Dissemination of Maimonides Medical Writ

DISSEMINATION OF MAIMONIDES’ MEDICAL WRITINGS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Lola Ferre Jewish studies researchers usually consider Maimonides as one of the most, if not the most, important Jewish authors of medical texts in the medieval world. But I have found many more quotations from another Jewish author, Isaac Israeli, in the medical literature of the time than I have from Maimonides. I wondered then whether we had exaggerated his importance as a medical author, whether his strong personality as a theologian or philosopher may have caused us to think that he must have stood out in every topic he wrote about. Was Maimonides actually as respected a physician in the Middle Ages as we tend to think nowadays? In order to answer these questions, I am going to approach the matter by following the dissemination of his medical books. I am going to focus on manuscripts preserved in the different languages in which his works were preserved: Arabic, Hebrew and Latin. Dissemination through the Arabic language Since I am quite unfamiliar with Arabic studies, I decided to take the first step cautiously by looking at the classics,1 searching for references to Arabic manuscripts of Maimonides’ medical books. However, it seemed to me that these classical studies of medieval Arabic texts provide quite an incomplete list. Steinschneider’s book contains only references to European libraries and almost the same could be said about Brocklemann’s book. The absence of any mention of Oriental libraries was, from my point of view, a serious problem, since I was looking for Arabic sources. I presumed that these sources were copied 1 By this I mean Steinschneider (1902), p. 221, and Brockelmann, Supplement II (1938), p. 351, and Supplement III (1942), pp. 644–646, books on Arabic literature of Jewish authors and on Arabic literature respectively. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 17 4/30/2009 4:48:17 PM 18 lola ferre and preserved in Arab countries rather than in European ones. To solve this problem I turned to more recent works and to the modern edition of these Arabic texts.2 I found interesting data in Haskell Isaacs’ book on medical and paramedical manuscripts of the Cairo Geniza. I was struck, first, by the large number of Hebrew manuscripts of the Commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms and second, by the existence of a Judeo-Arabic manuscript of On sexual intercourse, since the copies whose existence is known are either in a very bad condition or difficult to access. These manuscripts are not very useful for editing purposes: they consist of just a few leaves, but their existence is very enlightening as they provide evidence of the circulation of Arabic or Judeo-Arabic manuscripts of certain specific books among Jewish communities in Muslim countries. Moreover, the existence of these books is less significant than the absence of others which are supposed to have been extremely popular: for example, there were no copies of his Commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms or Regimen of health. Although my main purpose was to construct a whole picture of the manuscript transmission in Arabic of all Maimonides’ medical writings, I finally decided to use just those that had been edited in modern times and compare the number of manuscripts in them with those that Steinschneider gave in his book.3 This is the result: 1. 2. 3. 4. On Asthma Aphorisms On Hemorrhoids On the Names of Drugs 5. On the Causes of Symptoms 2 10 2 – 2 (Steinschneider) (Steinschneider) (Steinschneider) (unknown to Steinschneider) (Steinschneider) 3 10 10 1 (Bos) (Bos) (Bos) (Meyerhof ) 4 (Leibowitz and Marcus) 2 The study of Isaacs and Baker (1994) on medical texts in the Cairo Geniza and the editions of different books of Maimonides by Meyerhof (1940), Leibowitz and Marcus (1974), Bos (2002, 2004a, forthcoming) [see under ‘Maimonides’ in the bibliography]. 3 Steinschneider (1902), pp. 213–218. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 18 4/30/2009 4:48:18 PM dissemination of maimonides’ medical writings 19 Most of the manuscripts used in these modern editions were also found in European libraries. Many of them were in Judeo-Arabic and some others in Arabic. But European Jews were not the only ones who supposedly used them, and I wonder whether difficult external conditions for preservation, classification and researchers’ access or a cultural conception about preserving texts in the ancient Islamic world caused this to be the case: namely, that there are so few known manuscripts from libraries in Arab countries. The scant number of Arabic manuscripts becomes even more obvious if we compare them with the Hebrew ones: e.g., his Aphorisms, his major work, has been preserved in 10 Arabic manuscripts and 38 Hebrew ones.4 This notable difference between the numbers of manuscripts in the respective languages baffles me, since the number of people who could read the Arabic texts was much larger than the number of Hebrew readers. I wondered whether Maimonides was less appreciated in the Arab environment. I therefore decided to compare Maimonides with other physicians. As a criterion to limit the field, I used some Muslim Spanish authors for comparison and followed the article “Corpus medicorum arabicohispanorum”5 by a group of Spanish researchers on Arabic medicine. I expected to find a wide circulation of Arabic manuscripts of texts by the main authors. (Table 1) First at all, I compared Maimonides with Averroes because they were living during the same period and their works coincide in subject and language. Both were born in Cordova, both wrote philosophical and Table 1. Arabic mss. dissemination of some Spanish-Muslim authors Averroes (1126–1198) Ibn al-Baytar (1197–1248) Abulcasis (c. 936–c. 1010) Maimonides Maimonides Averroes Kulliyat Jami Tasrif Aphorisms On hemorrhoids Commentary on Avicenna’s Urjuzat 5 mss. (Álvarez ed.) 86 mss. (Peña et al.) 41 mss. (Peña et al.) 10 (Bos ed.) 10 (Bos ed.) 15 mss. (Peña et al.) 4 Twenty three of Nathan ha-Meati’s translation and fifteen of the Zerahia Gracian one. See Richler (1986). 5 Peña et al. (1981). FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 19 4/30/2009 4:48:18 PM 20 lola ferre medical treatises, both were translated into Hebrew as well as Latin and both had an influence on the Christian world, although Averroes far more so, given his importance to medieval philosophers. I was very surprised when I discovered that Averroes’ famous medical encyclopaedia, Kitab al-Kulliyat fi-l-tibb (Book of the Generalities in Medicine) is preserved in only five complete Arabic manuscripts.6 This limited dissemination could have been the result of many things: the pre-eminence of eastern authors such as Avicenna, or geopolitical circumstances, since his period was, in many senses, the end of the Muslim domination of Spain and the end of Islamic philosophy. However, another factor could have had a decisive influence on the limited distribution of both Averroes and Maimonides in the field of Muslim studies: censorship under Almohad control, since Averroes was considered heterodox, and Maimonides, Jewish. Such a conjecture is borne out by an analysis of the Hispano-Muslim author Ibn al-Baytar, who mentions Averroes only once, and never refers to Maimonides. The latter omission is even more significant bearing in mind that the only Arab manuscript in existence of the Book on the Names of Drugs was copied by none other than Ibn al-Baytar.7 Camilo Álvarez de Morales compared various plant names which appear in this book, with Ibn al-Baytar’s Kitab al-Jami li-mufradat al-adwiya wa-l-agiya (The Comprehensive Book on Materia Medica and Foodstuffs), and concluded that Ibn al-Baytar used Maimonides’ work. Why would an author, so apparently generous in reference to sources as was Ibn al-Baytar, overlook other well-known writers of the time? It does now appear that this self-censorship was imposed by the political ambience created by the Almohads.8 Medical books of other Muslim Spanish authors were in general preserved in a small number of manuscripts, the exception being two books, Kitab al-Jami by Ibn al-Baytar (86),9 and the Kitab al-tasrif li man ajiza an al-ta lif by Abulcasis (41).10 In the aforementioned article,11 6 See the edition by Fórneas Besteiro and Álvarez de Morales (Averroes (1987)), and modern Spanish translation by Vázquez de Benito and Álvarez de Morales (Averroes (2003)). 7 Maimonides (1940), ed. Meyerhof, pp. LVII–LXI. 8 Camilo Álvarez de Morales has developed this theme in an unpublished conference talk: “Antecedentes andalusíes del Kitab al-yami` li-mufradat al-adwiya wa-l-agdiya de Ibn al-Baytar: las ausencias de Averroes y Maimónides”. I am most grateful for his permission to use this work here. 9 Peña et al. (1981), pp. 100–102. 10 Peña et al. (1981), pp. 83–84. 11 Peña et al. (1981). FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 20 4/30/2009 4:48:18 PM dissemination of maimonides’ medical writings 21 51 medical authors are quoted, and only these two authors along with Averroes and his Kitab Sarh urjuzat Ibn Sin fi l-tibb (Commentary on Avicenna’s Poem on medicine) (15)12 exceeded the number of ten that we found in the Aphorisms and the Book on Hemorrhoids by Maimonides. After these comparisons, the number of Arabic or Judeo-Arabic manuscripts of Maimonides’ medical works no longer seems so small. We can assume that their limited diffusion in the context of Arab medicine was due more to external circumstances than a lack of esteem for his works. Many Arabic texts were in Judeo-Arabic, thus they were most likely intended for Jewish readers. Nevertheless, this does not exclude Muslims from being readers of Maimonides’ books; in fact some of them were written for Muslim nobles. Preservation of his medical works was mainly due to Jews who were Arabic-speakers, but this can also be attributed to some Muslim authors whose books are known in Hebrew script.13 There are many testimonies to the great prestige which Maimonides enjoyed in his day.14 We may conclude that Maimonides was quite well known in the Arabic environment, although he never reached the popularity of eastern authors such as Avicenna or western ones like Ibn al-Baytar or Abulcasis. He was a relatively late author in regard to the golden age of Muslim medical writings. His medical books were read, mainly but not exclusively, by Jews in Muslim countries and he influenced the western Jewish world for a long time: there is a Hebrew manuscript copy of the Book on hemorrhoids in oriental script of the seventeenth century.15 Translations of Maimonides’ works Jews who moved from al-Andalus to Provence, especially the family of Ibn Tibbon, started the translation of Maimonides’ Arabic books into Hebrew early on. The first work of Maimonides that caught their attention was the Guide for the Perplexed. Samuel ibn Tibbon, who belonged to the family’s second generation, translated it when Maimonides was still 12 Peña et al. (1981), p. 93. For instance, the only preserved manuscript of Kitāb al-Adwiya al-Mufrada by Ibn Wāfid was in Judeo-Arabic; the modern editor converted the Hebrew script into Arabic, see Ibn Wāfid (1995), ed. Aguirre de Cárcer. 14 See Meyerhof (1929) and Ferre (2007). 15 Maimonides (forthcoming), ed. Bos. 13 FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 21 4/30/2009 4:48:18 PM 22 lola ferre alive. Moses ibn Tibbon, who belonged to the third generation of this family, began translating the medical works. We can observe the same process in regard to Latin translations. The first book to be translated was the Guide for the Perplexed, and then the medical works. This major philosophical work was also translated into some Romance languages, such as Italian or Spanish,16 but as far as I know, there were no Romance translations of the medical works. So we could say that Maimonides’ philosophical work paved the way for the future translations of his medical treatises. The increasing appreciation of Maimonides as a philosopher encouraged both Jews and Christians to read his medical books. According to Hasselhoff, “the last years of the philosophical and theological reception overlapped with the first translation of Maimonides’ medical tracts. Here we can see an interesting development. The first tracts were related to (the) philosophical cure of the soul and afterwards of the body.”17 Dissemination in the Hebrew language The first book translated into Hebrew, as well as into Latin, was the Regimen of Health,18 a text which, in fact, could be considered a link between medicine and philosophy, especially the third chapter dealing with mental health. This chapter contains valuable advice that is closer to philosophy or ethics than to medical art. Maimonides himself wrote: In all of these, the skilful physician should place nothing ahead of rectifying the state of the psyche by removing these passions, for truly, this virtue is to be attained from practical philosophy, and from the admonitions of the Law.19 16 Maimonides (1987), ed. Lazar. Hasselhoff (2001), p. 277. 18 Arabic text: 4 manuscripts/Hebrew text: 6 manuscripts/Latin text: 4 manuscripts (8 editions from 1472–1838). 19 Maimonides (1964), ed. Bar-Sela et al., p. 25. 17 FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 22 4/30/2009 4:48:19 PM dissemination of maimonides’ medical writings 23 Table 2. Translators into Hebrew On Hemorrhoids On Asthma (Medical) Aphorisms On sexual intercourse Commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms Regimen of Health On Poisons On the Causes of Symptoms 13th cent., anonymous Moses ibn Tibbon 1277–1291 Gracian Hen 13th cent., anonymous 1320: Samuel Benveniste 1379–90: Yehoshua de Xativa 1277: Gracian Hen 1279–83: Nathan ha-Meati 1277: Gracian Hen —anonymous 1257–1267: Moses ibn Tibbon —anonymous —anonymous 1244: Moses ibn Tibbon —Moses ibn Tibbon —Gracian Hen 13th c., anonymous As we can observe in Table 2 most of the translations into Hebrew were made in the thirteenth century, mainly by two translators: Moses ibn Tibbon and Gracian Hen. Moses’ father, Samuel, specialized in the translation of Maimonides’ philosophical works, just as Moses did with his medical ones. Such a prolific translator did not restrict himself to medical texts but extended his work to astronomical and philosophical authors, such as Aristotle or Averroes. Gracian Hen, also known as Zerahiah ben Shealtiel, belonged to a wealthy family. He was born and grew up in Barcelona and moved to Rome when the great controversy about Maimonides’ philosophy was taking place in Barcelona. The Jewish community of Rome, on the other hand, seemed extremely interested in the Jewish and Muslim heritage. He was a translator, doctor and philosopher, and an expert on Maimonides’ Guide. He also translated Aristotle and Averroes, along with important medical works. The main translators of Maimonides’ medical works were linked to the Aristotelic philosophical movement.20 The translator Samuel ben Benveniste has not been successfully identified, since this is quite a common name for Catalano-Provençal Jews and we can find some Jewish people of the period called Benveniste. 20 Specifically Moses ibn Tibbon and Gracian Hen, who promoted the dissemination of Aristotle’s philosophy through their translations. See Tamani and Zonta ( 1997), pp. 57–60. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 23 4/30/2009 4:48:19 PM 24 lola ferre All we can be certain of is that he made the translation in 1320 and that it was known by two titles: Book on Foods (Sefer ha mis adim) and Book on Asthma (Sefer ha-qatzeret).21 Nathan ha-Meati was not involved with this philosophical activity. He concentrated solely on medical translations. I consider him an extremely courageous translator since he dared to translate two very long works: Maimonides’ Aphorisms and Avicenna’s Canon. In the prologue, which he wrote for the latter, he mentioned some topics that I have found in other Jewish translators: the admiration for Arabic writings, together with the conviction that important scientific work had been produced in Solomon’s times which were subsequently lost. He was aware he was rendering a great service to Jewish people by offering them all this medical literature in an accessible language such as Hebrew.22 Not much is known about the later translator Joshua Shatibi de Xativa. He was called “a scholar in every science, especially medicine”.23 According to Meyerhof, he translated the text from the Latin version and not from the Arabic one.24 At the end of the thirteenth century a new era was beginning, the Arabic language was destined to be forgotten and Christian physicians to increase their prestige. On many occasions the Hebrew translations from Arabic medical texts were produced only as a result of the interest and intentions of Christian universities which set the books that should be read. This seems to have been the case with the Hebrew translation of Avicenna’s Canon25 and probably is the same with this late translation of the Book on Asthma. Translations and dissemination in Latin There were three main stages in the Latin translation of Arabic medical texts. The first stage was represented by the work of Constantine the African in the middle of the eleventh century in Italy, and the second 21 On identification problems and the various hypotheses that have been suggested, see the introduction in Maimonides (1996), ed. Ferre, pp. 13–14. 22 Ferre (2003). 23 According to the colophon of MS Munich 280; quoted in Maimonides (2002) ed. Bos, p. xxxvi. 24 Maimonides (2002) ed. Bos, p. xxxvi. 25 Shatzmiller (1994), pp. 49–50. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 24 4/30/2009 4:48:19 PM dissemination of maimonides’ medical writings 25 Table 3. Latin translations On Hemorrhoids On Asthma Aphorisms On sexual intercourse Regimen of Health On poisons On the causes of symptoms Giovanni de Capua Armengaud Blaise Armengaud Blaise Anonymous Anonymous Giovanni de Capua Anonymous Giovanni de Capua Anonymous Giovanni de Capua Armengaud Blaise Anonymous Giovanni de Capua 13/14 c. 13/14 c. 1294 14/15 c.? 13/14 c. 14/15 c. 13/14 c. 14/15 c. 13/14 c. 1305 1471–5 c. 13/14 c. one by that of Gerardus de Cremona in Spain from the middle of the twelfth century on. The third stage took place from the thirteenth century and at the turn of the fourteenth century; there was no one individual translator who represented this period. It was in this period that the translations of medical books by Maimonides were produced. These translations shared two of the stage’s features, that is, a renewed interest in the works of Galen and the necessity for the Christians, since they were less familiar with Arabic, of seeking the assistance of the Jews.26 Most of the Latin translations were done by two translators, Armengaud Blaise and Giovanni de Capua between the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries. As regards their relation with Jews, we can say that Armengaud Blaise was not Jewish but it is well known that he was in close contact with the Jewish community. He translated several Arabic writings on medicine from Arabic. In the colophon of the translation of On asthma he wrote: “ab arabico mediante fideli interprete” (from Arabic through a faithful interpreter).27 Most likely this “interpreter” was Jacob ben Mahir ibn Tibbon who could have read out Maimonides’ text, written in Arabic 26 27 Jacquart (1990). See McVaugh and Ferre (2000), p. 3. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 25 4/30/2009 4:48:19 PM 26 lola ferre but in Hebrew script. The same method could have been used with the other translations.28 Giovanni of Capua was a Jew who converted to Christianity. He declared this fact and also admitted in the prologue to the Regimen sanitatis that he had to study Latin and Hebrew in order to produce his translations.29 This implies two significant facts. First, he did not use Arabic original texts but the Hebrew versions. Secondly, he was not the kind of convert that refused or angrily rejected his former religion. On the contrary, by translating Maimonides he was bringing one of the best Jewish authors into Christian culture. With regard to Galenism, Maimonides was a true and faithful admirer of Galen as a doctor. Indeed, he was understood and recognized within Christian circles first and foremost as a scholar of Galenism, as is evident in the Latin title of his Aphorisms: Aphorismi secundum Doctrinam Galeni. Muntner listed 87 works of Galen.30 I believed also that the Commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms was never translated into Latin because the Christian physicians preferred the Commentary by Galen to this one by Maimonides. Besides those translations, the authors of which are known, several anonymous versions were produced. Some of the treatises, such as De venenis, were translated three times.31 After the period that runs from the end of the thirteenth to the beginning of the fourteenth centuries, there emerged a new interest in Maimonides, particularly at the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century, when some of his books were again translated: De coitu, De asmate, De venenis and perhaps Regimen Sanitatis. Nevertheless, and despite the fact that most of his medical books were translated into Latin, I have not found many quotations from Maimonides among the Christian authors I have worked on, including such well-known doctors as Arnau de Vilanova, Bernard de Gordon or Gerard de Solo, as well as unknowns like Johannes de Parma. 28 A list of common compound medicines written by Blaise was translated into Hebrew by Estori ha-Parhi. See McVaugh and Ferre (2000), pp. 1–3. We have found some more examples of this kind of collaboration between translators, such as Simon Januensis who translated from the Arabic, or more probably from the Hebrew, the materia medica of Abulcasis’ Kitāb al-ta rif (Liber servitoris), and the Kitāb al-adwiya al-mufrada (Liber de simplici medicina) of ibn Sarabi with the help of Abraham ben Shem Tob acting as dragoman, see Sarton (1927–1948), vol. 2, pt. 2 (1931), p. 1085. 29 Hasselhoff (2001), pp. 277–278. 30 Maimonides (1964), ed. Bar-Sela et al., p. 7. 31 Hasselhoff (2001), p. 276. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 26 4/30/2009 4:48:19 PM dissemination of maimonides’ medical writings 27 One of the main reasons for the absence of Maimonides’ medical works is related to the time when the Latin translations were made. The main Christian authors quoted above probably did not know of these works, since they had lived most of their lives before the translations appeared. The next question that arises is, why were the translations done so late? The main body of Latin translation, the Corpus Salernitanum and the Corpus Toletanum, predates even the redaction of Maimonides’ medical books. After these two stages, the number of translations became less and focused on the newly translated books by Galen, or by Muslim authors who contributed to the spread of his theories, such as Avicenna, Rhazes, al-Kindi and Averroes. The renewed interest in Galen’s books was encouraged by Bernard de Gordon and Arnau de Vilanova in Montpellier. It was Arnau de Vilanova who chose the books that should be translated. Pope Clement V followed his advice and criteria when he fixed the compulsory lectures for medical students at Montpellier. Arnau de Vilanova did not use Maimonides’ works or mention them, although he did refer to him. In his Repetitio super canone Vita Brevis, a discussion of aphoristic style, Arnau wrote in regard to Maimonides’ commentary on Hippocrates’ first Aphorism: “In hoc fuit deceptus Raby Moyses, quia non bene distinxit hanc partem a sequenti”.32 Although the Latin translation of the Aphorism was subsequent to Repetitio super canonem “Vita brevis”, Arnau de Vilanova had no need of it since, as a translator from Arabic into Latin, he could read Arabic perfectly. In Liber de vinis, a text written at the beginning of the fourteenth century and attributed to Arnau de Vilanova ( probably a false attribution), Michael McVaugh found the following reference: “vinum quod rabi moyses in libro suo in tractatu de regimine sanitatis sanum et convalescentium preeligit”.33 32 Arnau’s Repetitio super canone Vita brevis is being edited by Michael McVaugh and Fernando Salmon for the Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia, and they have discovered that the version printed in the Renaissance editions is incomplete; almost all of the first of the work’s three parts was omitted in the first (1504) and subsequent editions, and this is where Arnau’s discussion of Maimonides occurs. The quotation has therefore been taken from the fuller text in MS Munich, CLM 14245, fol. 16v. The McVaugh-Salmon edition has not been published yet. I sincerely thank Michael McVaugh who provided me with all these data about the references to Maimonides in works by Christian authors. 33 Arnaldus (1520), fol. 264va. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 27 4/30/2009 4:48:19 PM 28 lola ferre The third book in which Prof. McVaugh found a reference to Maimonides was Henri de Mondeville’s Chirurgia (written before 1319), where mention is made of Maimonides’ Aphorisms, On Hemorrhoids and On poisons.34 With regard to the first printed editions, the major surveys of incunabula by Klebs35 and Sarton36 provide quite illuminating information. Three of Maimonides’ books were printed, one in Hebrew, two in their Latin version: Regimen sanitatis and Aphorisms. In the list of the 77 authors whose works were printed more more than once, we do not find Maimonides or any other Jewish author, only five Arabic writers (Razi, Avicenna, Mesuë the Younger, Averroes and Abulcasis) and Galen, appearing in the 28th position. It is quite clear that there had been an important change in the mentality of readers of medical texts; they had started to substitute the classic medical authors for modern ones. On the other hand, we can appreciate the presence of a large number of Italian and German authors in the list: most printers were settled in Italy or Germany. The most popular author in the Arabic language seemed to be Razi, even more than Avicenna. We find only three Jewish authors: two physicians, Isaac Judaeus and Maimonides, and Abraham ibn Ezra, with one of his astrological works. It seems quite obvious that there was a trend to value new Christian medical authors (Albert the Great is the first in this list, Arnau de Vilanova the fourth) and reject or ignore classical, Arab and Jewish authorities in the list. Given these circumstances, we should consider and appreciate as a very valuable fact that two of Maimonides’ medical works are in this list of incunabula. Even if he was not the most popular author, Maimonides was not completely absent from university education or medical practice in the Christian world. For example, the University of Bologna included his Regimen sanitatis as a topic for a curricular lecture37 Such a quantity of translations had to have a public and perhaps we should not look for it in the university world but among the physicians. Thus in the private library of Giacomo Zanetini from Padova 34 Henri (1892) ed. Pagel, p. 303. Klebs (1937). 36 Sarton (1938). 37 This was for the academic course of 1405. Apparently there were no problems for Jews to become students on this course. See Cosmacini (2001), p. 215. 35 FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 28 4/30/2009 4:48:19 PM dissemination of maimonides’ medical writings 29 (d. in 1402) we find De regimen sanitatis among a variety of books of philosophy and science.38 Conclusions It is time now to draw some conclusions, to answer my opening questions: Did Maimonides play a leading or a supporting role in the history of medieval medicine? Have we exaggerated his importance as a medical author? Dissemination of his medical works was always associated with the Jewish people. This is quite obvious with regard to Hebrew translations, but we have also found a close link with the transmission of Arabic texts written in Judeo-Arabic, and with the Latin translators who had ties to Jewish communities. The first stage of translation took place in the thirteenth century, with the Hebrew ones preceding the Latin ones. In a second stage, at the end of the fourteenth century, the movement seems to have been in the opposite direction: Latin translations preceded the Hebrew ones and the Christian University set the pace. Moreover, most translations of Maimonides into modern languages have been made from the Hebrew medieval versions. Until now there have been few Arabic editions and no modern Latin editions. At times I have thought that interest in Maimonides’ works has not been based on a genuine interest in his medical books, but rather on unconditional admiration of his strong and brilliant personality. Research has paid more attention to praising Maimonides than in really knowing him in the context of the history of medicine. Bibliography Averroes (Abū-l-Walīd ibn Rušd) (1987) Al-Kulliyāt fī l- ibb, eds. J.M. Fórneas Besteiro and C. Álvarez de Morales, 2 vols., Madrid. —— (2003) Vázquez de Benito, M.C. and Álvarez de Morales, C. (trans.), El libro de las generalidades de la medicina [Kitāb al-Kulliyāt fī l- ibb]. Madrid: Trotta. Brockelmann, C. (1937–1942) Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur. Supplement, 3 vols., Leiden: Brill. Cosmacini, G. (2001) Medicina e mondo ebraico. Dalla Bibbia al secolo dei ghetti, Roma-Bari: Editori Laterza. 38 See Federici Vescovini (1983), p. 237. FRAENKEL_f3_17-32.indd 29 4/30/2009 4:48:20 PM 30 lola ferre Federici Vescovini, G. (1983) “Arti” e filosofia nel secolo XIV. Studi sulla tradizione aristotelica e i “moderni”, Firenze: Nuovedizioni Enrico Vallecchi. Ferre, L. (2003) “Avicena hebraico: la traducción del Canon de medicina”, Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos, Sección Hebreo, 52, 161–180. —— (2007) “Apreciación de Maimónides médico en la Edad Media”, Maimónides y su época, Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura-SECC, 381–394. Hasselhoff, G. (2001) “The reception of Maimonides in the Latin world: the evidence of the Latin translations in the 13th–15th century”, Materia Giudaica 6, 258–280. Henri de Mondeville (1892) Die Chirurgie des Heinrich von Mondeville, ed. and trans. J.L. Pagel, Berlin. Ibn Wāfid (1995) Kitāb al-Adwiya al-Mufrada (Libro de los medicamentos simples), ed. and trans. L.F. Aguirre de Cárcer, 2 vols., Madrid: CSIC-AECI. (Fuentes ArábicoHispanas 11). Isaacs, H.D. and C.F. Baker, (1994) Medical and Para-medical Manuscripts in the Cambridge Genizah Collections, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (Cambridge University Library Genizah series 11). Jacquart, D. (1990) “Principales étapes dans la transmission des textes de médecine (XIe–XIVe siècle)”, in J. Hamesse and M. Fattori, eds., Rencontres de cultures dans la philosophie médiévale 1. Traductions et traducteurs de l’Antiquité tardive au XIV e siecle, LouvainLa-Neuve and Cassino: Publications de l’Institut d’Études Médiévales, 251–271. Klebs, A.C. (1937) “Incunabula scientifica et medica. Short title List”, Osiris, 4, 1–359. Maimonides (1940) Sharh asma al- uqqar (L’explication des noms des drogues): Un glosarie de matière médicale composé par Maïmonide, ed. M. Meyerhof, Cairo. —— (1964) Moses Maimonides’ two treatises on the regimen of health. eds. and trans. A. BarSela, H. Hof and E. Faris, Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society. —— (1974) Moses Maimonides on the causes of Symptoms, eds. J.O. Leibowitz and S. Marcus, Berkeley: University of California Press. —— (1987) Text and Concordance of Pedro de Toledo’s Spanish Translation of Mostrador e enseñador de los turbados (Guide to the perplexed), Biblioteca Nacional MS. 10289, ed. M. Lazar, Madison. 8pp + 4 microfiches. —— (1996) Obras médicas II. El libro del asma, ed. and trans. L. Ferre, Córdoba: El Almendro. —— (2002) On asthma, ed. and trans. G. Bos, Provo UT: Brigham Young University Press. —— (2004a) Medical Aphorisms. Treatises 1–5, ed. and trans. G. 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