported Speech and Metapragmatics 3. The qualifier here suggests the fact that there are important exceptions. Some types of reported utterances, such as proverbs, may be attributed not to a particular individual or speech event but to a category of speakers or simply to "tradition" (see Briggs 1988:101-135). 4. In developing his notion of the spatialization of the word in dialogue, Bakhtin discussed an opposition between the horizontal characterization of a word's status, a relationship between a writing subject and an addressee, and a vertical one, in which the word is viewed in its relationship to a preceding utterance. 5. Investigations of the relationship between genre and gender are currently providing a rich cross-disciplinary convergence of interests between linguistic and soriocultural anthropologists (see Appadurai et ai. 1991; Gal 1991; Philips et al. 1987) and practitioners in such fields as ethnomusicology (see Herndon and Ziegler 1990; Koskoff 1989), folkloristics (Farrer 1975; Jordan and Kalčik 1985), and literary criticism (Miller 1986; Showalter 1985). 6. 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