SRI VENKATESWARA UNIYERSITY
ORIENTALJOURNAL
,T''
s
I
t
t,
.a.
Golden Jubitee Volume
vol,. )ooil -)ooilv
1989 - 1991
C. RAJENDRAN
DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES IN
THE POLITY OF ANCIENT INDIA
The word democracy is derived from two Greek
words demos which means 'people' and kratio which
connotes'rule'. Accordingiy democracy signifres a'peopie's
rule' which is inspired by the ideals of equality and
liberty. True democracy, as envisaged by Abraham
Lincoln consists of a Government of the people, by the
people and for the people, but this utopian ideal is seldom
reaiised in actual practice in politicai history. WilI Durant
(1953: 29L-293) identifies many factors which contribute
to the degeneration of democracy, even in advanced
countries like America. These include the territoriai
expansion of the political unit, the complexity of
administration, war and the general decline in the
competence of the people. Other factors iike illiteracy, and
absence of universal franchise and a free press may also
stand. in the way of the operation of an ideal democracy'
However, despite these numerous shortcomings in the
working of a democracy, this system with its hypothetical
assumption of the equaiity of man and the necessity of the
122
S.y.U. Oriental Journal,Vol.
WII
-
)OXIV
invblvement of all the citizens in the policy - making of the
nation will certainly be preferred by civilized communities
which accept the basic equality of man.
India is reckoned to be the largest democracy in
the world, but even educated Indians regard democracy
as a notion adopted from the politicai thought of the
West, which is universally accepted to have a 'strong
democratic tradition' in contrast with most of the third
world countries. But if we survey our own history, it can
be readily seen that democratic ideals are certainly
imbedded in India's own ancient political thought and
they are by no means a-lien to our tradition. An attempt
is made in this paper to explore how far the ideais of
democracy are accommodated in the political thought of
ancient India.
The known political history of the Indian rulecontinent begins with the Mohenjodaro-Harappa
civiiization which flourished in the early part of the Srd
milienium. But the well-documented poiitical thought of
ancient India begins only with the Vedic period when
the Indo-Aryans came over to India and settled in her
plains. The long political history of India saw the
gradual evolution of empires and kingdoms from the
relatively smaller units of tribes and guiids,
characteristic of the Vedic and early post Vedic times.
B.N. Puri (1968) distinguishes nine phases in the history
of political thought and administration of ancient 14i"'
Thev are the Vedic phase, the Mauryan phase, the PreGupta period, the Gupta period, the early phase of the
South, lhe pre-Harsa and post-Harsa period, the middle
phase of the South,'the iast empirical phase in the North
and the iater phase of the South. Our main sources in
the study of ancient Indian political thought are the
Ved.ic literature, including the-Dharmoldst a works, the
P6li scriptures of Buddhism , tbe Arthai-ott,o of Kautilya,
the Mah'abhd,rata and the Rd,mdyana, the Nitis-ara of
6"
D entoc
)
!
ratic
P rinc iPles
123
KEmandaka, the NTliudky1'myta of Somadevastiri,
Iiterary works like those of lCalidasa, BhEravi, BEna,
Dag{in, Vi(ekhadatta, Mdgh-a, etc. and innumerab}e
inscriptions belonging to this long period'
it
is in the earlier phases of India's political history
that rve see democratic elements in a predominant
manner. Later political history shows the stabiiisation of
monarchy rvhictr drastically reduced the involvement of
the public at large in the decision making of the land, and
also the stratification of the caste system. There is
nothing implausible in this, since, as, Will Durant points
out, 'like communism, real democracy tends to appear
rather at the simple beginnings of a civilization than in its
Iater stages of complexity, luxury and differentiation'
'(1953:289). The tribal society of the Vedic period gave
rvay to a centralised administration by the time of the
Mauryan period, but iater on, this rvas replaced by a more
deceniraliied structure in the subsequent periods. This
synchronised with the rise of feudaiism in India, heralded
ln tfre Gupta period, which was characterised by the
dominance of a class of landlords who owned the land and
coliected rent from peasants (Sharma: 1980: 213)' This
witnessed the tranifer of the control over almost all
sources of revenue, including pasturage, hides and
charcol, mines for the production of salt, forced labour,
and all hidden treasures and deposits' (sharma: 1980:2).
This socio-political set-up prevailed in India without much
the modern times and did not give much
change upio
^d.emocratic
values. Thus democratic principles
,.op.- for
,r. -or. pred.ominant in the earlier phases of India's
political hi*tory than in the stratified later phases,
*herein *orru.t.hy was accompanied by a deep-rooted
feudal system of administration with its own hierarchy.
Coming to the Vedic period of India's political
history, we can see that it witnessed the emergence of
kingshlp as a digaified and exalted institution. The vedic
124
S.V.U. OrientaL Journal' VoL
WXll' XXXV
divided into families'
society was. e,ssentiaily tribal' being
(1984:35)
janmans, ,uo, u'aionos' According to Altekar
to a village
'the Janmurr, ,.ui to have corresponded
claiming a- common descent' and a
consisting of people
"vill;;;t joi"ned- together-by a bond of
number of such
Jana or a tribe
kinship seem to f'""" Zo"*tltuted a vid''
its }ord was
consisted of several such to ui{as' and used in the
the kine' rhe- wold r6'ian also is
;;;;;;;;",
mean
"Rsuida
to denote , kittg, but it should be taken to
The
iriU"i--.fri"i u"i'"ot an absolute monarch. to
similarity
.irr.t rr" of the Vedic society bears striking
mentioned by C'A' Morgan which
{
;frr;
the tribal structute
consisted of a number of cians'
ItseemsthatintheearlyVedicsociety,theking
is no
though there
*r, ptoUrUfy eiected (Varma: 1974:11)'
to prove this' However' several
conclusive
the Vedic lilerattrre seem to allude to the
;;;;** in"tii;;;;
eiectionoftheking'Thus,theAtharuavedshymn(VI'87t'he king
88), also ,""r, i.r" Sgued'a G'173) addressing assemb'Iy
the
.p"hn."ffy t"ffs ftiil that - 'for firmness'passage
in the
tiuiu .ruut", tuppo;"ts) ryu:' . Ar'other people elected
maiatains that
-u*
4;;rd"6. D4;i;;;--tv
g:scribe& as 'being afraid'
the king, U"t ii*-pJoel*
.
afraid
(bib hatsauo&) ;itd i"it*, 5"4tike the waters were
points
A'parsag" in the {arupatha-Brd'hmaryo
oi V-rtru. ,he
is
leadership
alone becomes u ,*i"r whose
out that
to
'kings' referred
accepted ly ofi.t ki"gt'' The other
chiefs whose
tribal
here, in all p.oi'lifiti, signify -the
urr"*Ufuge elected ttre t<ing' The Aiioreya'Brdhmana
by Gods to iead
t"i"* t" ifre election of Soma as the king
the Nigharylu
them in their U^iif*' It is significant that
in
(II.1?) explans tfr. *ota 'samilf .as'safigrdmo{yYo'and
met and
all probabiliiv i;;g"ifi"d the tribal council which
wars.
.t".t.a the tribal cirief who would lead. them in tribal
refels to two theories about the
Basham (1989:83)
:*ti"nt
India' one mystical and the
of king;dp i"
drigin
u
Denrccratic PrinciPles
!"
r25
other contractual. According to the former, the king,
being reinforced by rituals tike the ldiaslta. sacrifice'
*as"almost God-like. unquestioned authority of the
kirrgship *us taken to be granted. This diefication of
,oyultyi.ures no room for democratic values. This theory
was widely prevaient in the Kurus and Pafrc-alas, the
tribes i" it e Gang6-Yamun? Doab, the centre of the
Brahmanic culture. But elsewhere, especially in the
eastetn part of India, the more prevalent vierv lvas the
contractual theory which traced kingship to a 'primitive
social contract' (basham: 1989: 83)' According to this
theory, which was popular among the Buddhists and
Jains, the institution of kingship was introduced by
mankind to maintain law and order in the society when
.moral degeneration set in a{ter a golden age' This story'
putint-hemouthofBuddhahimse,}fca}lstheking
iahi,sammata 'of the great eho'sen Grle'' The
Slfinttporron af the fuIah&btaErata $8'12) refers to the
institution of kingship tc aver.t politiical turmoil wherein
the. strong.devoured the wmk, as is the xrnaetice alnong
fish (mots] ony-aya). The eontract theory is implieit also in
thestoryoru"""beingappointedthekingbythecreator
conduct
ur*a tH* p"ople themselves agreeing upon a code of
and necessary taxes (Sd'ntiparuan, 67'18-28)'
The king is said to have received the title
rdTd
the word
because he pleased the people. The derivation of
mja, rro* ihe verb raijayati, though etymologically not
plausible, was certainly popular even among nonfuddhistic circles. KSlidasa also accepts this etymoiogy
he
and maintains that King Raghu became a riiTd'because
pleased the people (r-ajd prakrtirffijand't)'
TheVedicliteraturereferstosevera}typesof
assembliescalleduid.athd,sabhd,ald'samiti,rvhichseem
tohaveexercisedsomecontro]overtheking,thoughtheir
exact function is not clear. According to Altekar
iigaa,r+r), uidathd probably signified an assembly
126 S.y.U. Oriental Journal, Vol. Wil
'
WN
representing the entire tribe, including women- R'S.
Sharma maintains (1952:429) that uidafhd transacted
military business too. The exact nature of sabhd, *6 samiti
is not clear. Scholars hold divergent views about their
nature. According to one view, sabhd was a 'council of
elders and powerful men', very much like the upper house
of our own times, while samiti was something }ike the lower
house, consisting of commoners. According to Atlekar,
sabhd, was the village assemby and sarzzili the central
assembly for the whole state (1984:140). There is no doubt
of the fact that both sobhd and, samiti enjoyed immense
prestige in Vedic times. The Atharuaueda (VII. 12.1)
describes both of them as the twin daughters of Prajalpati.
Another passage therein (XII.I.56) contains the fervent
aspiration to speak in so&lro-s arrd samitis everywhere in the
Iand. Sab/r.Z was aiso connected with dice and gambling too
as indicated by the word sabhika. According to
Bhattacharyya (1975:45) the sabhd was an assembiy of tribal
administration, where, in the primitive times, the
distribution of wealth was carried out through casting the
lot, and it is this antiquarian practice which is ritualistically
re-enacted through the dice-game in the Rdjasiya.
The advisory and statutory functions of the sabhd
and samiti can be inferred from a number of references in
Vedic literature. Thus, according to the Rguedn (X.166.4) a
true king was expected to pay visit to his samiti. The
Atharuauedn (VI.88.3) contains, on behalf of an exiled king,
at the time of his restoration, the prayer that samiti may'for
ever be in agreement with him'. The curse pronounced upon
a king misappropriating the property of a brahmin was that
'his sarnifi, should never be in agreement with him'(Altekar:
1984: 143). From these references, it is clear that the Vedic
king could conduct administration smoothly only when he
could arrive at a consensus with the popular assembly.
It
seems that during the Vedic period, an erring
king could be deposed and expelled. Sometimes, a king
6(
Derttocratic
PrinciPles
127
as is evident from an
thus exiled could be even re-elected
Atharuaueda-had a
Atharuauea, puttug" till'g'sl' The
be sung at the time
particular ny-" tffi'a'i) *t'ict' was to
runs Iike this: 'The
of the re-election;i tht king' rvhich
wide glorious quarters
people ete.t yo,, ti *1""f ip' the
point in the body of the
elect you. g. ."uttJ o" tf it high
distribute the natural
state and f,o*- ti-'*" t'igo'o"ly (1919:18)
refers to the
wealth' (Varma: fila)7)' Basu
jurisdictions were not vested in
fact that .ilnif u"altiml"at
to the absence of
the king. Thi-;;; be piobabiv due less democratic
more or
absolute po*"' i'I*" iti"'g i" the
set uP of thu earlY Vedic societY'
the
greater role
Democratic principles had a
'in
were
in ancient India' which
.tribal states *hith't"i'tea were not democratic states
They-"ttt*Ulius
ruied by oiigarchies'
elected by universal suffrage'
ruled over by
republic wherein
. They were *o"- tiit" the Roman
of the populace
participatiot *lt-op*-!" a large section denote these
(Basham: 198*6d- The *o'dt used to
in the
*iitu'ure mentioned frequentlv
probablv
garya' Garya
Mattdbh-aro,o olu ii*gn" and
rule was conducted by
wherein
meant u ,"p.'blit'o tt"t"t'
'many'' According to
'numbers', tdliying toie of the
kingless politv''
Varma (rgz+,5ii'it i"u"t an 'individual
a confederation of
Sarygha, o" 1it" ott'u' hand signified
(4'1'168'1)
According to K6tydyana
several ^u
from
ro-il' of f lurali sti-. gor"rnment, di stinct (Roy:
I*
;;i;i" ""p,rJti...
is vested in one
ekar-aiya wheiein sovereignty
bol]n garya ar.d samgha
1975:166). Sometimes' however'
,rr"a in the epic interchangeably'
^iu
in the
Most of tbese republics were located
few
verv
thougtr a
mountainous ;;d;;i the\orth-West'
India too' Some of these
of them U"to"g"l to the Eastern
,*pliblit' mentioned in the Mahd'bh6'rata'
;;;fit,
'
ancient
-'M;;;tia'uxus"
elc' are Niharas'
Yaudheyas' Madras'
Astd.d.hyayi, M-arkaryQeya'pur'ana'
tii;;;;
128
S.y.U. Oriental Journal'Yol'
MXII - ffiIV
I
--Vaimakas'
.{udumbaras, diriu, Basati, SE}vakas' these-tribal
of
Kukuras, Mallas, Andhakas, eL:' Many
Varma
fighting'
stone
in
repubiics were martial and adept
cailsthenathespartan'-ofuotlut'tlndia(19?4:40)'someof
rvhich have been
iil'. *p"fU.. frra thti' o*" 1oin1 some of rej9r.t9.some
recovered now. Greek historians also
the Licchivis and
reoublican states ih; north India like
"f the pre-Maurva period' .A federation
'i#-;".rutr"L"*
of the Andhakas' Vrsnis'
of five republics, co"'ittit'g
glojus, presided over by l!g-r.Ia is
Yddavas, Kukuras *a
in the Mahibhdrata (Varma ]..974 40)'
"X"-*""tioned
these
Though it would be wrong to describe were
nature' they
republican siates as fuliy democratic in
absolute
..it"i"rv differeni from-monarchies in that the
Power was
sovereignty was not vested in an individual'
To iliustrate'
vested in a smali aristocratic class'
the
8,ove3*etrt
is known that' among the Yaudheyas'
it".t"uUV
oI wnom
persons' each
was corrt olled by a body of 5000
to the state (Atlekar:
was required to present Ln eiephant
in republic by
1984: 112)' Poiicy deeisions were taken
say in such
aristocracy and io**o" people had no
became more
gradually
matters. However, political powet
of the
u*rJ-uu."d in theie ""pobli... while ininmany
the ksatriya
vested only
republics, power *"t
on all
"tigi"ally
later
class who *"* if'" fo'i"a"tt of the state' power' The
*.*U"r. of the f.guttiyu families -"'*u to sharer'aj any ag arya
dlrtirr"tlon which Ama rako{ a makes between
ii Aon"S"no is signifitult- i" thlt connection' The }atter
ar' state as
.ls"i{i"a It " *ot"-broad based republic
republican
witrr tue-rormer, referring to original
."'"t
,rittoo"cv was tsffined to a select SrouP:
NorthThe administration of small republics of
"rt"a
;;"d;;".
from that of the
Eastern India *;; h;;" been different
the aristocracy
Uigg"t ttutut. In the fgrmer, mem-bers of
capital and
the
in
constitutine tit"'|";iiui Attu*Ulv lived
*"if""q*itly in the Assembly HaIl to transact business.
68
Democratic Principles
I
rt
q
YD
A member of the aristocracy was cailed a rdjd and his son
an upar-aja (Jataka I, p. b04)., The less privileged.lrr.".
prgbably met in the village assembries
nua-rome voice
"rabig republics, on
in local matters (Altekar: lg}4:124). The
the other hand, were divided into provinces, each under a
governor, recruited from the aristocracy.
The sovereignty of the republics must have been
vested in the central assembly, and the members varied
in
number in different states. Jaiswal (I.p.Sa) ."gg"t.1Uut
there were upper and lower houses rn ihe r.priu'h"r, uut
we are not in possession of any evidences in support
of
this conjecture. Altekar suggests (19g4:126) tfrat' ltese
assemblies elected different generals for different
.campaigns. It is significant that when Aiexander the
great invaded India, the republic of Ambasthas elected
three generals to lead their
""*ie..--aili;"i;,'""
inscription belonging to the Gupta
period refers io a
general being elected (purasiytoi Ay a yaudheya
assembly. The central assemblies further controlled
foreign affairs, entertained ambassadors and foreign
princes, considered their proposals and decided upon
policy matters like war and peace (Altekar: lgg4:126j.
The administrative functions were carried out by
an executive which was accountable to the central
assembly on all matters. The presence of party system in
the assemblies is attested by words ltke- d,uand.uo tri"at
parties), uyuthramapo (inter-iarty rivalry), etc., occurring
in grammatical treatises.
Though we are not in
possession of any actual account of the procedures in
the
assembly, we can have an idea of this fiom the.elaborate
accounts of the Buddhist sarlghas which were evidently
modeiled after the republics (Kosambi: lggg:186).
Evidently the executive council was erected by the general
assembly from among its members.
The Buddhist monastic orders, modelled after the
ganas of ancient India functioned essentiarly
in a
130
S.y.U. Oriental Journal, Vol. KWI
-
)&OV
democratic manner which is surprisingly close to the ideal
democratic systems of modern times. According to Bani
(1,974f,24), in the Buddhist samgha, "all the rules are
common to monks and nuns..... All the
property of the sanggha was open to the use of all
brethren, from wheresoever they might come". The lofty
ideal of the equality of man is recognised in this concept.
Buddhist works like the Mah'auagga, and the Chullauagga
give us copious accounts of the democratic procedures
followed in the Buddhist samghas in the conduct of
practically
administration. There were provisions to
move
resolutions by individual members, and the motions could
be passed after two or four readings. Free discussions and
criticism were allowed. A resolution could be passed only
with the requisite quorum being fulfilled and though
Chullauagga refers to the provision of conducting business
in anticipation of a quorum, with the subsequent passing
of an indemnity act, high authorities denied the legality of
such a procedure. According to P64ini, the person whose
attendance completed the quorum in a garya is called
gana*titho,' and in a sePBha, he is a samgha-titha.
There were three methods of voting in the
Assembiy, viz. secret, whispering and open. The ruie of
majority was called yebh.uyyasikassa (Bani: 1974:326). A
resolution became an act (hamma) when it was duly
passed by a majority. Normally, a question once decided
couid not be reopened again, though the sovereign
assembly sometimes discarded the rule at times. Another
method of settling disputes was through the appointment
of committees.
The republics and the salnghas gradually lost their
independent stature because of a variety of reasons.
References in the Mahdbhd,rafo indicate that many of
these were attacked and overthrown by monarchies. It is
significant that tine ArthatA*ro, which aims at the
stabiiisation of monarchical power, views
the
7(
r31
Democratic princiPles
)1.
t1
-r.
ll
In
fact,
the whoie ol u .lupter in the Book 11 of the work is
devoted to the teclniques of breaking up tribes and
reducing them to vassalage. Agent provacatuers are
required to sow seeds of dissension among the tribesmen
(Basham:
,o ihut the tribal Assembly loses its unanimity
1989:98). Greek invasions also had a definite role in the
disappearance of those tribal republics' Th9- cgnguest of
samudragupta and the Huna invasion provided the frnal
blows to them.
contemporary republics with great intolerance.
We do not find democratic elements in the later
polity of India in the degree which they were manifested
in iis ancient phase. The Vedi e sabh-a and samiti
gradually disappeared. Even during Lhe Mahd'bhd'rata
became an
f,eriod, iabhla lost its statutory nature and(JAOS:
XIII,
ornamental assembly in substance. Hopkins
pp.148.151)describedthechangethatoccurredtothe
aisembly in the ePic Period thus:
"The assembly of the people had become the
people
assembly of .the nobles. The military power of the-
had quiie become the possession of the kils-s, in al| public
*att"r, appertaining to the story (Mahd,bhdrata) ltself,
the pries[J ut* as good as silent and the peop]e are
suppressed" (quoted by Bhattacharyya: 1975)'
Gradualiy ,line sabhla became a mere. assemblage of
theministers,noblesand}earnedmenpatronised.bythe
Kingship
ki;g-;J iori all their democratic functions. have
any
becime hereditary and the assembly ceased to
role on his selection.
Nevertheless, it would be wrong to assert that
public opinion had no role whatsoev:er i" tL: earlier postiedic period. Monarchy was certainly sensitive to popular
opinion even after the d.isappearance of popular nature of
the assembly. Basham (1989:89) cites the banishment of
Siit Uv Rama, respecting popular misgivings of her
132
S.V.U. Orientol Journal,
Vot.
)WI - )mUV
chastity
?s an instance of the extent to which the wil of
the people influenced the king. This sensitiveness
opinions
if
reflected even
in
to
Xrr1,iiy",,
lol"lr1.. which
Arthabastra,
expricitry maintains that the'king,s
good is not that which preases him, but
that rvhici-preases
his subjects (I.19). Xaulilya also exhort. kG; io-er.,"
audience to the citizens without imposin-g ;";;;
restrictions at the entrance, to avoid the rvraih
oi trr"
people. The recognition of the importance
of the goodwill
of the subjects, even in such , *o"k of poritical
.*p'.ai..r"y
underlines the silent but positive rore of trr. puoirJ
*ilr
in the stability of the kingdom.
.
It is significant that ancient Indian riterature
c-ontains many rglgrelces
9f popular upheavefs ae;nst
despotic rules. The Buddniit
,ldtano tales siu.?*,
instances of despotic kings being oue*h.o*u"'b;
-u.rrevolt (Basham: t1pl89_). fhe polifical story-i"-ifr-pf"y
Mycchakaliha of sridraka, wriiten in the lJr""-p-"rtchristian era deals with the overthrow
tl" i".p"t
Pilaka and the enthronement of the popular
"i Aryaka
in
ujjain after a bloody revolt. ReferenceJ to disposition arrd
!1nj$mgnt of kings are found in the Brdhminas r"alfr.
Mahd,bhdrafo also (Varma: Lg74: 26). B"";r;rE;;y"
(1925: 156-161) suggests that the popular
ro"."uig.rty rrra
the subversion of monarchy to -potitical opi"ii"-'*"..
features of the epic politicul lif", but, as varma righily
observes (1,g74:26), we cannot tate'tn"..-Jpo"?ii.
interventions of the popurace to any systematic exercise
of
political- power by the people'. However, such
references
definitely indicate the wilr of the peopre being ."n..i"a
through direct action when situation demandei it.
From the above, it can be rightly concluded that
though later Indian hisiorv saw the rir" oi, fe,rdal
sysi"and a hierarchical political set up with the common
masses systematically removed from the process of
decision making, the early society gives us a totally
7
s
Dentocratic
principles
133
different picture wherein governance percolated to more
diverse sections of society. Our own decentralised
planning and administrative set up will go a long way in
recapturing these lost threads of democracy in the modern
]
-
times.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Arthaidstra of Kautilyqed. T. Ganapathi Sastri, Brd
volume, Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan, Delhi, 1984.
Altekar A.S., S/afe and, Gouernment in Ancient Ind.ia,
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1984.
.
Bandyopadhyaya, N.C., Economic life and progress in
Ancient India, Calcutta, 1925.
Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath: Ancient Ind,ian
A ituals and their social contents, Manohar Book
I
.
Service, 1975.
,
Basham, A.L., The Wond,er that was Ind,ia, Rupa &
Co., Delhi, 1989.
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