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The ritual display of gospels in Late Antiquity

2018, David Ganz, Barbara Schellewald (eds), Clothing Sacred Scripture. Book Art and Book Religions in the Middle Ages, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin

Vladimir Ivanovici 13 The Ritual Display of Gospels in Late Antiquity 1 Introduction For the past two decades, late antique and medieval Gospel books have been addressed as artefacts and various implications of their materiality analyzed.¹ Drawing on the results of these studies I propose the existence of a particular relationship between the object, its setting, and its referents, namely Christ and the bishop. The jeweled Gospel book was a key element in the carefully orchestrated liturgical performance popularized in the sixth century. As my analysis of its use, iconography, and materiality indicates, bishops capitalized on the object’s symbolic potential to instill meaning in the ritual performance and stress the Christic dimension of their office. 2 Christ made portable According to Eusebius of Caesarea (ca. 260–340), in 331 CE Emperor Constantine (306–337) requested the production of fifty liturgical books made of precious materials.² They were to be used in the churches he intended to build in Constantinople. If correct, the information indicates Constantine’s role in the development of an aesthetic of the Gospel book. As with other elements of the cult, the emperor seems to have opened the way for the use of the common visual vocabulary of power and sanctity in the production of liturgical manuscripts. Gold, light, and sanctity often overlapped in late Antiquity, with gold being held to emit light and light being the main vehicle of theophany in the period. The three elements met in the Gospel books that were enveloped in the “jeweled style” particular to the period.³ In his famous letter to Eustochium, Jerome (ca. 347–420) lamented that “parchments are dyed purple, gold is melted for lettering, manuscripts are decked with 1 Hurtado 2006; Lowden 2007; Kruger 2012; Ganz 2015. 2 Eusebius Caesariensis, Vita Constantini 4,36 (ed. Heinichen 1830, 266–267). On the content of the books Constantine ordered, see Robbins 1987. 3 Term coined by Roberts 1989. The jeweled style was characterized by varietas/ποικιλία and was defined by Thomas 2002, 39 as an “aesthetic of adornment that revels in polychromatic juxtapositions and contrasts which seek to outdo as much as to replicate effects seen in the natural world.” jewels: and Christ lies at their door naked and dying.”⁴ Rather than being just a matter of taste, the adorning of Gospel books intersects a number of crucial phenomena and casts light on the complex dynamic existing between Christianity and late antique society in general. Firstly, the use of expensive materials opens the discussion on the Church’s new access to resources.⁵ Secondly, the use of purple and gold (the symbols par excellence of wealth and power) testifies to the adoption of the common visual idiom of power.⁶ Thirdly, due to the crediting of reflective materials with emitting light the particular decorative aesthetic had an important revelatory dimension as light was the main vehicle of theophany in the period.⁷ All three processes reflect a turning point in Christian practice as they signal the abandoning of the “sensory austerity” that characterized its ritual practice in the first centuries CE.⁸ The sacraments now introduced by the Church responded to contemporary expectations by offering God to the senses. Adorned Gospels were, I argue, a key element in the process. To Christians living the change, the decision to adorn the covers and pages of Gospel books would have likely appeared as a natural reaction to the object’s sacredness rather than as a change of sensibility towards wealth.⁹ As testified by texts regarding Christian behavior during the Diocletianic persecution, the Gospel book was assimilated 4 “Membrana colore purpureo, aurum liquescit in litteras, gemmis codices uestiuntur et nudus ante fores earum christus emoritur.” Hieronymus, Epistola 22,32 (ed. Hilberg, 193, transl. Wright, 130–133). 5 The process was studied in detail with his usual perceptiveness by Brown 2012. 6 Because, according to Janes 1998, 45 “The Church adopted many of the images as well as the ways of that world. This enabled the new sect to communicate effectively and so to bring about the maximum number of conversions.” “People’s visual symbolic language was rooted largely outside the Church. Therefore, secular metaphors had to be used in Christian propaganda, or else such arguments would not have been comprehensible to the masses.” Ibid., 117–118. 7 Because they did not differentiate well between emitted and reflected light, many reflective materials were held to be light sources. On light as theophanic medium in late Antiquity, see Schibille 2014; Ivanovici 2016. 8 On sensory austerity, see Ashbrook Harvey 2006, 46. On the staging of synaesthetic ritual experiences, see Ivanovici 2016. 9 On the sacredness of liturgical books in early Christianity, see Rapp 2007. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110558609-013 Brought to you by | Masarykova Univerzita v Brne Authenticated | vladimir.ivanovici@yahoo.com author's copy Download Date | 12/11/18 10:52 AM