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https://www.humanrightsresearch.org/post/nepotism-and-the-erosion-of-human-rights-in-turkey (October 24, 2024)
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2019
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2019
EU membership is predicated on not only a candidate countryâs integration into a market-oriented economy but also its commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Given the Turkish stateâs historical notoriety in human rights violations, one of the most significant aspects of Turkeyâs EU harmonization has been the improvement of its human rights record through both legal/administrative reforms and human rights training programs aimed at reconfiguring the habits, attitudes, and dispositions of government workers. During its first two terms, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government implemented a series of reforms such as those abolishing the death penalty and introducing harsh punishments for torturers. Unfortunately, this era of progressive politics has proven to be short-lived. The AKP has taken an increasingly authoritarian turn following the 2013 Gezi Park protests, during which the police severely injured and killed some protestors. Ironically, the Turkish police were participating in an EU-funded training program on the prevention of disproportionate use of force while the revolt was taking place. BabĂŒl sets out to make sense of this paradox. How can seemingly democratic initiatives such as human rights training programs âcoexist with (and sometimes even lead to) violent state practices and an illiberal form of governanceâ (p. 34)? Why hasnât the EU harmonization process led to a more progressive and human rightsâfriendly form of governance in Turkey? Some would be tempted to dismiss Turkeyâs participation in these EU-initiated human rights training programs as lip service. BabĂŒl, on the other hand, provides a nuanced critical scrutiny of these projects themselves and problematizes our assumptions about their progressive transformative potential for the advancement of human rights. To understand these EU-initiated training programs, BabĂŒl carried out participant observation for seven years (2007â14) in eleven different training programs targeting judges and prosecutors, the police, prison guards, teachers, religious officials, and health care professionals. The EU believes that projects aimed at strengthening the state apparatus as a rational legal bureaucracy are necessary for consolidating democracy and human rights in Europe and its periphery. Bureaucratic Intimacies demonstrates how these training programs reframe human rights violations as administrative problems that can be fixed once the governmental field has been reconfigured around good governance, professionalism, and expertise. Such an approach implies the state is the guardian rather than the violator of human rights, which contrasts with the perspective of Turkish human rights advocates who âaccuse the state of promoting an institutional culture that normalizes state violenceâ (p. 65).
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