Switzerland: Yet Another Populist Paradise

7 Switzerland: Yet Another Populist Paradise Daniele Albertazzi A fundamental and traditional aspect of Swiss traditional culture is its distaste for popular leaders. (Kobach, 1993: 180) If one overlooks the enormous influence of Christoph Blocher, it becomes impossible to understand the changes imposed by the Zurich branch of the SVP/UDC to the national party during the 1990s. (Oscar Mazzoleni, 2003b: 81, my translation) The success of the Swiss People’s party (SVP[/UDC]) in the 1990s is probably the most striking in the whole electoral history of the Swiss party system. (Ladner, 2001: 129) Switzerland poses a significant challenge to the editors of this volume, as some of the country features that have often been seen as impediments to the growth of populism, and which are held to have distinguished Switzerland from its European neighbours, have evolved very considerably in the last few years.1 Basing itself on the definition of populism provided in the introduction to this book, this chapter analyses the structure and agency interplay which has facilitated the success of this ideology in the country.2 The chapter will, of course, discuss what is currently the largest western European populist party (in relation to national competitors), the Schweizerische Volkspartei/Union Démocratique du Centre (SVP/UDC − Swiss People’s party). The SVP/UDC deserves special attention as it has radically affected Swiss political life over the last decade, rapidly doubling its national vote share (and government delegation) to become the country’s largest party. Moreover, it has shown an impressive ability to take control of the national political agenda. The SVP/UDC has resorted to a rhetoric that is typical of populist movements across Europe and which has not been toned down, I will argue, even after the party’s assumption of greater governmental responsibilities. Although discussing the SVP/UDC is thus useful (indeed inevitable) in this context, this chapter’s main aim is to identify the reasons why populism has been so successful in Switzerland, rather than providing Switzerland 101 a full and comprehensive study of the SVP/UDC (or other Swiss populist movements), that readers can find elsewhere.3 In the way of the populists? Despite Switzerland’s traditional refusal to perceive itself as a country of immigration and its isolated position in Europe (factors certainly conducive to the kind of rhetoric employed elsewhere by Umberto Bossi and Jörg Haider), until recently one could have been forgiven for doubting that the populism that had fared well in neighbouring countries might also be successful here. Due to its growth after the Second World War, Switzerland is now one of the richest countries in the world, having enjoyed ‘the lowest [unemployment] figures ever in modern history’ (Lane, 2001: 204) during the 1960s and been blessed by a degree of political stability that is considered by some (McRae, 1964; Lijphart, 1984) to be one of the keys to its success. Its non-adversarial political culture, respect for its four national languages, attentiveness to special interests, sitting alongside the institutions of federalism and direct democracy, have been singled out as key factors in explaining such stability (Linder, 1998; Kriesi, 2005). Swiss citizens, it is alleged, have plenty of opportunities to influence the policy decisions of cantonal and federal executives. If, as Margaret Canovan (1999) says, there is always a tension between populism and democracy, as though populism wanted to ‘remind’ democracy of those promises (of self-determination and participation) that the system should, but often cannot, fulfil, then arguably this gap is much narrower in Switzerland than in the rest of Europe. In the context of such a wealthy and stable country − one in which whatever popular discontent there might be can be expressed in a variety of ways and where special interests can find a sympathetic ear − who would ever need populists? The practice of ‘power-sharing’, here found in conjunction with the institutions of direct democracy and federalism, was established at national level in the nineteenth century to enable the governing Liberal-Radicals to coopt Catholics and avoid having all decisions of the executive challenged by an alienated minority through the tools of direct democracy. The principle has been developed further and, as a consequence, major decisions are now always preceded by complex consultation processes and normally represent the outcomes of delicate balancing acts and compromises. As for the sevenstrong collegiate executive, the Federal Council had the same composition between 1959 and 2003: the so-called ‘Magic Formula’. In this period, the government was composed of two members from the Liberal-Radical Party (FDP/PRD), two from the Christian Democratic Party (CVP/PDC), two from the Social Democratic Party (SPS/PSS) and one from the SVP/UDC. This formula was only changed in 2003 when the SVP/UDC gained a second seat in government due to its electoral success (and at the expense of the 102 Twenty-First Century Populism shrinking Christian Democrats). The Swiss executive is a microcosm mirroring the nation with such accuracy that the selection of its members can become extremely difficult in certain circumstances, as the political, linguistic, religious, economic and gender cleavages all need to be represented and reflected by an accurately chosen and well-balanced governing team. The same principle applies to cantonal executives, federal courts and even the national football organization. In a country where power-sharing is so fundamental to the nation’s political culture, how can any protest party credibly claim to be excluded (and, crucially, to speak for the excluded, as populists invariably do)?4 Moreover, a homogenous, undifferentiated ‘people’ obviously does not exist in Switzerland since, even leaving aside those class, religious and urban/rural divisions that have been, after all, quite significant to its history, the country is divided into different linguistic regions. This begs the question: Who is the ‘people’ that a nationally based populist movement can address here? Finally, this is a country where strong leadership has always been viewed with great suspicion; where many parliamentarians still serve ‘part-time’; and where parties are loose federations of cantonal organizations, whose internal divisions run very deep. Parties are weaker and poorer than powerful interest groups, given that their public funding is limited (Gruner, 1984). As a consequence of all this, how can populist leaders, supported by an efficient, disciplined, professional and media-savvy party machine, emerge here, as occurred in Austria and Italy, also discussed in this volume? Before returning to these questions, let us summarize (albeit very briefly) what has actually happened in Switzerland since the beginning of the 1990s. The rise of populism In his study of the SVP/UDC, Oscar Mazzoleni (2003b) divides into three phases the history of the small parties and movements that campaigned on identity issues, low taxation and anti-immigration platforms, thus preparing the ground for the nationally based SVP/UDC. The first comprised the period between 1960 and 1986 and was characterized by the campaigns of anti-foreigner movements such as National Aktion and the Republikaner. The second period, between the mid-1980s and mid-1990s, was one marked by the limited success of the Parti des automobilistes (Party of car drivers) and the Swiss Democrats. The former later became the Freiheits Partei Schweiz (Swiss Freedom Party) and still has branches in many German-speaking cantons, while the latter represents what remains of the xenophobic movements of the 1970s and still campaigns against EU accession. Notwithstanding their tactical alliance with the Lega dei Ticinesi (League of Ticinesi – LDT), the Swiss Democrats have very little influence and a highly limited following. Finally, the decade beginning in the mid-1990s is when the themes and rhetoric of populists started to affect mainstream politics (Oscar Mazzoleni, Switzerland 103 2003b: 14). The apotheosis of this process is undoubtedly the victory in 2003 by the SVP/UDC of an extra federal executive seat. It went to Christoph Blocher (see below), who is now in charge of the Justice and Police department (thus, importantly, has responsibility for immigration matters). The parties mentioned above developed a critique of the political class and immigration policies which was later adopted by the rebranded SVP/ UDC. In the context of the present chapter, however, for reasons of space we are forced to focus only on the third of such phases mentioned by Oscar Mazzoleni, i.e. the sudden success of populism in the last fifteen years or so. We will do this by briefly examining the emergence of regionalist populism in Ticino and by considering the Action for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland (AUNS/ASIN) to see what they may have taught the SVP/UDC. This second section will conclude with an examination of the rise of the ‘New’ SVP/UDC. The Lega dei Ticinesi (LDT) The LDT, confined to the Italian-speaking canton of Ticino, is the only Swiss party to date which has been able to create a centre-periphery cleavage conducive to striking electoral success. Despite its triumph in the 1991 cantonal elections (in which it gained 15 per cent of the vote just a few months after its formation) and again in 1995 (in which it received 18.1 per cent and a seat in the collegial cantonal executive which the party still occupies), the LDT is nonetheless prevented by its very regionalist ideology from playing a major role in Swiss national politics. In terms of rhetoric and style, however, the party − which now suffers competition from the Ticino cantonal branch of the SVP/UDC − has provided inspiration to the would-be populists of Switzerland.5 Elsewhere, I have defined the party as ‘a paradigmatic embodiment of populism’ (Albertazzi, 2006: 133) due to its unease with representative democracy, the crucial role played by the concept of the ‘people’ in its propaganda, the power of the leader within the organization and the party’s chameleon-like tendency to borrow keywords and ideas from all political traditions. The LDT provided the SVP/UDC with an example to follow mainly by the way it disrupted a Ticinese political life which had been dominated for decades, if not centuries, by the same parties (and even the same families). It did so through its specific brand of regionalist, anti-centralization, no-global and anti-EU rhetoric − spiced up with constant attacks against the political class. A factor that certainly helps to foster populism is the apparent anti-EU consensus in the country, particularly in the German and Italian-speaking regions. The LDT was thus very clever to identify the EU as the enemy of the Swiss (and Ticinese) traditional way of life. To see how the anti-EU consensus has developed, however, we also need to consider the activities of a movement that has recently constituted a considerable stumbling block in the way of any hypothesis of further rapprochement between the country and the rest of Europe. 104 Twenty-First Century Populism The AUNS/ASIN (Action for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland) AUNS, until recently led by the same Christoph Blocher who, as we will see, has been fundamental to the SVP/UDC’s process of radicalization, brings together politicians of both Left and Right, and, importantly, economic organizations as well. This is not a political party, therefore, but a singleissue movement. Founded in 1986, it is now the most successful of all anti-EU Swiss organizations, although it is by no means the only one. AUNS now has over 46,000 members, a solid organization and enjoys access to more financial resources than many Swiss parties. The movement opposes Swiss participation in all international organizations, institutions and alliances, from the EU to the United Nations (UN), from NATO to the IMF. It also defends the Sonderfall (Switzerland’s ‘special case’), which is seen threatened by processes of economic and cultural globalization. The first success of AUNS was the popular rejection in 1992 of entry into the European Economic Area (EEA) (with a ‘no’ vote of 50.3 per cent and a clear majority of cantons), on a very high turnout of 78.7 per cent, despite all political parties, except the SVP/UDC, advocating a ‘yes’ vote. Interestingly, the decision by the SVP/UDC to side with AUNS followed an internal struggle between the party’s moderate and radical factions, eventually won by the anti-EU Cristoph Blocher. The ‘no’ vote was particularly high in German and Italian-speaking cantons, with the core opposition coming from conservative, less-educated, rural voters who tend to support the SVP/UDC in disproportionate numbers nowadays. Despite AUNS’ determination not to be seen as dependent on a specific party, its good working relationship with the SVP/UDC becomes apparent if one simply glances at the list of its top activists. There have been many more votes in recent years on the relationship between Switzerland and the EU (as well as other international organizations). In 1994, for instance, the people rejected the proposal to contribute forces to the UN blue-helmets, while in 2001 a popular initiative launched in favour of immediate negotiations on EU entry was heavily defeated by a 76.8 per cent margin − with the opposition again being led by AUNS. It is true that, on that occasion, AUNS also benefited from a temporary alliance with those who opposed the timing of entry, but not necessarily the principle itself, however again in 2002 the organization came very close to denying the necessary cantonal majority in the referendum on UN entry, despite most of the Establishment being, again, in favour. Admittedly, the battles by AUNS, the LDT and the SVP/UDC ‘against’ the EU have not always been successful. For instance, an initiative by the LDT demanding a popular vote before any kind of negotiations with the EU could even start, was rejected in 1997. However, the hyper-activism of anti-EU parties and organizations has pushed the issues of Swiss independence, freedom and neutrality to the very Switzerland 105 top of the political agenda and helped split the country right down the middle on international affairs. The anti-EU lobby does not waste any opportunities to voice anger and alarm at the Union’s supposed interference in Swiss affairs (Church, 2003: 9) and, as long as these issues stay at the top of the agenda, there is only one nationally based party that can benefit from them. It is, therefore, to this party that we turn to now. The SVP/UDC The SVP/UDC as such was formed in 1971, as the product of a merger between the Party of Peasants, Craftsmen and Burghers (which had been a member of the national government and a critic of the then-dominant Liberal-Radical party since 1929), and the old Democratic Party. Since the beginning of the 1990s, the party has undergone a process of radicalization led by the Zurich-based leader, Christoph Blocher. Like the FPÖ in Austria, but unlike Forza Italia in Italy (see Reinhard Heinisch and Marco Tarchi in this volume) therefore, the SVP/UDC was not a ‘new challenger’ which had to find a political space at the expense of other established parties. Voters already knew the party when it started to radicalize by adapting a traditional, family orientated conservative ideology − in line with what was happening elsewhere in the Alpine region. The process was led by the Zurich party-branch and profoundly changed it (despite opposition from the Berne branch). However, such reorganization is not comparable to the challenge of creating a successful campaigning organization from scratch in a country where, despite increasing dissatisfaction in recent years with government performance, the ruling parties have attracted, on average, between a minimum of 68.7 per cent and a maximum of over 80 per cent of votes at elections held over the last four decades. At present, the SVP/UDC’s rhetoric insists on the following key ideas (see SVP/UDC, 2003; 2007). First, there is criticism of a political system (the ‘elite’, the ‘political class’, ‘une clique’) which Blocher depicts as self-serving, if not outright corrupt, and conspiring behind the backs of ‘the people’. Switzerland does not ‘belong’ to this elite, as even its very creation as a nation is owed to a process generated ‘from below’ (Blocher, 2006). The people are sovereign and, together with parliament, have legislative power. Their ability, therefore, to take decisions affecting the life of the country should be guaranteed and not find any limitations in international treaties/ conventions, such as the European Convention on Human Rights. Fighting on behalf of the people also means questioning how public money is spent by the elite. Second come identitarian politics: anti-immigration and opposition to ‘bogus’ asylum seekers, with crime statistics being used to highlight the ‘dangers’ of the melting pot (SVP/UDC, 2006: 3). It is not by chance that the first referendum ever launched by the SVP/UDC in 1993 was concerned precisely with ‘illegal immigration’. Third, there is the defence of the 106 Twenty-First Century Populism Sonderfall, the alleged uniqueness, isolation, prosperity and neutrality of Switzerland, coupled with a stance vis á vis the EU and other international institutions and associations that closely resembles that of AUNS. Finally comes a marked conservatism in social affairs (i.e. law-and-order rhetoric), alongside the fight for tax cuts and public expenditure reductions (see Betz, 2005). In terms of its ideology, therefore, the SVP/UDC closely resembles other right-wing populist formations covered in this volume. Like them, the party embodies some of contemporary Europe’s most blatant contradictions: between hyper-modernism on the one hand, and the desire to protect native ‘traditional’ cultures on the other; between the perceived need for immigrant labour on the one hand, and the schizophrenic desire not to see and have to deal with foreigners on the other (as the party’s slogan says: ‘yes to foreign workers, no to immigrants’). The only aspect that partially differentiates the SVP/UDC from the ‘ideal type’ of populist party defined in the introduction to this volume is that, despite Blocher having gained a great reputation within its ranks as leader of the radicalization process, he remains just one of the party’s leaders. Moreover, there are still two different visions of the party’s future battling against each other (with the Bernese branch more moderate and conservative than the now hegemonic Zurich branch). Unlike Forza Italia in Italy, therefore, the SVP/UDC has never been purely and simply ‘a personal party’ (Calise, 2000). The radicalization process has paid dividends in electoral terms, with the party nearly doubling its national vote share in about ten years, following sweeping successes in cantonal parliaments. This happened first at the expense of extreme formations such as the Swiss Democrats, and then other ‘bourgeois’ parties (FDP/PRD and CVP/PDC), while the Social Democrats (SPS/PSS) and the Greens have also benefited from a climate of increasing polarization − almost in the style of adversarial democracies. This is an interesting process in a country where the Left has traditionally been weak.6 Table 7.1 Federal elections results in Switzerland, 1995–2003 (percentage of valid votes) Party 1995 1999 2003 SVP/UDC Soc-Dem (SPS/PSS) 14.9 21.8 22.5 22.5 26.7 23.3 Rad-Lib (FDP/PRD) 20.2 19.9 17.3 Christian-Dem (CVP/PDC) 16.8 15.9 14.4 Greens (GPS/PES) Others 6.5 5.3 19.8 13.9 8 10.3 Source: The Swiss Statistical office, data quoted in Selb and Lachat (2004: 1). Switzerland 107 The salient aspects of the 2003 federal election (the most recent at the time of writing) are the following, as Peter Selb and Romain Lachat (2004) explain: 1. An increase in voter turnout of exactly 3 per cent from 42.2 per cent in 1995 to 45.2 per cent in 2003. After a campaign marked by rather aggressive tones and a high level of personalization, with the SVP/UDC having asked for an extra governmental seat for some four years, this election was perceived by voters of all political inclinations as important and, as mentioned above, this contributed to some considerable polarisation (with the Left gaining over 30 per cent of votes for the first time). 2. More young people bothered to vote: a factor in the SVP/UDC’s favour. 3. Far from levelling out, the participation gap between men and women (who were only granted the right to vote in 1971), increased. This also worked to the SVP/UDC’s advantage as in line with what happens else- where in Europe, the party’s average voter is more likely to be male (see Alfio Mastropaolo’s contribution to this volume). 4. Analysis of the vote also shows that the SVP/UDC now increasingly attracts voters from the FDP/PRD and CVP/PDC, while at the same time successfully maintaining its core constituency. The party is no longer confined to Protestant areas and attracts support from all social classes and especially from the poorly-educated. While 91 per cent of votes still come from German-speaking cantons, the party is slowly, but surely, growing in the Swiss Romande and has now shed its traditional image as a rural party. (Ladner, 2001: 138) Among bluecollar workers, support for the SVP/UDC has increased in 2003. There is little doubt that the party has been able to articulate (and, at the same time, push further up the political agenda) fears and grievances that are now deep-seated within the Swiss electorate. We are therefore finally in a position to ask what has made the SVP/UDC’s impressive growth at all possible by considering the interplay between structural factors and agency in contemporary Switzerland. Opportunity structures Consociationalism and direct democracy: a populist paradise? There are three fundamental tools through which Swiss direct democratic rights are exercised: the compulsory referendum, the optional referendum and the initiative. Clive Church (2004b: 272 and 273) briefly explains the differences between them as follows: A referendum must be held as regards both changes to the constitution and the ratification of certain types of treaties [compulsory referendum] ... referenda may also be used to challenge federal legislation [optional 108 Twenty-First Century Populism referendum] ... At the same time the Swiss can call initiatives, calling for constitutional changes ... if they can collect 100,000 signatures [the initiative]. Direct democracy thus ‘provides efficient instruments to exert continuous pressure on policy making of the established political parties’ (Skenderovic, 2001: 5). Let us look at ‘initiatives’ for a moment. It is true that they are rarely passed when put to voters − since their introduction, their average success rate is a modest 10 per cent. And yet their importance should not be underestimated. First, more of them have proved successful in recent years (Linder, 2003b; Trechsel, 2003: 481) and, more generally, it is becoming less common for voters to ‘simply’ follow the lead of the government, come what may (Kriesi, 2006). Second, their very existence is in itself a constant reminder of who the ultimate sovereign really is, especially given that, unlike Italy (where a referendum can only repeal legislation ex-post), the initiative empowers voters to do much more than simply say ‘no’. Third, honourable defeats still help considerably in pushing certain themes to the top of the political agenda and in enabling what are sometimes small groups and organizations to enjoy the limelight, attract supporters and increase their influence. This is why ‘intense’ minorities that launch (or become involved with) initiatives and optional referendums ‘invest in the defence of their cause independently of their chances of success’ (Kriesi, 2006: 611). Fourth, sometimes initiatives only fail (or else are withdrawn before being put to the vote) for the very reason that parliament has already been pressurized to act on a disputed issue, either by introducing new legislation or by putting a ‘counter-project’ to the people that addresses some of the worries informing the original proposal. A proof of the effectiveness of the tools of direct democracy is the fact that the government, despite often having it its own way (Trechsel, 2003: 495), has sometimes failed to win over citizens and prevail precisely in those referendums on issues particularly dear to populists: taxation, immigration policy and relationships with international bodies. Consultation and dialogue normally work in avoiding embarrassment for the government; however, on certain issues voters are not always willing to compromise. Besides offering great opportunities to lobbies and campaigning organizations, direct democracy also exerts important effects on the political system. Such is its disruptive potential (especially in a divided country like Switzerland) that power sharing and negotiation become absolute necessities (e.g. Neidhart, 1970). As Hanspeter Kriesi comments: ‘By forcing all the participants at every stage in the decision-making process to anticipate a possible popular veto at its very end ... [referendums] ... have stimulated the integration into the decision-making process of all powerful interestassociations capable of launching a referendum and/or winning a popular vote’ (2005: 23). Switzerland 109 Not only, therefore, do all major parties need to be involved in the decisionmaking process, but often interest and citizen organizations, too, as some of them have the organizational muscle to veto legislation (Klöti, 2001: 24). The system works so well, in fact, that since the introduction of the ‘Magic Formula’ the proportion of bills challenged by referendum has fallen to seven per cent (Papadopoulous, 2001: 40). Switzerland is thus characterized by a system of ‘mutual accommodation’ (Lijphart, 1984; Linder, 2003a) and must be studied alongside other ‘populist paradises’ such as Belgium and Austria where the growth of anti-politics (to use Alfio Mastropaolo’s terminology) has been impressive. Arguably, in fact, consociational practices, far from being impediments, provided very fertile ground indeed to the populist anti-system rhetoric of the SVP/UDC. As important as they certainly were, anti-immigration and law-and-order propaganda were underpinned by an idea that always provides the very foundation of populist ideology: immigration may (theoretically at least) cease completely and old foes may turn into friends; however, the claim that a party is ready to ‘stand up alone’, come what may, and defend the rights of the ‘people’ against a political system where all major political actors (from both Left and Right) are basically the same is the populist rhetoric’s sine qua non. They are ‘all in it’, self-serving, plotting behind the backs of citizens and equally responsible for the ills affecting the country: this is indeed the philosophy that has provided the cornerstone of the SVP/UDC’s recent propaganda (see the programme for the 2003 national elections, SVP/UDC, 2003: 12). Faithful to its mandate, the more its electoral weight increases, the more the party claims to be uninterested in the privileges and perks of office and only bent on delivering its programme against anyone else (ibid., 6 and 7). Faced with a powerful, if collegial executive, the Swiss parliament does not even have the power to sack it. Moreover, parliament often lacks courage − because controversial decisions could easily be overthrown by popular votes − and is quite secretive in its proceedings, since most of the work required to strike compromises on legislation is done by restricted committees, where both the major parties and interest groups need representing. Furthermore, ‘initiative entrepreneurs’ − i.e. people who pursue their own agendas and use organizations such as AUNS to gain political clout (Kobach, 1993: 134–136) − fully exploit the weakness of political parties and can always threaten to take action if their grievances are ignored. Often such groups are more cohesive (and, importantly, wealthier) than the parties themselves, as discussed above. They can therefore afford to ‘buy’ the support of MPs, or exchange favours with them, not to mention that some MPs are sent to parliament precisely thanks to the support of business groups and/or associations. When several big groups (e.g. employer organizations, financial associations or the big unions) agree to something, the momentum created is irresistible (Mach, 2003). Far from being a democratic 110 Twenty-First Century Populism heaven, Swiss politics can thus be depicted and perceived as a matter for the usual powerful few to decide, following a certain amount of horse-trading and strictly behind closed doors. What is interesting, of course, is that those who benefit from this slide towards ‘corporatist democracy’ are sometimes the very same people who vociferously complain that citizens are being ignored. Not only Cristoph Blocher, a wealthy businessman who can also count on the support of AUNS, falls into this category, but the founder of the LDT, too. Giuliano Bignasca is another politician who has used his financial muscle to advance his own political agenda, for instance by providing essential funding to his party’s own medium, the newspaper Il Mattino della Domenica. In a context in which identification with, and trust in, the governing parties has declined sharply since the beginning of the 1990s (Kobach, 1993: 90; Oscar Mazzoleni, 2003b: 56 –59; Ladner, 2003), with all parties losing members year-by-year − up to 30 per cent since the 1960s − the SVP/UDC is the only organization whose membership has in fact grown. Despite various signs of detachment from the political system in fact − turnout at national elections being the lowest in western Europe − when people feel able to affect the course of events, more of them participate and turn out to vote. Controversial referendums such as that for the ‘abolition of the Army’ in 1989 (attracting a 68.9 per cent turnout), or on membership of the EEA (78.3 per cent), have been well attended. So, in the general climate of disillusionment with political parties, propaganda campaigns that touch on emotive issues such as crime, defence, immigration, the EU and political events that are seen as worth participating in, do generate higher turnouts. Consociationalism makes it impossible for an opposition to offer a clear alternative to the electorate since there is no chance that parties will alternate in power and then pursue ‘their own’ programmes. As a consequence, in Switzerland, the role of opposition is often ‘taken over’ by direct democracy. The SVP/UDC has learned to exploit the opportunities this provides by breaking the rule of governmental solidarity and keeping one foot in and one foot out of government. This is more easily done here than elsewhere given how the Swiss system works: since it is understood that all members of the collegial government are expected to defend collegial decisions, their ‘own’ parties are not at all embarrassed at ‘having to speak’ against their own representatives in government. The same has happened to the LDT in Ticino, which has at times found itself supporting more radical positions than its own governmental representative. Furthermore, the SVP/UDC has sponsored or launched several referendums on foreign policy, illegal immigration and asylum and, in so doing, has reinforced its image as the ‘odd one out’ − a logic which, in part, recalls that followed by the Lega Nord in Italy (Albertazzi and McDonnell, 2005) − although the Lega must often satisfy itself with symbolic initiatives. Through the means of direct democracy, the SVP/UDC, even when ultimately defeated, can claim to have Switzerland 111 helped give voice to a constituency sometimes comprising 40/45 per cent of voters (i.e. often well above its own electorate) on issues of identity, ‘Europe’ etc. To summarize: the logic of consociationalism prepares the ground for ‘anti-system’ propaganda, but also makes it almost inevitable that a large party will participate in government, even when it is very critical of its allies. At the same time, direct democracy − the very existence of which makes consociationalism and power-sharing a necessity − provides populists with invaluable tools to create an adversarial climate and tap into people’s resentment, without even endangering the government’s survival. We now need to see the ‘new’ version of the SVP/UDC in power for longer in order to understand whether such a ‘double personality’ can be sustained in the longer term (i.e. whether it is precisely this dialectic between ‘responsibility’, on the one hand, and ‘radicalism’, on the other, that makes it attractive to voters), or whether at some point the Swiss public will be tempted to call its bluff. As Yannis Papadopoulos has argued (2005: 73) ‘anti-party’ feelings tend to go hand-in-hand with other motivations − often in recent years, the fear of immigration coupled with the willingness to defend a community that is perceived as being under threat. Having established the importance of the political system in the emergence and growth of the SVP/UDC, we now need to consider which elements of Swiss political culture could be exploited and made sense of in the context of a new political rhetoric. We need to turn, therefore, to the culture of localism and discuss how this has been affected by processes of globalization and immigration. Political culture: localism, the ‘militia system’ and opposition to Europe ‘In essence, the old Swiss Confederation was simply a series of alliances among thirteen small sovereign states, bound together by a common desire for security’ (Codding, 1961: 24). Things have progressed since the seventeenth century, and it is now increasingly difficult for cantons to discharge their duties in splendid isolation. It is not by chance, however, that one gains Swiss citizenship by being accepted as a citizen of a certain commune, and, as a consequence, canton. To answer yet another question posed at the beginning: the ‘people’ of the populists can only be a very diverse and heterogeneous people in Switzerland. However, populist rhetoric can still work well. Crucially, in fact, it is the ‘diverse’ that ‘we’ know which is respected, the ‘diverse’ that has always ‘been here’, as ‘Multicultural coexistence ... has failed ... to develop open attitudes toward new minorities’ (Skenderovic, 2001: 7, my emphasis). Cantons and communes are the entities with which all Swiss strongly identify, while nationalist feelings are more widespread in German-speaking 112 Twenty-First Century Populism areas. Moreover, in many cantons, the system of voluntary, non-remunerated self-administration by citizens (the ‘militia system’) is simply essential to the discharge of public duties, given the very small size of cantonal bureaucracies. The fact that even in the national parliament various politicians still serve part-time while keeping their jobs as lawyers, architects etc., is also explained by this culture of self-government and participation.7 Besides its practical implications, this culture has obvious beneficial consequences, in so far as it can empower those citizens who are willing to take part. It has also been exploited to generate a very powerful narrative that pits the good, honest ‘locals’ (who know ‘what is needed’ for the good of their ‘village’, ‘region’ etc) against interfering bureaucrats from the capital (when not even Brussels). Freed from the yoke of various elites, these communities can preserve their purity and unique characters, can still be ‘masters in their own homes’ (to quote a famous slogan of the Italian Lega Nord). Or so the story goes. Since localism and voluntarism remain very powerful myths in Switzerland, it is not surprising that the SVP/UDC has been active in defending the ‘militia system’ at all levels and has posed strong resistance to all proposals to turn even the national parliament into a more professional body. If anything, the awareness that ‘the smaller rural and mountain municipalities continue to be the decisive social and institutional connection and are, therefore, identity-building collectives’ (Wiesli, 2003: 375) now proceeds hand-in-hand with hard Euroscepticism, the strength of which can only be understood as one considers the ‘broader popular uncertainties’ (Church, 2004a: 271) that it is able to mobilize. Populist movements across Europe have elaborated a new ‘ideology of home’, a vision of the ‘lost’ homeland which, while often expressing nostalgia for what is, in reality, a radically ‘reconstructed’ past, nonetheless provides some sense of security against the advance of globalization, the ‘European superstate’ and the perceived loss of identity. To say it with Zygmunt Bauman, ‘community’ has become ‘another name for paradise lost − but one to which we dearly hope to return, and so we feverishly seek the roads that may bring us there’ (2001: 3). Myths of independence and neutrality (Linder, 2003a: 15), localism and ‘Swiss exceptionalism’ are all present in the SVP/UDC’s electoral publications (e.g. SVP/UDC, 2007). ‘Lost’ in an EU-sea, by which it is surrounded on all sides, yet mindful that its economic prosperity depends on it, Switzerland conceives of the EU as an imposition. In the hands of the LDT, AUNS and now also the SVP/UDC, the alliance between the small, ‘natural’, ‘knowable’ (Williams, 1973) democratic communities of the Swiss cantons becomes a myth through which identities are preserved and ‘homogenization’ is resisted. What could pro-Europeans put forward in order to challenge such narratives in a country that has always seen itself as a special case? Justifying the idea of more engagement with the EU, or else international organizations Switzerland 113 such as the UN or NATO, by simply saying that ‘there is no other choice’, has understandably left a lot of people cold. ‘First the Italians, then the Turks, now the Kosovars’ Since it is obvious that increasing immigration and the ‘clash of civilizations’ in which Christianity and Islam are said by some to be engaged have provided excellent opportunities for populist rhetoric (always in need of new enemies), this section will only touch briefly on the issue. Naturally, this needs to be seen alongside Switzerland’s love of its uniqueness and splendid isolation. Despite a decrease in the number of new migrants reaching Switzerland during the 1990s, the Swiss population now includes very large numbers of foreigners by European standards due to the arrivals of economic migrants in the booming period of 1946−75 as well as the increase in asylum applications in the 1980s: 23 per cent of the overall population in 2005. Immigration brought obvious benefits to the Swiss economy by offsetting the ageing of the natives. Switzerland has never been particularly keen to grant its foreign workers citizenship rights, even if, until recently, the majority of foreigners were coming from neighbouring countries, such as Italy. Starting in the 1980s, however, the number of non-EU migrants, and particularly those from Islamic countries, has risen very sharply. If southern Europeans had already upset the delicate balance between Protestants and Catholics among the population, the arrival of Muslims posed further problems of integration, acceptance and racism (testified by an increase in violent attacks on, and even murders of, foreigners throughout the 1990s). The SVP/UDC has been quick to capitalize on the issue (e.g. SVP/UDC, 1999). Its rhetoric has resembled that of the far Right in other European countries, focusing in particular on the alleged link between immigration and criminality and the ‘abuse’ of the asylum system. On the other hand, preoccupation with what some perceive as an excessive number of migrants is not a 1990s novelty. Rather, just like the Lega Nord in Italy, the SVP/UDC only brought into the open and gave new legitimization to a resentment that had already been highlighted, as we have seen, by the number of initiatives called on the issue since the 1970s. It’s the economy, stupid ... The thesis that populist parties attract large crowds of ‘modernization losers’ (Betz, 1994; Kriesi, 1999) holds much water in the case of the SVP/UDC. Of all the factors mentioned at the beginning of this chapter that have changed considerably in recent years, the economic outlook of the country throughout the 1990s is the most apparent. Starting at the end of the 1980s, the Swiss economy entered a phase of uncertainty from which it has now only partially recovered. To mention but a few of the problems the country had 114 Twenty-First Century Populism to face: unemployment went up (from 0.6 per cent to 5.2, between 1990 and 1997) (Oscar Mazzoleni, 2003b: 46), casual and part-time work increased, exports suffered and economic stagnation caused the closure of companies that had symbolized Swiss success (e.g. Swissair). Although the Swiss economy had started to recover in 1997 (e.g. OECD, 1999), ‘growth of per capita income has been weak and considerably below the OECD average for a number of years’ (OECD, 2006: 1). These economic difficulties, besides making the lives of some less secure (especially those at the bottom of the social scale, whose share of national wealth has decreased steadily throughout the 1990s), have also added to the worries of those spared the worst. The response of the executive to the crisis has been to push for greater ‘modernization’ and ‘liberalization’, which are inevitably paid for through even less job security. Moreover, the level of provision guaranteed by the welfare system is now increasingly under scrutiny in a country that shares with the rest of Europe the problem of an ageing population and a shrinking workforce and there is huge pressure on the executive to restrain social spending growth (OECD, 2006). All in all, the 1990s have provided definitive proof that Switzerland was far less special and less safe than some liked to believe. As a consequence, and mirroring what happens in other countries, those who earn a good wage now increasingly support the Social Democrats (Ladner, 2001: 138), while blue collar workers, as well as those who feel the economic situation has deteriorated, are instead increasingly voting for the party that wants to preserve Swiss exceptionalism. Changing media With about four in five participating voters (i.e. excluding abstainers) using newspapers and television to make up their minds during campaigns (Trechsel and Sciarini, 1998), the role of the media is here, as elsewhere, crucial. Luckily for Europhiles, unlike the UK, Europhobia is not a constant in the Swiss media. There are no campaigning tabloids (in the British sense) and papers are naturally restricted to the three main linguistic regions, thus striving to keep in tune with the area they serve (with the French-speaking characteristically being pro-Europe). Different regions are served very differently by the press, with the most populated being privileged in enjoying a choice of more than one daily paper. Overall, newspapers and especially television (most of which is public service broadcasting) have not been enamoured with the language and rhetoric of the ‘New’ SVP/UDC. However, to some extent this has actually helped the party in its pursuit of its ‘new course’. Given the ‘us’ against ‘them’ logic fostered by the party, when media criticism focuses on the SVP/UDC the other bourgeois parties can be accused of receiving preferential treatment. Adopting a typical populist strategy discussed by Gianpietro Mazzoleni in this volume, Blocher has turned to his advantage what he perceives as punitive treatment by the media, by accusing them of either being part of the Switzerland 115 usual ‘elite’ or of being dominated by left wingers. His party has also ‘retaliated’ against public television by putting forward proposals for a reduction of the licence fee and by suggesting in its most recent electoral programme that public service broadcasting could be privatized (see SVP/UDC, 2007: 70 –73). The Zurich branch has also made use of more or less directly controlled media through its own party’s paper, Der Zurcher Bauer, but also the SVP/UDC – sympathetic and anti-EU magazine Schweizerzeit. Furthermore, mirroring the Lega Nord in Italy, cantonal sections of the party have happily resorted to the cheap and still effective medium of the wall poster, especially as far as immigration and taxation were concerned. The way the Swiss media are changing also works in the populists’ interest. While the party press is disappearing and in the context of increasing media ownership concentration (all phenomena that, again, put Switzerland on a par with the rest of Europe), papers have come to rely very heavily on advertising and thus need to attract larger readerships in order to survive. The consequences have been increasing processes of simplification of messages, the personalization of reporting (focusing on the private lives of candidates, etc) and dramatization (whereby every piece of news is reduced to ‘a clash’ between easily identifiable entities of ‘good’ and ‘bad’). All these processes make populists interesting from a media perspective, as their language and rhetoric already follows, and at the same time helps to foster, this very same logic. Following these trends, even public television now shows considerable interest in political campaigns and has talk shows where tabloidization processes of political communication are increasingly apparent (e.g. the programme Arena, in German-speaking Switzerland, which has greatly facilitated SVP/UDC confrontationalism). Conclusions: naming the agent The deeply ingrained culture of consociationalism and power-sharing − essential to the ‘smooth functioning’ of a divided country where direct democracy is so central to the political process − has provided the most important opportunity structure of all for the emergence of populism in Switzerland. While the wealth of the country during past decades, the possibility to ‘export’ unemployment (by sending guest-workers home) and the lack of a perceived external ‘threat’ have all stood in the way of the emergence of a significant populist challenge (despite the presence of widespread anti-foreigner and isolationist feelings), as soon as Switzerland awoke to a rapidly changing globalized world and its supposed uniqueness, the independence of its ‘knowable’ communities and its economic wellbeing could all be portrayed as having come under fire, the stage was set for a populist showdown. Since the beginning of the 1990s, some of Switzerland’s neighbours such as Austria and Italy provided examples of populist movements having gone from strength to strength, even taking 116 Twenty-First Century Populism on major governing responsibilities, after having contributed to seriously disrupting previous political equilibria. Then there was proof of growing resentment vis á vis Europe provided by campaigning organizations. Processes of personalization of politics and changes in the logic of the media were also at hand. Opportunities such as these are not always exploited, however, as Duncan McDonnell explains in this volume with reference to Ireland. Moreover, charisma is an increasingly required quality for leadership in mass mediated democracies (Mény and Surel, 2004: 145). A relaunch of the SVP/UDC − surviving on somewhere around 12 per cent at the end of the 1980s − and a ‘conversion to populism’ thus needed to follow the path of charismatic leadership. A self-made man personifying the allegedly ‘Swiss’ virtues of determination and hard work who had managed to become the major shareholder of the company that had employed him (now Ems-Chemie Holding AG), Christoph Blocher also had the necessary ability to address people’s concerns by using simple and media-friendly language. Furthermore, as in the cases of Silvio Berlusconi in Italy and Giuliano Bignasca in Ticino, Blocher’s personal wealth was helpfully at hand to fund his ambitions, given that the SVP/UDC had a history of investing very little in political campaigns (Kobach, 1993: 127). The great autonomy that cantonal sections of political parties enjoy was also turned into an advantage as Blocher moved away from the traditional moderate line of his party embodied by the Bernese SVP/UDC. At the head of the Zurich branch since 1977, Blocher was able to build a solid power base in a canton where the far Right had traditionally been strong (and where certain slogans, therefore, were not perceived as being as offensive as they would have been elsewhere), attracting increasing numbers of votes, election-on-election until recently.8 Under his leadership, the SVP/UDC of Zurich put considerable effort into improving its communication strategies and adopting professional marketing techniques, which, following their success, set an example to the party nationwide. So, if the party now campaigns to ‘save’ the tradition of running political and administrative affairs by means of a voluntary ‘militia system’, this has not prevented it from making sure that its own organization is run more professionally than in the past, in the context of an overall weak party landscape. Given the spreading of the Zurich example nationwide among party activists, this process provides us with an excellent example of how ‘agency’, in turn, does indeed affect ‘structure’. Unlike Forza Italia or the Lega Nord in Italy, the SVP/UDC was not born with its current most influential leader and is surely going to survive him. It does owe him a great deal, however, and if Blocher falls, the party will receive a considerable blow. It remains to be seen if other bourgeois political parties, badly bruised by the last two national elections, will be able to contain Blocher’s challenge and possibly exploit the SVP/UDC’s contradictions Switzerland 117 now that he sits in the country’s executive. The signs are that the Liberal FDP/PRD is paying a high price for its cosy relationship with the SVP/UDC (http://www.gfsbern.ch). Throughout the autumn of 2006 the populists have been very vocal in their criticism of the other governmental parties and there is no evidence that their rhetoric might have been toned down at all following Blocher’s entry into government in 2003. On the contrary, all-out propaganda war against Brussels is still on the agenda and the party has even argued in favour of the abolition of legislation designed to prevent the spread of race hatred (SVP/UDC, 2007). In a September 2006 referendum, 68 per cent of voters supported new tough legislation on immigration and asylum proposed by Blocher, and yet the signs are that the SVP/UDC might have ceased to make gains at cantonal level after its poor performances in Zurich and Berne in 2006. The prediction at the beginning of 2007 is that the Greens, who have continued to grow in cantonal elections, might even reach 10 per cent in the forthcoming federal elections of the same year (http://www. gfsbern.ch/) and that support for the SVP/UDC will not change (which would, after all, still leave it as the largest party in the country). Knowing that its themes keep pole position at the top of the national agenda (with all major parties, for instance, now putting emphasis on the great need for more integration of immigrants), the SVP/UDC has already promised its members that it will fight to the death to keep Christoph Blocher in the national government (despite the Left arguing for his substitution by a more moderate SVP/UDC member). If Blocher is not confirmed after the elections of 2007, the party is threatening to join the opposition, which would deal a very heavy blow to the tradition of concordance in the country and further embarrass centre-right parties (especially if this is accompanied by another good showing of the Left). Whether the SVP/UDC will continue to be a thorn in the side of the other governing parties from within government or whether it will eventually pull out, on the basis of what we have seen in recent years, and despite some limited setbacks in regional elections, Switzerland seems destined to remain yet another populist paradise for the foreseeable future. Notes 1. I would like to thank Clive Church, Wolf Linder, Alfio Mastropaolo and Oscar Mazzoleni for their useful comments on the first draft of this chapter. 2. In the introduction Duncan McDonnell and myself define populism as: ‘an ideol- ogy which pits a virtuous and homogeneous people against a set of elites and dangerous “others” who are together depicted as depriving (or attempting to deprive) the sovereign people of their rights, values, prosperity, identity, and voice’. 3. For a recent study of the SVP/UDC, see Oscar Mazzoleni (2003b); on its electorate, see Kriesi et al. eds (2005). A comparative analysis of the SVP/UDC and the Lega 118 Twenty-First Century Populism dei Ticinesi (LDT) can be found in Oscar Mazzoleni (2003a). On the origins and rhetoric of the LDT, see Oscar Mazzoleni (1995, 1999 and 2005) and Albertazzi (2006). 4. As we say in the introduction, a fundamental characteristic of populism is the claim to speak on behalf of a virtuous majority which, despite its size and conse- quent ‘rights’, is being deceived and exploited by a self-interested elite. 5. The LDT achieved a mere 7.5 per cent of the vote within Ticino in the 2003 National Council elections (down from 18.1 in 1995), while the Ticinese branch of the SVP/UDC secured 7.4 per cent (up from 2.1 per cent in 1995). However, since then the LDT has recovered, by gaining 13.6 per cent of the vote in the Cantonal elections of 1 April 2007. 6. The FDP/PRD, CVP/PDC and SVP/UDC are often defined as the ‘bourgeois’ block in Swiss political commentary in order to distinguish them from leftist parties such as the SPS/PSS and the Greens. While both the FDP/PRD and SVP/UDC claim to draw their inspiration from liberalism, the CVP/PDC is a Christian Democratic party. As recent Selects studies reveal, despite the SPS/PSS having shed its profile of being essentially a ‘workers party’, the bourgeois and leftist electorates still dif- fer very considerably in terms of their values and beliefs (Ladner, 2003). 7. 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