Kelleter, Frank, and Kathleen Loock. “Hollywood Remaking as Second-Order Serialization.”
Media of Serial Narrative. Ed. Frank Kelleter. Columbus, OH: Ohio State UP, 2017. 125-147.
CHAPTER 7
Hollywood Remaking as
Second-Order Serialization
FRANK KELLETER AND KATHLEEN LOOCK
INTRODUCTION: SERIALITY AND FILM REMAKING
If one of the most basic challenges of serial storytelling consists in telling a
familiar story as a new story, to what extent can we think of ilm remakes as
examples of popular seriality? Ater all, remakes do not pretend to be episodes of a series; they do not claim to continue an ongoing story; they do not
try to expand a given storyworld. Or do they? As a number of ilm scholars
have pointed out, the distinction between a genuine ilm remake and a sequel,
a prequel, or any other type of ilmic iteration is more uncertain than these
straightforward terms would seem to suggest (e.g., Verevis 1997, 2006). What
counts as a “remake” and what counts as a “sequel” changes throughout the
medium’s history. In fact, such luctuations in the designation of iterative formats are dependent on what is going on in the serial practices of other popular
media at a given time, not just cinema alone.
Still, all of these formats—ilm remakes, sequels, prequels, and so on—are
primarily concerned with translating repetition into variation (Eco 1990). his
observation involves more than simply a matter of narrative technique. Iterative modes of cinematic storytelling are propelled by the same project that
animates the capitalist production of culture at large: they aim at an endless
innovation of reproduction (Kelleter 2014b). his helps explain why research
125
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on remakes oten feels that it has to touch on sequels or ilm series as well
(Horton/McDougal 1998b, Forrest 2008, Loock/Verevis 2012, and Klein/
Palmer 2016). In this chapter, we argue that remakes, sequels, prequels, and
so forth, are best understood as historical varieties of a serial practice that is
distinct to Hollywood’s commercial ilm culture (though not exclusive to it).1
We call this media-speciic practice cinematic remaking; our focus is on the
self-relexive historicity of its formats in Hollywood cinema.
Since the early days of cinema, ilms have recycled familiar stories, including other ilms. Commonly, this recourse to tried and tested story repertoires—
the use of prefabricated material—is economically motivated. As a result,
remakings have long been scorned by ilm critics who, until recently, tended
to discuss them as unimaginative inancial schemes.2 But if the study of popular seriality shows anything, it is that the commercial foundation of popular
series is inextricably interwoven with their aesthetic activities. he challenge
of innovative reproduction is both commercial and creative; one aspect cannot
be separated from the other. Serial stories are not commodities “on the one
hand” and sites of aesthetic experience “on the other,” but they do what they
do—in terms of both production and reception—as creative commodities.
hus, if we want to move beyond a “hermeneutics of suspicion” (Felski
2011) without falling back on art-philosophical disclosures of transcendence,
it is useful to view the commercial nature of popular storytelling cultures not
as an underlying conspiracy that should be either unveiled (in the service of
critique) or outsourced to other disciplines (in the service of aesthetic appreciation), but as their particular mode of existence which comes with speciic
afordances, constraints, and self-descriptions.3 his means complicating
1. In the main, this chapter presents an outline of the larger project “Retrospective Serialization: Remaking as a Method of Cinematic Self-Historicizing,” conducted within the Popular
Seriality Research Unit at Freie Universität Berlin. See Kelleter 2012b, 2015a; Loock/Verevis
2012; and Loock 2012, 2014a/b, 2015, 2016a/b.
2. On this unfavorable discourse, see Horton/McDougal 1998b, Mazdon 2000, Forrest/
Koos 2002, Verevis 2006, Oltmann 2008, Loock/Verevis 2012, and Loock 2015. As a contemporary example, see the subtitle Why Don’t hey Do It Like hey Used To for an academic study
on horror ilm remakes (Roche 2014).
3. On the commercial dimension of popular seriality, compare Hagedorn 1988, 1995; Kelleter 2012a; and this volume’s irst chapter. As an example of a more “symptomatic” interpretive
model centered on the industrial aspect of literary adaptations, see Murray 2011. We borrow the
term mode of existence, with some hesitation, from Latour 2013. What we mean is a mode of
doing things that gains self-knowledge and reproductive motivation through self-descriptions
(in the systems-theoretical sense of the term; see Luhmann 1999)—in other words, a mode of
improbable practical reproduction. However, we also believe that the ontological glamour of
Latour’s term risks defeating ANT’s nonphilosophical promise. Perhaps this explains, ex negativo, the enthusiasm with which it has been greeted in Latour’s Anglo-American philosophical
reception (a scholastic realm that has yet to absorb Luhmann).
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high-cultural philosophies of cinematic art and certain culturalist approaches
that depict popular reception as essentially a “scene” of reading/viewing in
which a single recipient is confronted with a distinct work that reaches him
or her from some outside realm of authority: culture as an eventlike encounter. his scenario of Subject versus Object, “describing the ‘self ’ as if it were
an island surrounded by sharks” (Latour 2013: 190)—or, alternatively, as if it
were surrounded by inspirational beings and transcendent mediators—has
prompted many a narrative theory to cast popular reception as a confrontation between textual action and personal reaction, objective ofer and subjective contribution, and sometimes even interpellation and resistance. Almost
all critical models derived from nineteenth-century romantic philosophy,
including a number of Marxist, phenomenological and vitalist approaches,
are organized by some variation of this constellation. Not coincidentally, it is
also a favorite scenario of Western popular storytelling itself.
It is noteworthy in this context that hostile attitudes to ilm remakes or
sequels are, almost as a rule, strongly invested in the idea of the feature ilm as
a self-contained work of art that has transcended its commodity status. From
this perspective, with all its emphasis on media closure and authorial unity
(habitually condensed in the igure of the cinematic auteur), remakes and
sequels are likely to appear as proit-oriented copies of some valuable original.
his is an intriguing argument, not only because it has been made so oten—
at least until recently—but also because the very distinction between original
and copy, on which this argument rests, tends to erase the commercial mode of
existence of the supposed source text. As a matter of fact, in virtually all cases
of cinematic remaking the so-called original was itself designed as a commodity, meaning that its aesthetic accomplishments, including its susceptibility to
be recognized or rebranded as a work of unique vision, were rooted in (rather
than opposed to) the culture of commercial ilmmaking. Even more important, many “originals” turn out, on closer inspection, to have been remakes
themselves. MGM’s 1939 version of he Wizard of Oz, for instance, was not
only an adaptation of a piece of literature (which kicked of a literary series in
turn) but also a remake of previous ilm and musical versions.4 In other words,
the rhetoric of the cinematic artwork has oten served to distract from the
way in which “originals” and “classics” are actually produced—how they come
into “being”—in popular cinema, namely, through practices of repetition and
variation that are structurally akin to the more explicitly serialized aesthetics
of other popular media.
4. For a more detailed discussion of the Oz narratives, see Kelleter 2012b and chapter 12
in this volume.
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To discuss these serialities of Hollywood cinema, we will, in the following,
briely clarify three frameworks of analysis (the feature ilm’s media-speciicity,
remaking as a practice, and the concept of “second-order observation”) before
focusing on two exemplary phenomena in greater detail (remaking in the
DVD era; and the Planet of the Apes franchise). In this manner, the present
chapter proceeds from the general and theoretical to the speciic and analytical. Its overall argument concerns the historical self-relexivity of cinematic
remaking, understood as a media-speciic practice of serial self-observation.
SERIALITY AND THE HOLLYWOOD FEATURE FILM
he Hollywood feature ilm has developed media-distinct varieties of popular seriality that difer from the serial processes of dime novels, radio soaps,
television series, or (nonfeature) ilm serials of the silent and early sound
era.5 As always, the evolutionary trajectory of serial storytelling in a particular medium is dependent on the technological possibilities and limitations of
that medium, as well as on the medium’s strategies of positioning itself toward
other media of serial storytelling, in terms of both commercial competition
and cultural legitimacy (Denson 2011 and Denson/Mayer 2012). It is telling in
this regard that the irst deining forms of popular seriality were developed in
media characterized by relatively fast rhythms of production and reception,
such as newspapers and radio. hese “quick” media, with their short-cycled
but regular consumption frequencies, encourage the explicit serialization of
narrative material, typically in the form of recurring episodes or ongoing
installments. hey also invite continuations adjusted to the quotidian routines
of their audiences.6 he greater the time pressures of commercial production
(e.g., a new comic strip every day), the more we can expect eicient standardizations to emerge, such as an industrial division of labor, program-based types
of reception, or episodic structures (even in the case of ongoing narratives).
5. Of course, ilm serials were a deining element of silent cinema. Ater the consolidation
of the Hollywood studio system and with the advent of sound, they survived as deliberately
short formats with fast-paced patterns of production and reception, mostly presented as highly
standardized chapter plays in conjunction with, but clearly distinguished from, stand-alone
feature ilms that were billed as the main event of a cinema show (Lahue 1964, 1968; Stedman
1971; and Cline 1984). he separation of ilm serials and feature ilms into distinct cinematic
formats in the late 1910s and throughout the 1920s illustrates the media-ecological basis of
popular culture at large. On the cross-fertilization of ilm serials and feature ilms, see Canjels
2011 and Henderson 2014. On the speciic seriality of nonfeature ilm serials, see Higgins 2016
and chapter 5 in the present volume. On serialized feature ilms, see below.
6. On this point, see chapter 13 below.
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Popular seriality thrives on speed—hence its early ainity to daily or
weekly media. Even when they produce epic efects, as “vast” narratives (Harrigan/Wardrip-Fruin 2009), commercial series remain recognizable as “fast” and
shiting narratives, enacting a regime of storytelling predicated on the quick
succession of smaller interacting elements for the purpose of durable audience
reengagement (Kelleter 2015b). By contrast, the Hollywood studio system, with
its elaborate structures of production, its oligopolistic market, and its various eforts to establish the medium’s cultural legitimacy against its vaudeville
roots, has advanced a storytelling culture that is not naturally favorable to the
creation of series and serials. American feature ilms of the studio era had to
employ strategies of repetitive variation that were slower, more laborious, less
rhythmical, and altogether more mediate—though no less organized—than the
ones we ind in the seriality practices of newspapers, radio, or (later) television.
And while there are examples of feature ilm series in the studio era—Andy
Hardy, Charlie Chan, Blondie, Pa and Ma Kettle, and so on—these productions
commonly relied on serialization strategies developed in other media (especially radio and comics) and were oten marketed as contributions to transmedia franchises. Overall, however, innovative reproduction in Hollywood
feature ilms did not and does not typically culminate in explicitly serialized
stories. Instead, innovative reproduction is frequently pursued through a more
implicit practice of serialization: the practice of cinematic remaking, in which
a source text that was initially identiied as a stand-alone story is reactivated,
repeated, changed, and indeed continued in the act of remaking.
REMAKING CONSIDERED AS A PRACTICE RATHER
THAN A FORM
To study remaking as a cinematic practice (Dusi 2011) rather than as a distinct
cinematic form that can be deined in a typology of structural features means
to investigate how diferent designations of ilmic iteration came into existence
in the irst place and how they served to make and unmake such recognizable
industry “formats” as the ilm remake, the sequel, the prequel, the trilogy, the
reboot, and so forth. here have been numerous attempts to classify such iterative modes typologically, with each new undertaking refueling the debates
about the formal properties of distinct types (e.g., Leitch 1990, Eberwein
1998, and Junklewitz/Weber 2011). Deinitions that emerge from such endeavors provide useful signposts, but their competition is oten characterized by
a normative insistence that we use the right words, as if cinematic formats
existed as ideal forms that are then articulated more or less precisely by this or
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that ilm. his is obviously not the case—not only because formal boundaries
are always luid but because cinematic remaking is a relexive, multi-agential,
and temporally shiting process, ultimately competition-based and spanning
the ields of production and reception. Consequently, not only are these formats not ideal, but they do not even exist (for long) in historically canonized
shapes. What is understood and active as a “remake” in 1965 is diferent from
what is understood and active as a “remake” in 2017.
We therefore propose to examine cinematic remaking as an evolving cinematic formatting practice—that is, a practice that generates media-speciic
modes of variation and organizes them in historically variable categories, such
as, currently, the “remake” (in the more limited sense of a feature ilm that
repeats the narrative of another feature ilm), the “sequel” (which continues
the story of one or more protagonists), the “spin-of ” (which diversiies an
existing narrative universe without having to focus on an established character
constellation), the “revision” (which tells a familiar story from a markedly new
perspective), the “spoof ” (which does so in a parodist or satirical mode), the
“re-imagining” (a revision usually attributed to a director’s artistic vision), the
“prequel” (which constructs a backstory for popular character constellations
or storyworlds), the “franchise” (which, as an explicitly legal entity, engages in
transmedia storytelling and is not necessarily structured in continuing story
arcs but can also renew itself episodically or at the level of storyworld), and—
most recently—the “reboot” (which seeks to remake an entire series or franchise rather than a single narrative, usually with revisionary ambitions). And
then, of course, there are the more expansive remaking practices of “genres”
and “cycles.” he catalogue of these terms is not systematic because it cannot
be systematic. he formats named and diferentiated in this fashion exist as
the result of what they are doing, which is another way of saying that we are
dealing with auto-adaptive, evolutionary structures.
he key question, then, is: how does it become possible—perhaps even
necessary—at a particular moment in the history of popular seriality to distinguish between a variation that is called a remake and a variation that is
called a reboot? Phrasing the problem like this has interesting methodological
consequences. Perhaps most importantly, any investigation of remaking as
a formatting practice, while not being required to participate in typological
controversies, needs to study them as part of the research ield itself. If that is
done, scholastic distinctions and debates become visible as lively forces within
a larger network of actors that sustains this particular storytelling culture.7
7. For a more detailed exposition and illustration of this research program, using the
example of HBO’s he Wire, see Kelleter 2014a.
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Consequently, we suggest analyzing how public discourses, media scholarship, industry operations, audience engagements, packaging practices, and the
aesthetic activities of “remade” ilms themselves all enact cinematic seriality.
Which categories, evaluations, procedures, and so on, of ilmic iteration are
invented, identiied, or performed by whom (or what) at which point? What
efects are coming to pass?
RETROSPECTIVE SERIALIZATION, CINEMATIC SELFHISTORICIZATION, AND SECOND- ORDER OBSERVATION
Periodical series tend to produce highly committed audiences (Hills 2002),
such as the “forensic fandoms” identiied by Jason Mittell (2006, 2015) in the
context of digital-age television (where formerly academic modes of interpretation migrate in large numbers to the realm of consumer practices).
Compared with these more typical series, cinematic remaking formats operate at a more abstract level of imagined collectivization (to invoke Benedict
Anderson).8 A change has set in only recently, with remaking formats beginning to borrow serial structures from television and other media rather than
vice versa (Elsaesser 1998 and Loock 2016a). For the longest time, however,
cinematic audience engagement difered in important ways from the reception cultures of more explicitly serialized media. As so oten is the case, Star
Wars—with its extremely dedicated and active fandom—can be named as an
exception. But then, the irst Star Wars ilms were almost unique in using
sequels in an openly prospective manner and across media. he success of
this strategy certainly paved the way for developments in the convergence era,
where we ind cinematic remaking formats fully attuned to the logic of the
digital (and arguably becoming more televisual in the process).
For the most part of their history, however, cinematic remaking formats
have enacted less direct types of serial communality. Unlike daily cartoons
or telenovelas, feature ilm iterations cannot structure rhythms of everyday
life. Instead, they oten structure seasonal, generational, and media-historical
sequences. Summer blockbusters, for example, usually exhibit features of
generic remaking. Or, on a larger temporal scale, while there may be no ongoing fandom for Invasion of the Body Snatchers, a media generation can recognize itself as a media generation in the way its version of Invasion of the
8. On the relationship between popular seriality and what Anderson calls “imagined community” (1991), see Chatterjee 1999; Denson/Mayer 2012; Kelleter 2012a, 2014b; Mayer 2015; and
chapters 1 and 14 in this volume.
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Body Snatchers varies from those that precede it. In a similar fashion, a cinematic period can deine itself against a previous one in the way it produces
King Kong. It should be noted, for example, that remakes and sequels are frequently produced because of the advent of new technologies, such as sound,
color, or 3-D. More succinctly put, remakes, sequels, and similar formats can
act as markers of shiting media afordances. Following Harold Innis (1950),
one can perhaps say that cinematic remaking, as a communication practice,
is more “time-biased” than it is “space-biased”: while radio soaps or television
series bind together disparate localities through synchronized procedures,
ilm remakes and sequels provide temporal continuity markers, sometimes for
entire cultures that can recognize themselves in the ilms they keep remaking.
hus, cinematic seriality encourages communities of knowledge and belonging that tend to be more far-ranging than the concentrated fan cultures of
fast-paced television series. Cinephile culture, for instance, the seedbed of various institutions of professional attachment and expertise (such as ilm studies
departments or the New Hollywood), can indeed be thought of as a popular
fan culture—a fan culture, however, whose object is not this or that particular
narrative or storyworld but the medium of cinema itself. Calling this a “culture” implies that its reproduction takes place beyond any idealized “scenography of Subject and Object” (Latour 2013: 201) because it always co-involves
audiences, producers, conferences, theories, cinema journals, and numerous
other agents of continuation.
Against this backdrop, one serial operation in particular stands out as a
signature practice of iterative ilmmaking: retrospective serialization. It has
oten been remarked that remakes and sequels tend to canonize their source
texts (Corrigan 2002, Quaresima 2002, Oltmann 2008, and Loock 2012).
Frequently, it is only ater a remake has been produced and ater its success
or failure has reactivated interest in the material that the initial ilm version
becomes established as a “classic” or “original.” A similar dynamic is active
at the level of formatting (though not always with canonizing efects, as we
shall see in the next section) when a stand-alone ilm is reinterpreted by its
sequel as the launching pad for a sequel. Sometimes even the title of the irst
ilm is changed to place it in serial succession. As we know, there was no ilm
called Episode IV: A New Hope in 1977. Similarly, many a trilogy recognizes
and addresses itself as a trilogy only ater a third ilm has come out (and even
then it will typically provide connecting options for further extensions). his
kind of retrospective serialization can be understood as a special case of the
dynamics of recursive progression that deines popular seriality at large.9
9. See chapter 1 in this volume; for Episode IV, see footnote 14 there.
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FIGURE 7.1. Body Snatchers poster (Warner Bros., 1993) fea-
turing the tagline “The Invasion Continues.”
hus, any remake will almost automatically relect on the praxeological
conditions under which it reactivates old material, even when it adds nothing
new to an already familiar plot. his is why all remakes contain progressive
elements, even (and especially) in their acts of retrospection. hey invariably
explore possibilities of variation and continuation. Consider the poster of Abel
Ferrara’s 1993 Body Snatchers, the third remake of Don Siegel’s 1956 Invasion
of the Body Snatchers (igure 7.1).10 “he Invasion Continues,” the poster con10. For a more detailed discussion of Invasion of the Body Snatchers, see Loock 2012.
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CHAPTER 7, FRANK KELLETER AND KATHLEEN LOOCK
idently announces, even though in terms of its plot, this ilm is not a sequel.
he obvious question is: At which level of popular storytelling is something
being continued here? Evidently, recursive progression in this case takes place
in a sphere of storytelling at one remove from (though enacted through) the
ilm’s plot: initially unconnected versions of one and the same narrative are
retrospectively serialized at a higher level of cinematic self-observation. In this
manner, even the most faithful repetition, such as Gus Van Sant’s Psycho, inevitably adds something to the story reproduced (Kelleter 2015a). Moreover, new
versions usually herald these additions as innovations, that is, as progressive
elements in the history of the medium itself. In other words, remaking operates as a method of cinematic self-historicization: cinema writes its own history with remakes, sequels, or prequels—and it does so within the evolving
network of expectations, recognitions, allusions, variations, and reinterpretations that makes these iterations possible and keeps them in circulation.11
Tracing this network and its acts of self-historicization—and doing so within
a media-ecological framework (i.e., within the framework of cinema’s changing relationship to other media of serial narrative)—means watching remade
ilms with an eye toward the technological, institutional, and personal actors
and actions that make them watchable in the irst place. Two exemplary cases
shall illustrate this point in the following analytical sections, which will focus
on speciic historical and praxeological moments within the larger theoretical argument sketched out so far: the material (storage) conditions of remaking in the DVD era and iterations of Planet of the Apes as examples of popgenerational self-awareness.
REMAKING IN THE DVD ERA: STORAGE,
INTERTEXTUALITY, AND SERIAL CONSUMPTION
Until the rise of stay-at-home television entertainment in the 1950s which
would eventually supply audiences with regular reruns of old Hollywood
movies, the opportunity to rewatch a ilm depended entirely on prolonged
irst runs and re-releases.12 “Repeat viewing was [. . .] a practice not favored by
a distribution system almost fully geared to novelty,” notes Vinzenz Hediger:
11. Our concept of self-historicization builds on various theories of (popular) media’s temporal relexivity, for example, Haverkamp/Lachmann 1993, Engell 2010, and Denson/Mayer
2012. Wloszczynska also talks about “the ‘thinking remake’” (2012).
12. Hediger points out that runs of up to sixty-two weeks (e.g., for Cecil B. DeMille’s
he Ten Commandments, 1923) were not uncommon during the silent era, when ilm screenings
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Up until the early 1940s, ilm production ran from 500 to 800 ilms annually,
and ilms were distributed through a system of runs, zones and clearances
that favored rapid turnovers. Accordingly, ilms hardly ever stayed on the
bill for more than one week or even a few days. An average ilm took two
years to descend the ladder of the distribution system, from urban irst run
in prestigious palaces to lower-run and rural theaters. Ater their two-year
distribution period most ilms were withdrawn and disappeared into the
vaults of the studio. (2004: 26)
During the early years of what is commonly called the Golden Age of Hollywood, ilms were essentially treated as ephemeral commodities—quickly outdated and forgotten, unless they were remade. In 1938, Hollywood’s leading fan
magazine, Photoplay, explained to its readers that a remake was, in fact, the best
chance a ilm narrative had for an aterlife: “In addition to the ‘lash in the pan’
ilm, which is seen by many audiences and then consigned to oblivion,” Photoplay remarked, “there are those perennial classics that live forever in the form of
‘remakes’—new versions of old ilms that are oten remade two or three times”
(“Match hem” 42). his statement provides an insight into how the memory of
motion pictures was kept alive—predominantly via the survival of narratives—
before television reruns and the emergence of new information-storage technologies like VHS and DVD. It also suggests that remaking helped to construct
as well as to communicate a cinematic past—understood as an imagined story
archive—through processes of repetition and variation (Loock 2016b).
Today, the mnemonic and archival functions of remaking have changed
dramatically. Instead of replacing earlier ilm narratives with updated versions,
remakes now interrelate with their precursors in more explicitly material and
entangled ways. Television reruns have extended the life span of old Hollywood
movies and transformed them into new “classics” that coexist alongside the
latest release. Since the 1980s, with the swit rise of VHS and, later, DVD, private viewers can become collectors and cultural archaeologists of the cinematic
past; individualized possibilities to repeatedly view (and personally engage
with) ilms have in turn inluenced Hollywood’s current remaking practices.
As Constantine Verevis observes, “A remake and its original [circulating]
in the same video marketplace [. . .] radically [extend] the kind of ilm literacy—the ability to recognize and cross-reference multiple versions of the
same property—that was inaugurated by the age of television” (2006: 18).
Remakes in the DVD era generally build on this new ilm literacy and seek
were still accompanied by “lavish stage shows” (2004: 27). In the sound era, irst-run engagements were reduced to only a few weeks.
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to address a double audience consisting of those who are familiar with an
earlier version and those who are not. As Leonardo Quaresima puts it, the
ilm remake ideally “assumes that its viewer is an intertextual viewer [who
inds pleasure] in juxtaposing and comparing” (2002: 80). As such, it ofers
an array of references for viewers in the know, for example, the repetition of
famous lines, in-jokes, and cameo appearances from actors who starred in
an earlier ilm (Leitch 1990 and Loock 2012). Tim Burton’s 2001 Planet of the
Apes, for example, contains several intertextual moments that are designed
to mirror the 1968 original. Astronaut George Taylor’s iconic lines “Get your
stinkin’ paws of me, you damn dirty ape!” and “Damn you, damn you, damn
you all to hell!” are slightly altered and spoken by the apes this time (“Get your
stinkin’ hands of me, you damn dirty human!”; “Damn them, damn them,
damn them all to hell!”), whereas Charlton Heston, who played Taylor in the
original, returns as an ape himself. Coproducer Ralph Winter said about Heston’s uncredited role: “It’s like an Easter egg for aicionados to ind out who
is he playing and how that resonates in the story. [. . .] I think the fans will
appreciate it” (quoted in Landau 2001: 68).
In the same context, DVD marketing strategies invite the serial consumption of ilms in the form of “Original & Remake” or “Double Take” special
editions, which sell two ilms in the same production package, and “Complete Collections,” which include all sequels to date and oten come in elaborately designed boxes. By the early 1990s, studios had already noticed that
the theatrical success of remakes and sequels stirred VHS sales and rentals
of the original ilms, and they reacted by repackaging older titles to coincide
with the release of a new remake or sequel (Natale 1991). Such “piggybacking”
strategies soon became more sophisticated and were no longer restricted to
cinema. In his analysis of TV-to-DVD publishing and the rise of the season
box set, Derek Kompare (2006) suggests that the introduction of DVD technology produced new home video practices. Improved audiovisual quality and
larger storage capacity (allowing for the inclusion of numerous extra features)
“raised the cultural status of video releases” and favored a shit in domestic
media consumption from rental to acquisition (Kompare 2006: 346). Not surprisingly, a new focus on video sales also “prompted [. . .] a greater emphasis
on packaging and overall design, enhancing the perceived value of an object
meant for permanent ownership and display rather than temporary use”
(348).13 he developments outlined by Kompare for television series (before
13. Gray (2010) and Mittell (2010) have expanded on Kompare’s analysis, stressing that
DVD publishing, though a transitional phenomenon, has transformed television series from
events to be experienced into more authoritative, sometimes obliquely oeuvre-like cultural
objects.
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the rise of online streaming) can also be traced, with some qualiications,
in the production of cinematic “Original & Remake” editions and “Complete
Collections.” Assembling a ilm and its remake or sequel in one and the same
production package to be consumed alongside each other bestows previously
maligned remaking formats with a new temporal speciicity and, in connection with this, a new kind of pop-cultural (at times campy) value.
Films such as he Day the Earth Stood Still (1951/2008), Planet of the Apes
(1968/2001), he Fly (1958/1986), he Omen (1976/2006), Amityville Horror (1979/2005), he Flight of the Phoenix (1965/2004), Anna and the King
(1946/1999), he homas Crown Afair (1968/1999), and Cape Fear (1962/1991)
have been released in this fashion on DVD. All of these packages, which are
oten produced for an international (non-U.S.) market, share certain design
patterns. First, the words “Original & Remake” are featured prominently on
the front or in such sentences as “he classic original and smash hit remake.”
Second, the title is sometimes quoted twice and sometimes shared by both
ilms, either establishing the artistic autonomy of the remake or stressing its
indebtedness to the original. hird, and most strikingly, all DVD covers consist of halves representing an image of the original on the let side and of the
remake on the right; central characters are either shown back-to-back (looking in opposite directions), positioned to face each other, or spliced together
to form one image, as if existing in the same storyworld. he new ilm’s most
prominent innovation is generally highlighted by this juxtaposition.
he DVD cover for a German release of he Day the Earth Stood Still,
for example, features a picture of the humanoid robot Gort composed of different halves joined together to form a whole. he let half is taken from the
1951 version, in which Gort was made of smooth, shiny metal—an armor of
seamless perfection. he right half depicts the robot as he appears in the 2008
remake: CGI-redesigned and composed of a dark, shimmering material that is
supposed to be a vast swarm of “nano bugs.” his arrangement draws attention
to the remake’s state-of-the-art special efects, while suggesting that the “Original & Remake” should be watched in sequential order to fully experience the
development of this cinematic narrative within the technological trajectory of
sci-i storytelling.
Similar marketing strategies are applied to sequels when they are sold
as “Complete Collections” ater the release of a (presumably) inal installment. Box sets of Star Wars, Back to the Future, and he Godfather are obvious examples, because they retrospectively create and promote trilogies
(i.e., almost classical, self-contained structures) or—in the case of he Godfather—a comprehensive family “saga” that has inally reached its conclusion. Yet
(non-U.S.) viewers can also watch the Jaws Quadrilogy, including “Jaws 1–3”
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CHAPTER 7, FRANK KELLETER AND KATHLEEN LOOCK
and the fourth sequel, Jaws: he Revenge; or the Psycho Collection, containing
“Psycho I–IV.” In each case, a once discrete, critically acclaimed, and by now
classic ilm—Steven Spielberg’s 1975 blockbuster Jaws and Alfred Hitchcock’s
1960 Psycho—is converted into the irst part of a series that is advertised with
and by the box set. hus, rather than canonizing an (already canonical) source
text, these cinematic iterations highlight its status as an elastic piece of popular storytelling. Apparently, many viewers welcome such collections as series.
Comments in Amazon’s review section reveal that numerous customers who
bought the Psycho Collection had already watched Alfred Hitchcock’s ilm and
were interested in the sequels or had seen Gus Van Sant’s 1998 remake (not
usually considered part of “the canon”). Some even wondered why the remake
and the new A&E television series Bates Motel (since 2013) were not part of
the set, feeling that these latest additions to the “ilm series” should have been
included for the sake of completeness (Robin 2006 and Schlüter 2014). Seriality apparently is understood by these digital-age viewers more in terms of an
expansive storyworld than in terms of linear narrative progression.14
Other DVD editions have responded to this desire and are speciically
designed for fan cultures obsessed with storing and archiving. hese collections contain all of the ilms to date—regardless of whether they are sequels,
remakes, or sequels of remakes—in one single box. hus, the Dutch he Fly
Chamber Collection includes Kurt Neumann’s 1958 horror classic he Fly and
its two sequels, Return of the Fly (1959, Edward Bernds) and Curse of the Fly
(1965, Don Sharp), as well as David Cronenberg’s 1986 remake and its sequel
he Fly II (1989, Chris Walas). he ostentatious box, which is protected by a
transparent plastic package with small lies printed on it, comes in the shape
of a miniature version of the “telepod” featured in Cronenberg’s ilm. he
door of this telepod shows a lenticular licker picture of Seth Brundle (Jef
Goldblum) morphing into the ly creature. Clearly, this DVD box is meant to
be more “than [a] container for the discs”; rather, it resembles a “collectable
media object” that “demands to be displayed, dismantled, used, and discussed”
(Mittell 2010).15
he efect of gathering such dissimilar versions of the same popular material and making them watchable as interdependent parts within a joint storytelling universe—a universe no longer deined (merely) by the continuation
14. On the question of remake and (serial) storyworld in the case of Psycho—and Gus
Van Sant’s version in particular—see Kelleter 2015a. On serial storytelling from Hitchcock’s ilm
to Bates Motel, see Loock 2014b.
15. Mittell’s article addresses box sets of television series, which, though oten indebted to
the same gimmicky aesthetic that has characterized secondary-distribution media at least since
VHS, tend to be less overt than ilm DVDs in their pop-cultural self-performance.
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HOLLYWOOD REMAKING AS SECOND- ORDER SERIALIZATION
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of plotlines or even a shared ictional storyworld—points toward what Shane
Denson has called “a non-linear form of ‘concrescent’ (compounding or
cumulative) seriality” (2011: 532, with a nod to Whitehead and, more speciically, to Newcomb’s 1985 interpretation of some episodic TV series as “cumulative narratives”). Interestingly, however, the design of he Fly box devotes
its chief attention to the most highly acclaimed movie, establishing a framework of viewer expectations that runs contrary to the chronological order of
the ilms (also represented on the package), but that nevertheless deines a
point of orientation from which audiences will look backward and forward.
By singling out Cronenberg’s remake, he Fly Chamber Collection functions
as what Jonathan Gray has called an “entryway paratext,” in the sense that it
tries to “control and determine [the viewers’] entrance to a text” (2010: 35).
hus, while the box somehow promises that the 1986 ilm will be “the best”
of the ive iterations, it simultaneously suggests that the others are necessary
viewing if one wants to properly appreciate Cronenberg’s masterpiece. In this
fashion, DVD publishing of remakes and sequels not only facilitates access to
diferent versions but also enables a mode of reception that foregrounds viewers’ second-order engagement with a narrative’s media-historical existence.
What used to be an implicit function of cinematic variations becomes both
an increasingly explicit part of their reception and an important inluence on
their production practices.
Similarly, the UK Planet of the Apes: Evolution Collection (igure 7.2)
includes all seven Planet of the Apes movies released between 1968 and 2011.
While the collection can no longer claim to be complete (one more sequel
came out in 2014; another one is scheduled for release in 2017), it still provides a meaningful record of the Apes ilms that bears testimony to how cinematic techniques, sociohistorical concerns, and cultural self-descriptions
have indeed “evolved” over four decades. Moreover, the set invites a mode
of consumption that generates and accumulates knowledge about changing
possibilities and limitations of cinematic variation—a mode of consumption,
in other words, that reveals how remakes, sequels, and prequels function as
markers of media-generational change.
PLANET OF THE APES AND MEDIA- GENERATIONAL
CHANGE
Like King Kong, Invasion of the Body Snatchers, Psycho, Rocky, and others,
Planet of the Apes belongs to those stories that have been continually retold and
updated in Hollywood ilms. Each new installment has helped to preserve a rich
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CHAPTER 7, FRANK KELLETER AND KATHLEEN LOOCK
FIGURE 7.2. DVD cover of Planet of the Apes: Evolution Collection (20th Century Fox, 2011).
and reliable repertoire of popular narratives for future generations by placing
familiar characters and plots in new cultural, political, or technological contexts.
Franklin J. Schafner’s Planet of the Apes (1968), based on Pierre Boulle’s novel
La planète des singes (1963), tells the story of four astronauts who crash-land
on a planet ruled by apes. he only female astronaut has died in hibernation,
but the surviving crew members set out to explore their unknown surroundings. Shortly ater encountering a group of mute humans, they are attacked
by apes on horseback. One astronaut is killed, another is captured and lobotomized, and the third—Charlton Heston’s character George Taylor—is taken
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HOLLYWOOD REMAKING AS SECOND- ORDER SERIALIZATION
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prisoner. Chimpanzee scientists Zira and Cornelius, who feel compassion for
the enslaved humans, recognize Taylor’s intelligence and help him and a woman
named Nova to escape. In the end, when Taylor inally reaches what the apes
call the “Forbidden Zone,” he sees the half-buried Statue of Liberty, realizing
that he has landed not on an alien planet but on a future Earth.
he ilm was a commercial and critical success—“so much so,” writes
Eric Greene, “that the studio requested a sequel. And another. And another.
And another” (1996: 1–2). All in all, four more feature ilms were released
between 1970 and 1973: Beneath the Planet of the Apes (1970), Escape from the
Planet of the Apes (1971), Conquest of the Planet of the Apes (1972), and Battle
for the Planet of the Apes (1973). By the mid-1970s “the market was looded
with Apes juvenilia and toys, including model kits and [. . .] action igures”
(Paul Woods quoted in Verevis 2006: 93). “Go Ape!” marathons lured fans
back into the cinemas to watch all of the Ape movies rereleased as a quintuple
bill, and a short-lived live-action series (CBS) and an animated series (NBC)
based on Planet of the Apes and its sequels were broadcast on television. Over
the following decades, interest in the Apes franchise was maintained by what
Verevis has described as an “exhaustive cultural production” that eventually
“generat[ed] interest in, and speculation about, a remake” (2006: 93). his
included “the reprint of Boulle’s novel, the rerun of the television series on
the cable Sci-Fi channel, and the recycling of Apes iconography by visual and
performance artists. In its most popular reincarnation, Planet of the Apes was
(closely) remade in an episode of he Simpsons (‘A Fish Called Selma’) as an
all-singing, all-dancing Broadway musical titled ‘Stop the Planet of the Apes[,]
I want to get of!’” (93).
Twentieth Century Fox, aware of the Ape’s pop-cultural capital, tried
to revive the franchise in the late 1980s. he project went through various
stages and had several well-known names attached to it—among them James
Cameron, Chris Columbus, Michael Bay, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and Oliver
Stone (Pendreigh 2001). In 2001, Tim Burton’s big budget remake—or, “reimagining,” as it was called—earned mostly negative reviews and ultimately
failed to reboot the franchise (despite its open ending and built-in options
for sequelization). Film critic David Edelstein saw the ilm as “proof of Hollywood’s simian instincts: Monkey see old hit, monkey do remake” (2001).
However, a decade later, in 2011, Rupert Wyatt’s Rise of the Planet of the Apes
eventually proved the “rise-ability” of the franchise. his much acclaimed prequel in turn spawned sequels, starting with Dawn of the Planet of the Apes in
2014, and War for the Planet of the Apes scheduled for release in 2017.
In their entirety, the Apes ilms produce seriality efects that manifest
themselves, among other things, as relexive expressions of media-generational
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CHAPTER 7, FRANK KELLETER AND KATHLEEN LOOCK
change. To begin with, many of their self-references draw attention to technological advances in cinematic storytelling, providing opportunities for viewers to identify, however nostalgically, with a speciic standard of commodity
production that has come to deine their age group’s experience of popular
culture. In 1969, John Chambers, who had designed the ape makeup for the
irst ilm, was awarded an Honorary Oscar for his “outstanding achievement”
(Booker 2006: 97). hirty-three years later, the makeup in Tim Burton’s
remake was seen as “far more sophisticated, realistic, and expensive” (97),
showcasing progress in special-efects techniques that many critics at the time
described as “a quantum leap.” Yet most of the same critics agreed that the
new makeup was “not one bit more efective” (97) than the earlier ilms’ look,
which still managed to evoke an entire landscape of cultural production now
gone and yet present as archived memory.16
Just ten years later, Rise of the Planet of the Apes set new standards once
more, with Weta-Digital’s groundbreaking mixture of performance capture
and digital animation. his technology communicated the ilm’s relationship
to its own media environment in more self-evident and successful ways than
the makeup artistry of the 2001 remake. It had already been employed in the
latest King Kong, he Lord of the Rings, and Avatar. Andy Serkis, who played
King Kong and Gollum, now starred as Caesar, the movie’s genetically altered
chimpanzee protagonist. Critics claimed this ilm was “his best computercaptured work” (Valero 2013), and Serkis’s performance fueled the debate
about whether motion-capture actors should be eligible for the Academy
Award (Stevens 2011). Advances in technology also made it possible to ilm
performance capture in real outdoor environments (instead of blank soundstages) for the irst time, eliminating the barrier between visual efects and live
action. hese qualities were signiicantly enhanced during the production of
the sequel, Dawn of the Planet of the Apes (which also added 3-D technology):
more than 85 percent of Dawn was shot outside in the rainy forests of British
Columbia.
In short, the early ilms, the 2001 remake, and the 2011 prequel/reboot—
made so many years apart—all lay claim to being state-of-the-art, thereby
relecting, with varying degrees of success, distinct media-speciic moments
of an expansive narrative consumer aesthetics. In this manner, popular culture’s increased availability for re-performance and comparison invites deeply
autobiographical engagements with commercial material, to the point of
16. On the serial dialectics of simultaneous presence and absence, spectacularly dramatized
as “spectral” seriality in horror ilms and some of their philosophical extrapolations, see chapter
6 in the present volume.
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structuring individual personalities and their life stories in terms of progressing brand (dis)attachments. But media generations can also recognize
themselves in the cultural concerns of remade ilms, which are usually accentuated more sharply there than in nonserialized formats (Kelleter 2012b).
As Greene has argued, the irst Planet of the Apes and its sequels “allegorized
racial conlict and the Vietnam War”: “Apocalyptic images of cataclysmic race
wars, nuclear destruction, struggles for dominance, ecological and biological devastation [. . .] resonate throughout the Ape saga” and comment on the
“tumultuous public contestations of the character and meaning of United
States society” in the late 1960s and early 1970s (1996: xii, 7–8). By contrast,
some critics disliked Tim Burton’s remake exactly because they considered it
“devoid of [. . .] contemporary resonance [. . .], chiely an occasion for special efects, endless chases, chaotic combat sequences, Rick Baker’s intricate
makeup, and the witty production design of Rick Heinrichs” (Atkinson 2001).
However, Verevis also points out that “[the] decision to assign a wide range
of behaviours to both humans and apes transforms the earnest attempts at
racial allegory of (especially) the latter ilms of the Apes series into a concern
of ‘species guilt’” (2006: 94). Similarly, Andrew O’Hehir identiied “a jittery
catalogue of millennial anxieties” in Burton’s work (quoted ibid.).
Equally alert to its own timeliness, Rise of the Planet of the Apes in 2011
dramatizes contemporary fears of genetic engineering and—in the postcredits
scene that paves the way for Dawn of the Planet of the Apes—the possibility of a viral pandemic spreading across the globe. Dawn, in fact, is deeply
involved in a cultural climate that keeps envisioning impossible escapes from
the factuality of the Anthropocene by way of “post-anthropocentric” transcendence. As if sublimating its own dependence on global revenue streams and
marketable proliferation, this sequel of a prequel of a remake—the second
installment of a rebooted franchise in conglomerate-era Hollywood—delineates ecological change as a reassuringly sequential catastrophe. We are shown
biopolitical warfare with reversed roles but with a straightforward trajectory:
always ahead.
CONCLUSION
hese are just a few examples of the peculiar seriality of ilm remakes, sequels,
prequels, franchises, and so forth. hey serve to underline how studying Hollywood remaking as a practice of cinematic and pop-cultural self-historicization
requires us to do more than we can do in this chapter; it requires us to trace
in high descriptive detail the industrial, public, quotidian, economic, and
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CHAPTER 7, FRANK KELLETER AND KATHLEEN LOOCK
academic practices and discourses that animate speciic remakings and their
storytelling ensembles, because together with the aesthetic activities of the
ilms in question, these networked acts and actors produce something that
can be called second-order seriality: ongoing narratives about (and through)
ongoing narratives.
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