Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Brazil’s rendition of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ doctrine
Aziz Tuffi Saliba1
Dawisson Belém Lopes2
Pedro Vieira3
The maintenance of ‘international peace and security’ was a paramount concern of the
world community in the aftermath of the Second World War. What is perhaps the most
important international document in history—the United Nations Charter—placed the
maintenance of international peace and security in its very first paragraph and article.
In its pursuit of peace, the UN Charter outlawed the use of force (Article 2,
paragraph 44), allowing only two exceptions: (i) the use of force in self‑defense (Article
51); and (ii) the use of force authorized by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the
UN Charter. In addition to these provisions limiting the use of force, the UN Charter
enshrined the Principle of Non‑Intervention in Article 2(7)5, proscribing international
interference in domestic affairs (ICJ Nicaragua Jurisdiction 1984, 426). 6
1
Departmento de Direito Público - Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais – UFMG - Brazil
2
Departamento de Ciência Política - Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais – UFMG – Brazil
3
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais – UFMG – Brazil
4 Article 2 (4). “All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the
territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of
the United Nations”.
5 The Principle of Non-Intervention also appeared in General Assembly Resolution 2625 and was recognized as part
of International Customary Law by the International Court of Justice in Nicaragua case. See Military and
Paramilitary Activities in and Against Nicaragua (Nicar. v. U.S.), 1986 I.C.J.14, 202 (June27).
6 The Court took the view that “principles such as those of the non-use of force, non-intervention, respect for the
independence and territorial integrity of States, and the freedom of navigation, continue to be binding as part of
customary international law, despite the operation of provisions of conventional law in which they have been
incorporated.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
32
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Another important development after the Second World War was a greater
concern for the protection of individuals, even against their own state. The Charter of
the United Nations pledged to promote and encourage “respect for human rights and
for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or
religion.” Many relevant documents ensued, such as the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (Cançado Trindade 2002, 627‑670); the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide; the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights; the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and other
resolutions and treaties.
Notwithstanding the greater concern with the protection of individuals, the
international community has repeatedly witnessed mass atrocities. On some occasions—
such as in East Pakistan (1971), Pol Pot’s Cambodia (1978), or Idi Amin’s Uganda
(1979)—whereas the international community stood by, foreigners chose to intervene.
The absence of authorization by the United Nations Security Council and the
impossibility to characterize such interventions as self‑defense make them, for most
scholars, illegal under international law (Byers and Chesterman 2003, 177‑203), although
perhaps “morally justifiable.”(Buchanan 2003, 130‑174)
After the end of the Cold War, the United Nations Security Council increased its
activities (Saliba 2012, 401‑419). However, the tragedies in Rwanda and in the Balkans
were a reminder that the world community still needed a mechanism to deal with mass
atrocities that, even if not perfect, would at least be of an “acceptable imperfection.”
Certainly, more could and should have been done to avert genocide.
In this context, the debate over humanitarian intervention7 gained momentum
and new contours. Humanitarian intervention has been regarded as the sole way to
7 Humanitarian Intervention has been defined in many fashions. In this sense, it is advisable to note the definitions
presented by Böhlke 2011, 236-238. This articles adopts the definition presented by the Danish Institute of
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
33
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
prevent gross and systematic human rights violations in some situations (Pattison 2010,
1‑41), although some fear that it may be used selectively and become an instrument of
powerful actors to promote their interests (Amaral Júnior 2003, 156‑158; Evans 2006‑
2007, 705). An additional concern is that the principle of non‑intervention and the
prohibition on the use of force would be undermined by the authorization of the use of
force in a fashion not foreseen in the UN Charter (Simma 1999, 1‑22).
A report was issued by the International Commission on Intervention and State
Sovereignty (ICISS) and presented to the UN Secretary‑General in 2001 (ICISS 2001, VII).
This report highlights the fact that current state practice characterizes sovereignty as a
responsibility, instead of the traditional understanding of sovereignty as control (ICISS
2001, 2.15). Thus, sovereignty must be seen as an instrument for the protection of the life
and safety of citizens.
The report construes intervention not as a right, but rather, as a responsibility of
the international community, who must discharge it whenever a state fails to perform its
primary ‘responsibility to protect’ the persons under its jurisdiction. Furthermore, when
carrying out its responsibility, the international community must address the main
causes of internal disturbance (responsibility to prevent); choose the appropriate
measures to deal with the problem, only resorting to military intervention in extreme
situations (responsibility to react); and offer full assistance in the aftermath of the
intervention so as to render possible the reconstruction of the state (responsibility to
rebuild) (Evans 2006‑2007, 709).
At the 2005 UN World Summit, the assembled heads of state endorsed the
concept of “Responsibility to Protect,” which has been enshrined in UNGA Resolution
International Affairs, according to which Humanitarian Intervention means "coercive action by states involving the
use of armed force in another state without the consent of its government, with or without authorization from the
United Nations Security Council, for the purpose of preventing or putting to a halt gross and massive violations of
human rights or international humanitarian law." See Danish Institute of International Affairs 1999, 1.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
34
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
60/1, (UNGA 2005, Resolution 60/1)8 incorporating many elements of the report
produced by ICISS (Kolb 2012, 5‑6). Brazil has actively participated in the debate around
the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) doctrine. More recently, has even proposed what it
believes to be a new approach—the “Responsibility while Protecting” corollary to R2P.
The aim of this article is to analyze the Brazilian reaction to “Responsibility to Protect”
and its recent proposal of “Responsibility while Protecting.” This analysis will be based
mostly on the statements of Brazilian Presidents and Ministers of External Relations.
2. The Brazilian Position on the “Responsibility to Protect” Doctrine
2.1. Brazilian Foreign Policy in the Twentieth Century
Brazil’s international cooperation standards regarding peace operations have varied
considerably through the twentieth century. Initially, Brazil provided aid to efforts
undertaken by the League of Nations, to the United Nations operations in Sinai (UNEF
I) in 1956—which aimed to hold the ceasefire between Israel and Egypt—and to Congo
from 1960 to 1964 (Nasser 2012, 213‑241).
Nevertheless, during the 1970s, Brazil distanced itself from the United Nations,
since authorities believed that the UN was contributing to the preservation of an old‑
fashioned international structure in which only a few states had power (Diniz 2006, 303‑
334). Therefore, during the 1970s and part of the 1980s, Brazil did not take a non‑
permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and refused to engage in
peace operations (Nasser 2012, 213‑241).
8 This resolution recognized the primary obligation of each individual state to protect its population from gross
violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. However, it stressed that, should peaceful means be
inadequate and the primary duty of the state to protect its population be disregarded, the international community
would be entitled to take collective action in an appropriate manner.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
35
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
In 1988, Brazil’s election to a non‑permanent seat at the UNSC resulted in a
change in Brazilian foreign policy. Despite its more active stance towards international
issues, Brazilian diplomacy maintained its pro‑peace tradition and emphasized the need
for peaceful settlement of controversies, absolute respect for state sovereignty, and the
principle of non‑intervention as centerpieces of the UN Charter (Alsina Júnior 2003, 74).
Consequently, Brazil has only participated in UN peace enforcement operations
under Chapter VI of the UN Charter, which does not involve resorting to military
measures. This exclusion of military means from the Brazilian foreign affairs agenda
accompanied the cultivation of an image of peaceful power (Mead 2011)9 and the
reinforcement of diplomatic solutions as the most suitable manner to deal with political
and social crises.10
Nevertheless, it can be argued that peaceful diplomacy did not emerge as a
calling, but rather as a need. This can be seen from the pragmatic and goal‑oriented way
in which the Baron of Rio Branco (the Brazilian diplomatic corps’ patron) handled
political controversies by way of peaceful diplomacy in the beginning of the twentieth
century—at a time when Brazil did not have as many strategic possibilities as it enjoys
in contemporary world politics (Pereira 2012; Goes 1991, 143‑177). In this regard, it is
also worth mentioning that this peaceful tradition, evinced chiefly through the
reinforcement of state sovereignty and non‑intervention, has been upheld by Brazil and
many other South American states as a way to prevent the United States from meddling
in their domestic affairs (Kenkel 2012, 5–32).
9 As the Brazilian Former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso affirmed in this interview: ‘The point is that we
may become the world’s first ‘soft’ superpower because of our strengthening economy, size and population alone,
and this is such an historically novel phenomenon that maybe we should be on the Security Council”.
10 In this regard, it must be mentioned Brazilian accession to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of nuclear Weapons in
September 18th 1998. Moreover, Brazil also enshrines in Article 4 of its Constitution the peaceful settlement of
controversies as a cornerstone of its Foreign Policy.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
36
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
The proud Brazilian tradition of pacific diplomacy was strengthened by the
promulgation of a new Federal Constitution in 1988, when, for the first time in Brazilian
constitutional history, it delivered a set of legal principles to serve as ‘legal ratio’ and
influence the Brazilian diplomats’ positions on international legal issues.11 With respect
to principles enshrined in Article 4 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, the principles
of non‑intervention, state sovereignty, and peaceful settlement of controversies, which
are considered cornerstones of Brazilian foreign policy ever since it became a republic in
the late nineteenth century, are worth citing.12
Concurrently, even after the end of the Cold War, Brazil maintained its
opposition to the concept of humanitarian intervention, which was considered a
violation of international principles, especially that of state sovereignty, and was thus
contrary to the notion of cooperation and strict equality among states (Lafer 1992, 75).13
Besides, Brazil has highlighted that the use of force based on humanitarian intervention
would undermine the UN Charter provisions concerning non‑interference and the
prohibition of the use of force, since this treaty did not authorize the use of force on
these grounds (Amorim 2002‑2003, 58‑59).
11 One can still find an updated version of this argument in Brazil’s governmental option not to invest in military,
but in social policies instead, what denotes the level of priority attributed to the latter to the detriment of the former,
as well as a Brazilian perspective of transforming into ‘soft-power weaponry’ its alleged expertise over social policy
management.
12 For a version of Brazilian Constitution in Portuguese, see
http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao.htm, accessed February 5th 2013.
13 “Maintaining updated the perception of the international conjuncture, Brazil might search to strengthen its
participation in the decision process, including the process which leads to the discussion of the so-called
transnational themes. Themes of humanitarian and ecological character allow conclusions – such as the droit
d’ingerénce- which breach principles of international law such as the respect for State sovereignty. Under Brazilian
Foreign Policy perspective, the relationship among the States is – and must continue to be – dependent on
stimulation and limitation of cooperation and not on impositions. This means to uphold a positive agenda of
international relations, instead of a negative one. And, exactly, the manner in which we condemn the thesis of a right
to intervene, contrary to a world structure based on equality, and the manner in which we support, because of a basic
human solidarity issue, that the international community offers – through United Nations, International Committee of
the Red Cross and other entities – effective assistance to men, women and children in critical situation.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
37
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
In a manner consistent with the reasoning mentioned above, Brazil has expressed
its position through statements made by the authorities and votes in international
organizations. First, it is worth drawing attention to a Brazilian statement condemning
the US intervention in Grenada Island, whereby Brazil upheld the principle of non‑
intervention and the principle outlawing the use of force in international relations.14 The
Brazilian Minister of External Relations concluded, moreover, that resorting to force to
sort out the issue was inconsistent with the UN and OAS Charters (Saraiva Guerreiro
1983, 119).15
Second, it is important to mention that, especially during the government of Lula
da Silva, Brazil abstained from following UNGA decisions concerning the situation of
human rights in Iran (United for Iran 2012; Conectas 2011), and from a resolution
presented by the United States to the UN Human Rights Commission condemning the
situation of human rights in Cuba (Council on Hemispheric Affairs 2005). In addition,
relying on the principles of non‑intervention and state sovereignty, Brazil, as a non‑
permanent member of UNSC, abstained from a proposed resolution under Chapter VII
of the UN Charter that addressed the situation in Darfur (UNSC 2005, Resolution 1593).
14 As a response to this event and to other military interventions in Central America (for instance, operations in
Nicaragua and El Salvador), carried out by the United States during the government of Ronald Reagan, some Latin
American states (Mexico, Panama, Venezuela and Colombia) have created the Contadora Group to manage peaceful
solutions for Central America instability. Brazil, alongside other South American states (Argentina, Uruguay and
Peru), has framed the Support Group in order to back actions of Contadora Group. In 1986, both groups merged into
the Rio Group. See Cervo and Bueno 2012, 482-483; Visentini 2013, 81-82.
15 “Despite understanding that the deterioration of internal situation in Grenada led to extreme limits, capable of
provoking legitimate preoccupation among neighboring states, Brazilian government deplore the resource to armed
force, breaching the principle of non-intervention, laid down in UN and OAS Charters, especially in its article 18.
Brazilian government stresses its loyalty to the principle prohibiting the use of force in international relations and
reassures its understanding towards the full validity of the principle of non-intervention, principles with which every
Party to the AOS Charter and to the UN Charter is bound to comply. In this extremely serious moment to the lives of
all Latin-American nations, Brazil warns to the risks of worsening the situation in the hemisphere and urges strongly
to an honest and effective political effort so as to diminish the tensions and to peacefully settle the existing
problems.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
38
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Finally, Brazil also upheld Security Council Resolution 1244, which, pursuant to
the Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim, recalled the commitment of all UN
Members to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia. In this regard, Brazil
also ascertained that the states that had recognized Kosovo’s independence prior to a
final decision by the United Nations disregarded the prevalence of the United Nations’
multilateral decision on this issue (G1 2008).16
2.2. The Brazilian Military’s Deployment to Command UN Peacekeeping Operations
in Haiti and the Idea of ‘Non‑Indifference’
In 2004, despite its support for the principles of non‑interference, prohibition on the use
of force, and state sovereignty, Brazil evinced an emerging support for interventions to
ensure democratic order when President Lula agreed to deploy Brazilian armed forces
in Haiti to command a UN Peacekeeping Operation authorized by the UNSC under
Chapter VII of the UN Charter (UNSC 2004, Resolution 1576).
In his statement regarding this issue, President Lula highlighted the necessity of
developing a South American cooperation arrangement in the field of defense; he also
stressed that this process must respect the principles of non‑intervention and national
sovereignty (Lula da Silva May 23rd 2008).17
16 “Brazil supports the prevalence of a constructive orientation and political will which render possible the reaching
of a satisfactory solution and urges the actors involved in the process to act calmly in order not to threaten the peace
and security in the region, as well as to ensure an appropriate protection to the minorities. Brazil upholds the
continuity of negotiations under the orientation of United Nations and considers that a solution must take place on
multilateral basis.”
17 “It is time to deepen our South American identity also in the field of defense. Our Armed Forces are committed
with the peace build. The presence of many of our States in MINUSTAH, United Nations force responsible for
granting security in Haiti, is an example of this determination. We must articulate a vision of defense in the region
relying on common values and principles, such as the respect for sovereignty and for self-determination, territorial
integrity of States and non-intervention in domestic affairs.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
39
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Participating in the UN Peacekeeping Operation in Haiti represents a shift in
Brazilian foreign policy since it indicates that, although the principles of state
sovereignty and non‑intervention still play a pivotal role in its foreign policy, Brazil has
perceived that these international rules must be interpreted in a manner consistent with
the idea of non‑indifference (Amorim 2010; Amorim June 6th 2005).18,19 This notion
might be defined, from a Brazilian perspective, as the willingness to provide assistance,
mainly in terms of diplomacy, when required, and when a state deems it pertinent, so as
to settle a political or social crisis (Amorim September 24th 2004; Amorim November 25th
2005).20,21
2.3. The “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) Doctrine
2.3.1. The Prevalence of Non‑Coercive Measures and Peaceful Settlements of Disputes
After the 2005 UN World Summit, when the assembled heads of state endorsed the
concept of “Responsibility to Protect” through UNGA Resolution 60/1 (UNGA 2005,
18 “The respect for self-determination alongside with the decision of helping those who are extremely needed is
what we call the ‘non-indifference’, principle which does not affect the non-intervention, but brings a new
perspective on it.”
19 “Brazilian Diplomacy relies its activity upon the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs, which is
enshrined in our [OAS] Charter. The Government of President Lula associates this basic principle with the attitude
that we describe as of ‘non-indifference’.”
20 “Maybe the most important influence, given the circumstances of our times and the importance acquired by
Brazil, is that which, without setting aside the fundamental principle of non-intervention, complement it with the socalled ‘non-indifference’. This means offer our support, chiefly diplomatic, to help, when required and when we
deem pertinent to undertake it, to settle crisis (…)”
21 “Also in January 2003, occurred a fact that would evince the adoption by Brazilian government of an attitude of
active solidarity in regional matters. To the principle of ‘non-intervention’, so important in Brazilian diplomatic
tradition, it has been added the principle of ‘non-indifference’. In fact, considering it is proscribed to intervene in
sovereign right of each people to solve their own problems, it is necessary that States with capacity show their
willingness to collaborate, whenever required to do so, chiefly when the signs of political and social crisis are
evident.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
40
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Resolution 60/1), Brazil delivered statements discussing its concerns about the emerging
notion of R2P.
Brazil has upheld the idea that there should be subordination and a chronological
sequence among the three pillars of R2P, stressing that the protection of human rights,
democracy, and respect for the rule of law hinge on the adoption of preventive
measures, which must be discharged simultaneously with policies stimulating social
and economic development in order to achieve political stability and peace (Viotti July
12th 2011, 4‑5; Amorim September 17th 2005, 3‑4).22,23 It has thus concluded that political
solutions, such as mediation and diplomacy, are the most suitable means to address the
political and social crises which led to gross breaches in international law.
However, Brazil has pointed out that the use of force, the third pillar of the R2P
concept, must only take place when it is proven that non‑coercive measures have been
exhausted and there are no viable peaceful ways to settle a controversy (Amorim
September 17th 2005, 3‑4).24 Likewise, it has warned against the hazardous consequences
22 “In this endeavor, we should also add the importance of social and economic development. Brazil has emphasized
that political stability and social and economic development are closely interlinked and mutually reinforcing.
Prevention must also focus on helping countries to promote policies aimed at improving the standards of living of
their populations. Tangible progress in economic and social issues bears a positive impact on the political and the
security situation. We look forward to examining in detail the potential that strengthening the security sector, the rule
of law and the provision of basic resources have in preventing mass atrocity crimes. (…) In this context, preventive
measures, such as mediation and diplomacy in general have many advantages and should be used more frequently.
They are better suited to tackle the root causes of conflicts. Underlying most conflicts are political problems that
require political solutions.”
23 “Human security is mainly the result of just and equitable societies, which promote and protect human rights,
strengthen democracy and respect the rule of law, while creating opportunities for economic development and social
justice.”
24 “The United Nations was not created to disseminate the notion that order should be imposed by force. This
extreme expedient can only be considered when all other efforts have been exhausted and peaceful solutions have
indeed proved not viable.(…)I note with satisfaction that since the World Leaders Meeting for the Action Against
Hunger and Poverty - convened last year by President Lula - we have achieved significant progress. A growing
number of governments and NGOs have joined in the effort to eradicate hunger and poverty. This is the only war in
which we are engaged. This is the only war we can all win.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
41
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
of coercive measures, since intervention can only tackle the consequences of problems
and not the root causes of human rights violations (Amorim September 17th 2005, 3‑4).25
2.3.2. The United Nations Security Council Authorization and Necessary Reforms
In addition to non‑coercive measures and peaceful settlements of controversies, Brazil
initially considered consent of the affected state as a necessary condition to the legality
of humanitarian intervention (UNGA 1991, Resolution 46/182).26 However, considering
the difficulties that this requirement would bring to this type of action, Brazil slightly
changed its reasoning in order to express the fact that humanitarian intervention should
preferably be accompanied by authorization given by the affected state (Souza Neto 2010,
191).
Furthermore, Brazil has highlighted the fact that actions on the grounds of
“Responsibility to Protect” may not be taken by relying on unilateral assessments of the
situation since the UN Charter only authorizes the unilateral use of force in cases of self‑
defense, which are, by their very nature, provisory inasmuch as these actions may only
be carried out until the Security Council takes measures to deal with the matter. Hence,
Brazil has concluded that if it supported a unilateral use of force that is not used for self‑
defense, it would be legitimizing ‘the law of the strongest.’ (Lampreia 1999, 327).27
25 “We have been called upon to deal with new concepts such as ‘human security’ and ‘responsibility to protect’.
We agree that they merit an adequate place in our system. But it is an illusion to believe that we can combat the
dysfunctional politics at the root of grave human rights violations through military means alone, or even economic
sanctions, to the detriment of diplomacy and persuasion.”
26 In this regard, Brazil has upheld the Resolution 46/182, which determines that: “The sovereignty, territorial
integrity and national unity of States must be fully respected in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. In
this context, humanitarian assistance should be provided with the consent of the affected country and in principle on
the basis of an appeal by the affected country.”
27 “As a medium State, of large peaceful tradition, we may not, nonetheless, support the unilateral use of military
means, even against gross violators of international order as Iraq. This support would legitimate the stronger law, it
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
42
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
In a manner consistent with this understanding, Brazil has reinforced the idea
that actions based on “Responsibility to Protect” must be preceded by a multilateral
decision (Amorim, March 4th2010)28 of a competent UN organ, i.e. the Security Council
(Amorim 2005, 3; Amorim 2003).29 The pivotal role of the UNSC on this issue has led
Brazil to draw attention to reforming the structure of the Security Council, a subject of
major importance in Brazil’s view. Brazil has thereby sustained its claim that this organ
of the UN lacks representativeness insofar as it does not incorporate, chiefly as
permanent members, the developing countries of Africa, Latin America, and Asia. Brazil
has stressed, moreover, that the reform process is also important because of the UNSC
agenda and responsibilities expanding, which entails the necessity of taking legitimate
decisions and having the capacity to ensure they are followed through (Amorim 2005,
4).30
It is important to stress, moreover, that the Brazilian position regarding the role
of the Security Council on the R2P issue underlies a great concern: the selectivity
(Holzgrefe 2003, 46‑47; Pattison 2010, 169‑173; Amaral Júnior 2003, 120‑124) of the
operations based on “Responsibility to Protect” (Viotti July 12th 2011, 4‑5). Brazil has
would disregard the primacy of international law which is the greatest protection of States. Thus, in the Security
Council, Brazil has ever defended the respect for multilateral norm.”
28 “Brazilian presence in Haiti, for instance, was and is motivated by the spirit of solidarity to this brother people.
Or, as I have said a couple of times, by the notion that, in certain extremes cases, the non-intervention must be
influenced by the non-indifference, as long as the actions rely on legitimate multilateral decisions.”
29 “The United Nations Security Council is the only organ legally competent to authorized the use of force, this
extreme resource which might only be used when the other efforts and possibilities have been completely
exhausted.” Amorim 2003.
30 “Security Council reform is the centerpiece of the reform process in which we are engaged. The immense
majority of Member States recognizes the need to make the Security Council more representative and democratic. At
this historical juncture, no Security Council reform will be meaningful should it not contemplate the expansion of
permanent and non-permanent seats, with developing countries from Africa, Latin America and Asia in both
categories. We cannot accept the perpetuation of imbalances that run contrary to the very spirit of multilateralism.
Above all, a more efficient Council must be capable of ensuring the implementation of its decisions. It is not
reasonable to expect that the Council can continue to expand its agenda and responsibilities without addressing its
democracy deficit”.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
43
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
criticized the conclusion of the ICISS Report that force could be used unilaterally by
“concerned states” on these grounds. Pursuant to the Brazilian point of view, this
assessment might not be accepted, since it could lead to the use of force for purposes
other than offering assistance to those who need it (Amorim 2011, 235).
Consequently, we can conclude that Brazil has reinforced the role of the Security
Council that has a twofold objective. First, Brazil intended to restrict the use of force on
the grounds of “Responsibility to Protect,” which, according to Brazilian reasoning,
would hinge upon a multilateral assessment of the situation—a condition expected to
considerably diminish the arbitrariness in decision making with respect to the use of
force. (Viotti November 11th 2011, Anex, 4, letter (i)).31 Second, Brazil aimed to highlight
the necessity of reform in the UNSC, since, from a Brazilian viewpoint, the decisions of
this organ must be representative in order to discharge new tasks assigned to it. This
second Brazilian goal became even clearer in a statement by President Dilma Rousseff at
the opening of the 66th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, when she
stated that the UNSC composition does not reflect the contemporary world reality and,
therefore, its resolutions lack “credibility and effectiveness.” (Lopes 2012, 191‑199).
President Rousseff also took the opportunity to assert that Brazil is prepared to bear the
responsibility of being a permanent UNSC member (Rousseff September 21st 2011, 5‑6).32
31 Pursuant to Brazilian reasoning, the importance of the Security Council goes beyond the authorization to the use
of force relying upon the Responsibility to Protect, since it must, moreover, ensure the accountability of those to
whom authority is granted to resort to force, if they breach International Law. For further information on this
perception, which has become clear in Brazilian development of the notion of the Responsibility while Protecting.
32 “Much is said about the responsibility to protect; yet we hear little about responsibility in protecting. These are
concepts that we must develop together. For that, the role of the Security Council is vital - and the more legitimate
its decisions are, the better it will be able to play its role. And the Council’s legitimacy increasingly hangs on its
reform. Mr. President, with each passing year, it becomes more urgent to solve the Council’s lack of
representativeness, which undermines its credibility and effectiveness. Former General Assembly President Joseph
Deiss reminded me of an impressive fact: the debate on Security Council reform is entering its 18th year. We can
delay no longer. The world needs a Security Council that reflects contemporary realities; a Council that brings in
new permanent and non-permanent members, especially developing countries. Brazil is ready to shoulder its
responsibilities as a permanent member of the Council.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
44
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
3. The “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP) Doctrine and First Reactions to it
Alongside its critical stance on “Responsibility to Protect” (Viotti July 12th 2011, 4‑5)33,
Brazil has highlighted, more recently, the fact that the international community, whilst
using force on the grounds of “Responsibility to Protect,” must comply with material,
temporal, and formal limitations whose objective is to ensure that the operations carried
out based on this exception do not worsen conflicts and harm the civilian population
(Viotti November 11th 2011, Anex, 5).34
In its endeavor to limit the scope of “Responsibility to Protect,” Brazil set forth
that “Responsibility to Protect” must accompany “Responsibility while Protecting.” This
notion first appeared in 2011 during a statement by President Dilma Rousseff at the
opening of the 66th Session of the United Nations General Assembly. She reminded the
audience of the civilian casualties in recent military interventions and reinforced the
importance of diplomacy and social and economic development during conflict
prevention. In conclusion, she stated that the international community had paid too
much attention to “Responsibility to Protect,” but had overlooked the “responsibility in
protecting” (Rousseff September 21st 2011, 5). 35
33 In this regard, Brazil has stressed the prevalence of the second pillar of this concept, related to the provision of
assistance and capacity-building to the States by the international community, and has reinforced the subsidiary and
last-resort character of the third pillar, which requires the previous exhaustion of all peaceful means to tackle the
matter and the authorization of the UNSC to the international use of force relying on R2P.
34 “In addition to recognizing that each individual State has the primary responsibility for protecting its own
population, the 2005 World Summit Outcome placed limitations on the use of force by the international community
in the exercise of its responsibility to protect: (a) material (genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against
humanity); (b) temporal (upon the manifest failure of the individual State to exercise its responsibility to protect and
upon the exhaustion of all peaceful means); and (c) formal (through the Security Council, in accordance with
Chapters VI and VII of the Charter and on the basis of a case-by-case evaluation).”
35 Afterwards, the expression “responsibility in protecting” has been replaced in Brazilian statements for the
expression “responsibility while protecting”, nonetheless they make reference to the same idea and have the same
Portuguese translation “Responsibilidade ao Proteger”.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
45
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
In this regard, this concept brings to light the outrageous consequences of the
failure of the international community to take appropriate measures—such as in
Rwanda—and highlights the drawbacks of prior humanitarian interventions. Hence, it
evinces that compliance with international humanitarian law, human rights law, and
rules concerning the use of force (Jus ad Bellum) are essential elements of these actions,
insofar as they might not cause greater harm than they try to prevent (Rousseff
September 21st 2011, 3‑4). Moreover, it is possible to infer from official Brazilian
statements that the consequences of military intervention in Libya during the “Arab
Spring” led Brazil to develop and emphasize the “Responsibility while Protecting”
doctrine (Viotti January 18th 2012).36
To sum up what was at stake in this case, the Brazilian Minister of External
Relations, Ambassador Antonio de Aguiar Patriota, addressed a document to the
Secretary‑General of the UN in which he explained the rationale behind the
“Responsibility while Protecting” doctrine. According to a Brazilian perspective on this
issue, recent military interventions have shown that “Responsibility to Protect” may be
misused and may aggravate existing conflicts, and thereby the use of force on these
grounds must accompany the idea of “Responsibility while Protecting.” (Viotti
November 11th 2011, Anex, 3).
3.1 First Reactions
On 21 February 2012, the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs organized an informal
discussion on “Responsibility while Protecting”, at the United Nations headquarters.
36 “The way participants have referred to the Brazilian initiative on the “responsibility while protecting” has been
very encouraging. I am glad they view it as useful and constructive, just as we want it to be. It is fair to say that
Libya, especially in the aftermath of Security Council Resolution 1973, has been a defining moment in our
reflections.”
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
46
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
The event was co‑chaired by Brazil’s Minister of External Relations, Ambassador
Antonio de Aguiar Patriota, and the United Nations Special Adviser for the
Responsibility to Protect, Dr. Edward Luck. The discussions were based on a “concept
note”(Kolb 2012, 7‑8)37, which had previously been presented to the United Nations
General Assembly.38
An analysis of the speeches delivered by the states reveals different perceptions
of Responsibility to Protect, as well as of Responsibility while Protecting. For instance,
whereas the Australian delegation stated that responsibility to protect is now “widely
accepted”, Venezuela took the view that there is “no consensus on the scope and nature
of the responsibility to protect.”39 Also, the different ways to refer to Responsibility to
Protect in the discussions may demonstrate that a lack of consensus regarding its nature
still persists: Australia used the word “principle”, the U.S. called R2P “a concept”,
Kenya spoke of an “emerging norm”, Denmark preferred the term “doctrine” and some
others chose not to use any word or expression to qualify it.40
The discussions gave the impression that the relation between R2P and RwP still
needs to be refined. Brazilian Minister Antonio Patriota proposed in his opening speech
that the “concepts of ‘responsibility to protect’ and ‘responsibility while protecting’
37 Despite the frequent reference to the expression “Responsibility while Protecting,” a clear and precise definition
of the concept has not been enshrined in any of Brazilian statements. Nevertheless, it is possible to envisage its
content relying on the parameters highlighted in the “concept note” presented by Brazilian Permanent Representative
to the United Nations. In this sense, it is worth mentioning the emphasis on preventive diplomacy and the adoption of
military action only as a means of last resort. For further comments on Brazilian “concept note”.
38 Most (but not all) statements made at the informal meeting are available at
<http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/component/content/article/35-r2pcs-topics/4002-informaldiscussion-on-brazils-concept-of-responsibility-while-protecting> accessed February 4th, 2013.
39 Available at <http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/component/content/article/35-r2pcs-topics/4002informal-discussion-on-brazils-concept-of-responsibility-while-protecting> accessed February 4th, 2013.
40 Available at <http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/component/content/article/35-r2pcs-topics/4002informal-discussion-on-brazils-concept-of-responsibility-while-protecting> accessed February 4th, 2013.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
47
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
should evolve together, based on an agreed set of fundamental principles, parameters
and procedures”. The Netherlands stated that “RwP is not a separate concept but a
contribution to the ongoing discussion on the implementation of R2P.” Ghana also took
the view that RwP was not “a new concept but rather an initiative to clarify the concept
of R2P. Costa Rica, however, treated RwP as a reflex of Brazil’s concern regarding R2P
when force is applied. Costa Rica further added that such ‘concerns’ are “more of an
operative than of a conceptual character”.41
Some points of the Brazilian proposal faced strong opposition from some of the
participants. Among others, Australia, Costa Rica, Germany, Ghana, the European
Union and the U.S. opposed the notions that the “three pillars must follow a strict line of
political subordination and chronological sequencing”, that the third pillar “applies to
exceptional circumstances and when measures provided for in the first and second
pillars have manifestly failed” and that “the international community must be rigorous
in its efforts to exhaust all peaceful means available”.42
The main grounds for objection were the need that the criteria or guidelines
remain flexible “so as not to tie the hands of the Council in cases where action is
needed” and the fact that even after force has been used, diplomacy may still be utilized.
Additionally, in response to the proposition that the Security Council developed
procedures “to monitor and assess the manner in which resolutions are interpreted and
implemented to ensure responsibility while protecting”, the Netherlands cautioned that
“micro management from the Council might result in a decreased appetite to implement
41 Available at<http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/component/content/article/35-r2pcs-topics/4002informal-discussion-on-brazils-concept-of-responsibility-while-protecting> accessed February 4th, 2013.
42 Available at <http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/component/content/article/35-r2pcs-topics/4002informal-discussion-on-brazils-concept-of-responsibility-while-protecting> accessed February 4th, 2013.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
48
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Security Council mandates.”43
It should be noted that some participants showed more enthusiasm about RwP,
such as Malasya, Kenya, and South Africa. The latter went as far as to say that
Responsibility while Protecting “not only promotes accountability when the
international community has to resort to the use of force, but managed correctly, it will
engender closer cooperation between the UN and the international community.”
The informal meeting may have served as a first test to the Brazilian proposal,
showing which points of the RwP doctrine are likely to face opposition and issues that
need to be addressed in the future.
Concluding Remarks
Brazilian foreign policy has continually relied upon the principles of non‑intervention
and state sovereignty. Brazil has continually highlighted that the use of force on the
grounds of humanitarian intervention undermine the very rationale of the United
Nations system, since the UN Charter has not foreseen these actions as an exception that
allows the use of force.
After the development of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine after the report
of the ICISS was published and, chiefly, through its adoption by the 2005 World Summit
and Resolution 60/1 of the United Nations General Assembly, Brazil has endeavored to
limit its scope. It has also stressed the prevalence of non‑coercive and diplomatic
measures (the second pillar of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine) and, thus, has
drawn attention to the subsidiary and last‑resource character of military intervention
(the third pillar of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine).
43 Available at <http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/component/content/article/35-r2pcs-topics/4002informal-discussion-on-brazils-concept-of-responsibility-while-protecting> accessed February 4th, 2013.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
49
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Brazil has pointed out, moreover, that the use of force based on “Responsibility to
Protect” must be discharged in accordance with international humanitarian law, human
rights law, and the rules regarding the use of force (Jus ad Bellum), since these actions
should not worsen the conflicts and harm to the civilian population. Consequently,
Brazilian reasoning has led to the development of the concept of “Responsibility while
Protecting,” which aims to show the importance of complying with a legal framework
during these operations.
Brazil has set forth, likewise, the importance of reform in the structure of the
Security Council so as to incorporate, as permanent members, developing states from
Africa, Latin America, and Asia. Pursuant to the Brazilian position, the role of the
Security Council in the “Responsibility to Protect” issue is essential, inasmuch as it must
authorize all actions and ensure accountability of those to whom authority is granted to
resort to force in cases that they breach international law.
References
Military and Paramilitary Activities in and Against Nicaragua (Nicar. v. U.S.), 1986 I.C.J.
14, 202 (June27).
Military and Paramilitary Activities in and Against Nicaragua (Nicar. v. U.S.), 1984 I.C.J.
392, 426 (November26)
Antônio Augusto Cançado Trindade, O Direito Internacional em um mundo em
transformação (Rio de Janeiro, Renovar 2002), 627‑670.
Danish Institute of International Affairs, Humanitarian Intervention: Legal and Political
Aspects (Copenhagen, Danish Institute of International Affairs 1999), 1.
Michael Byers and Simon Chesterman, ‘Changing rules about rules? Unilateral
humanitarian intervention and the future of international law’ in J L Holzgrefe and
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
50
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Robert O Keohane (eds) Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas
(Cambridge, CUP 2003), 177‑203.
Allen Buchanan, ‘Reforming the international law of humanitarian intervention’ in J L
Holzgrefe and Robert O Keohane (eds) Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and
Political Dilemmas (Cambridge, CUP 2003), 130‑174.
Aziz Tuffi Saliba, ‘Is the Security Council legibus solutus? An analysis of the legal
restraints of the UNSC’, (2012) 20:2 Michigan State International Law Review 401‑419.
Marcelo Böhlke, A Proibição do Uso da Força no Direito Internacional Contemporâneo (Rio de
Janeiro, Renovar 2011), 236‑238.
James Pattison, Humanitarian Intervention and Responsibility to Protect: Who Should
Intervene? (Oxford, OUP 2010), 1‑41.
Alberto do Amaral Júnior. O Direito de Assistência Humanitária (Rio de Janeiro, Renovar
2003) 156‑158; Gareth Evans, ‘From Humanitarian Intervention to R2P’, (2006‑2007) 24
Wis. Intʹl L.J. 703, 705.
Bruno Simma, ‘NATO, the UN and the Use of Force: Legal Aspects’, (1999) 10 EUR. J.
INTʹL L 1. VAI ATÉ A 22.
International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, The Responsibility to
Protect (2001), at VII, Available at: http://www.iciss.ca/report‑en.asp, accessed February
3rd 2013.
United Nations, General Assembly, Resolution 60/1, 2005 World Summit Outcome
adopted by the General Assembly, October 24th 2005, Available at:
http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/60/1 accessed February 3rd
2013
Albert S. Kolb,‘The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the Responsibility while
Protecting (RwP): Friends or Foes?’, [September 2012] Global Governance Institute
Analysis Paper 6/12, , at 5‑6.
Filipe Nasser, ‘Pax Brasiliensis: Projeção de Poder e Solidariedade na Estratégia
Diplomática de Participação Brasileira em Operações de Paz da Organização das Nações
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
51
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Unidas’ in Kai Michael Kenkeland Rodrigo Fracalossi de Moraes (org.) O Brasil e as
operações de paz em um mundo globalizado: entre a tradição e a inovação (Brasília: Ipea 2012),
213‑241.
Eugenio Diniz, ‘O Brasil e as Operações de Paz’ in Henrique Altemani, Antônio Carlos
Lessa (eds.) Relações Internacionais do Brasil: Temas e Agendas, v. 2 (São Paulo: Saraiva
2006), 303‑334.
João Paulo Soares Alsina Jr. ‘Para que o Brasil precisa de Forças Armadas?’, (2003) 5 n.2
Cena Internacional 59‑90, 74.
Walter Russell Mead, “Making Progress: A Conversation with Fernando Henrique
Cardoso”, The American Interest (July/August 2011). Available at http://www.the‑
american‑interest.com/article.cfm?piece=998, accessed February 4th 2013.
Manoel Pereira (ed.). Barão do Rio Branco – 100 anos de memória, (Brasília: Funag 2012);
Synesio Sampaio Goes. Navegantes, Bandeirantes, Diplomatas, (Brasília: Funag 1991),
143‑177.
Kai Michael Kenkel. ‘Brazil and R2P: Does Taking Responsibility Mean Using Force?’,
(2012) 4 Global Responsibility to Protect 5–32.
Celso Lafer, ‘Statement by the Brazilian Minister of External Relations at the Superior
School of War, in Rio de Janeiro, August 24th 1992’, Resenha de Política Exterior Brasileira,
(Brasília, Ministry of External Relations 2ndsemester 1992), year 18,number 71, 59‑79, 75.
Celso Amorim, ‘Multilateralismo Acessório’, [2002‑2003] 11: 3 Política Externa 55‑61, 58‑
59.
Amado L. Cervo, Clodoaldo Bueno. História da Política Exterior do Brasil, (Brasília:
Unb, 2012), 482‑483; Paulo Fagundes Visentini. A Projeção Internacional do Brasil: 1930‑
2012, (Rio de Janeiro: Elsevier, 2013), 81‑82.
Brazilian Minister of External Relations Ramiro Elísio Saraiva Guerreiro, ‘Press Release
regarding the US use of force in Grenada’, 1983, n. 39, Resenha de Política Exterior do Brasil
119.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
52
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
United for Iran, Toward a Human Rights and Democracy Agenda for Iran: An
Assessment of the International Response to the Crackdown since 2009. October 2012,
Available at www.united4iran.org/.../U4I_report2012.19.pdf, accessed February 3rd 2013.
Conectas Human Rights, Brazil abstains again in UN human rights vote against Iran,
Availabe at http://www.conectas.org/en/foreign‑policy/brazil‑abstains‑again‑in‑un‑
human‑rights‑vote‑against‑iran, accessed February 3rd 2013.
Council on Hemispheric Affairs, Cuba, The U.N. Humna Rights Commission and the
OAS Race, Available at http://www.coha.org/cuba‑the‑un‑human‑rights‑commission‑
and‑the‑oas‑race, accessed February 3rd 2013.
United Nations, Security Council Resolution 1593 (2005), Available at
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2005/sc8351.doc.htm, accessed February 3rd 2013.
G1, Brasil não toma posição sobre autonomia do Kosovo, Available at
http://g1.globo.com/Noticias/Mundo/0,,MUL303878‑5602,00.html, accessed February 3rd
2013.
United Nations, Security Council, Resolution 1576 (2004), adopted by the Security
Council at its 5090th meeting, on 29 November 2004.
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, ‘Statement of Brazilian President at the Extraordinary Meeting
of Chiefs of State and of Government of the Union of South American Nations (Brasília,
May
23rd2008).
Available
in
Portuguese
at
http://www.comunidadandina.org/prensa/discursos/lula23‑5‑08.htm, accessed February
3rd 2013.
Celso Amorim at the Special Session of Human Rights Committee regarding Haiti
(2010).
Celso Amorim, ‘Making Reality the Benefits of Democracy’, (XXXV General Assembly
of Organization of American States (OAS), Fort Lauderdale, June 6th 2005).
Celso Amorim, Lecture of Brazilian Minister of External Relations, (Seminar “The
Actuality of San Tiago Dantas”, Rio de Janeiro, September 24th 2004).
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
53
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Celso Amorim, ‘The External Politic of Lula Government: 2 years’, (Plenarium Journal,
November 25th 2005).
Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti, ‘Responsibility to Protect’, (Comments of Brazilian
Permanent Representative to the United Nations on the Secretary‑General Report “The
role of regional and sub‑regional arrangements in implementing the responsibility to
protect”, New York, July 12th 2011) 4‑5.
Celso Amorim, ‘Statement of Brazilian Minister of External Relations’, (Opening of the
60th Session of United Nations General Assembly, New York, September 17th 2005) 3‑4.
United Nations, General Assembly, Resolution 46/182, Declaration on Strengthening of
the Coordination of Humanitarian Emergency Assistance of the United Nations (1991),
UNGAOR, 46th sess., UN Doc. A/RES/46/182 (1991).
Danilo Marcondes de Souza Neto, ‘A política brasileira para as operações de paz e
intervenções humanitárias: normas, ética e regionalização no envolvimento brasileiro na
MINUSTAH’, (Master Thesis, Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro, Institute of
International Relations, 2010) 191.
Luiz Felipe Lampreia, Diplomacia brasileira: palavras, contextos e razões, (Rio de Janeiro:
Lacerda Editores, 1999), at 327.
Celso Amorim, ‘Statement of Brazilian Minister of External Relations’, (Cerimônia de
Entrega da Grã‑Cruz da Ordem Piana pelo Núncio Apostólico, Brasília , March 4th2010)
Celso Amorim, ‘Discurso do Embaixador Celso Amorim, por ocasião da transmissão do
cargo de Ministro de Estado das Relações Exteriores, em Brasília – 1º de janeiro de 2003’,
[2003] A política externa do Brasil 13, IPRI/FUNAG.
J L Holzgrefe, ‘The Humanitarian Intervention in Debate’ in J L Holzgrefe and Robert O
Keohane (eds) Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas
(Cambridge, CUP 2003), 46‑47; Pattison (n 9) 169‑173; Amaral Júnior (n 10) 120‑124.
Celso Amorim, ‘O Brasil e os Novos Conceitos Globais e Hemisféricos de Segurança’,
(2011) 1 Discursos, Palestras e Artigos do Chanceler Celso Amorim 2003‑2010 235.
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
54
Saliba, Aziz Tuffi; Lopes, Dawisson Belém; Vieira, Pedro. Brazil’s rendition of the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine.
Dawisson Belém Lopes, A ONU entre o Passado e o Futuro: A Política da Autoridade
(Curitiba: Editora Appris 2012) 191‑199.
Dilma Rousseff, Statement of Brazilian President (Opening of the 66th Session of the
United Nations General Assembly, New York, September 21st 2011), 5‑6.
Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti. ‘Statement of Permanent Representative of Brazil to the
United Nations’ (R2P in 2022: the Next Decade, January 18th 2012).
RASILIANA–
Journal for Brazilian Studies. Vol. 3, n.2 (March, 2015). ISSN 2245-4373.
55