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International Journal of Multilingualism
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A bright future for interdisciplinary
multilingualism research
a
Ruxandra-S. Comanaru & Jean-Marc Dewaele
a
a
Depart ment of Applied Linguist ics and Communicat ion, Birkbeck
College, Universit y of London, 26 Russell Square, London WC1B
5DQ, UK
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International Journal of Multilingualism, 2015
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14790718.2015.1071016
A bright future for interdisciplinary multilingualism research
Ruxandra-S. Comanaru* and Jean-Marc Dewaele
Department of Applied Linguistics and Communication, Birkbeck College, University of London,
26 Russell Square, London WC1B 5DQ, UK
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(Received 1 December 2014; accepted 23 June 2015)
Multilingualism is a prevalent reality in today’s world. From an individual level to a
societal one, multilingualism incorporates many aspects that have been studied
extensively by diverse social research disciplines. The present article will explore
the potential directions which multilingualism research can take, concentrating
mainly on the benefits of the integration of psychological methods in
mainstream multilingualism research. We propose that a closer collaboration
between psychologists and applied linguists is necessary for the advancement of
the field of multilingualism. The integration of the themes and methodologies of
the two social sciences will be advantageous to both. The diverse methodological
approaches should not be viewed as a hindrance for the development of
multilingual research, but rather as an asset. Linguists and psychologists can
draw on each other’s methodological expertise since many of the research
questions asked are comparable and complementary.
Keywords: Multilingualism; interdisciplinarity; emotions; language acquisition;
linguistic identity
Introduction
Multilingualism research has been at the busy intersection between various areas of
psychology and applied linguistics for many decades now. Researchers in these
fields have been concerned with understanding not only how languages are acquired
and used by individuals, but also what effect the pervasiveness of multiple languages
has on groups of people and on the overall society. Individual and societal characteristics of multilingualism have been addressed in both social sciences (Cenoz, 2013).
Many studies emerged from linguistically diverse areas, such as Canada, the USA
and Europe, and more recently South East Asia and Africa. As early as the 1960s,
Canadian social researchers began investigating various issues of bilingualism and
minority languages, particularly in the province of Quebec, because of the linguistic
situation that this area presents. Gardner, Giles and Lambert are just some of the
important names in social psychology that have dedicated their careers to studying
various aspects multilingualism. They recognised the importance of understanding
the context when exploring multilingualism and the Canadian context proved to be
a prolific ambient for this type of research. The Canadian tradition of studying multilingualism from a social psychological perspective has continued and expanded until
*Email: r.comanaru@bbk.ac.uk
© 2015 Taylor & Francis
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R.-S. Comanaru and J.-M. Dewaele
today (see Noels, Clément, MacIntyre and many others). Nonetheless, in the Canadian context multilingualism has also been addressed in other psychological contexts,
such as developmental, cognitive and applied psychology and other branches of psychology, as well as education studies. Researchers such as Ellen Bialystock, Merrill
Swain, Jim Cummins and Fred Genesee have dedicated their careers to the study of
bilingualism and multilingualism in this context. Over the years, the Canadian interest
and tradition in multilingualism research has spread everywhere. Nowadays, the interest in multilingualism is reflected in the myriad of research projects undertaken all over
the world.
The interest in multilingualism arises from the fact that not only is multilingualism
widespread throughout the world (Bhatia & Ritchie, 2008), but also as Grosjean
(2010) suggests, it is a phenomenon that is encountered in all social classes, all ages
and all countries. It transcends boundaries between people and societies. Being able
to communicate with others in a different language has social, political and economic
benefits, both for the individuals and for entire linguistic communities. This ability to
share ideas, thoughts and knowledge helps build stronger, more prosperous societies.
And, as much recent research suggests, multilingualism has cognitive benefits for individuals over their lifespan (Luk, Bialystok, Craik, & Grady, 2011).
Defining multilingualism
The term multilingualism has been used in opposition to monolingualism, although
sometimes it denotes the knowledge of two languages, while other times it is used
with a connotation of proficiency in three or more languages (see Butler, 2012, for a
discussion; and Jessner, 2008, for a historical overview). Although we are aware of
the differences reported between bilinguals, trilinguals and multilinguals in general,
for the purposes of this paper the term multilingualism will embrace all of them
and will be used to denote proficiency to various degrees in more than one language.
In consecutive editions of the same book, Baker (2006, 2011) alters his terminology
from ‘advantages of trilingualism’ (Baker, 2006, p. 108) to the ‘advantages of multilingualism’ (Baker, 2011, p. 105). This suggests that the term multilingualism can be
viewed as an all-encompassing term, referring to knowledge of two or more languages
‘in a broad, inclusive sense’ (Aronin & Singleton, 2012, p. 7).
There has also been extensive debate about when we can consider a person to be
bilingual or multilingual. Although it is not the scope of this article to delve into
this debate, it is important to mention the two extremes of the definition of bilingualism, and thus extrapolate to multilingualism.
Edwards (2006) suggests that anybody who can utter a phrase or a sentence in
another language can be considered to be bilingual to some degree. He later discusses
this ‘question of degree’ (p. 8, emphasis in the original) and highlights the many
aspects and traits of bilingualism that need to be taken into account when assessing
the degree of multilingualism. He discusses how some people might be balanced in
their knowledge of more languages, meaning that they could function easily in any
of the languages known, while others can be assigned the non-fluent bilingual category. Edwards (2006) also provides a comprehensive list of typologies assigned to
bilingualism (and multilingualism). These include the receptive–productive categories,
the additive–subtractive, primary–secondary and so on. This discussion on bilingualism provides glimpses into the complex nature of the research in multilingualism.
Edwards’ review of research on multilingualism points to the variety of issues
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International Journal of Multilingualism
3
around this topic and the need to have an accord in terminology across disciplines and
researchers.
In the same book, Bhatia (2006) makes an interesting remark discussed later by
Gass (2013). He suggests that the process of acquiring a second language is equivalent
with becoming bilingual. Gass (2013) interprets this as Bhatia’s proposition that the
outcome of Second Language Acquisition (SLA) is a bilingual speaker, contrasting
it with Edwards’ definition, which implies that the person can be considered bilingual
at any stage in the process of acquiring another language. The understanding of bilingualism, and thus multilingualism, from these two perspectives is surprisingly divergent, pointing either to a step in the process or to the final result of this process,
and thus to acquiring an almost native-like fluency in the second language (L2)
(Gass, 2013). The breath of work in the field of multilingualism requires agreement
about what the exact object of study is. For this reason, the practice usually employed
in social psychology of operationally defining variables is of utmost importance in
order to ensure the consistency of terminology and research. Even concepts that
appear to be forthright, such as bilingualism and multilingualism, incorporate
subtle, but crucial nuances and are very difficult to operationalise.1
We will continue our discussion by addressing some of research questions asked by
psychologists and linguists with respect to multilingualism, and then delve into a discussion on the methodological approaches engaged by both sciences in the pursuit of
these research questions. We will conclude our discussion by addressing potential
tension points, attempting to offer possible solutions and proposing some advice for
future research in multilingualism.
Research questions
The research on multilingualism in applied linguistics and (social) psychology has
addressed similar research questions, although at times from different perspectives
and employing a variety of methodologies. These questions are sometimes formulated
in distinct ways in linguistics, but address the same issues and are relevant to both
sciences. In this section, we will explore the ways in which multilingualism and
language acquisition has been discussed in both fields. We will then offer some
examples of the nuances that the same research topics acquire when studied by linguists and compare them to the same topics addressed from a psychological perspective. This exercise will allow the reader to understand the similarities and differences in
the way the research questions are asked in both fields of study, and in the actual topics
addressed.
Multilingual acquisition
Much of the research in both psychology and linguistics has focused on SLA and on
ultimate L2 attainment. Butler (2012) addresses the intersection between multilingualism and SLA by examining issues of proficiency, age of L2 acquisition and linguistic
influences on SLA. She discusses how recently the fields of SLA and multilingualism
have attempted to unify their efforts and scope. As any endeavour to bring together
two different research traditions, it has led to tensions between the two; namely, the
multilingualism researchers have questioned the normativity of the native speaker
(the monolingual bias) (Pavlenko, 2005). Conversely, SLA researchers have addressed
the bilingual bias, that is, the assumption that bilinguals and multilinguals are affected
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R.-S. Comanaru and J.-M. Dewaele
by similar processes. Butler’s (2012) discussion sheds light on the complexity of multilingualism research even within the field of linguistics. How then are we to believe that
multilingualism could bring together linguists and psychologists to uncover its intricacies in a harmonious manner?
This section will present various areas of multilingualism that have drawn the
researchers’ attention. This list is just an illustration whose aim is to provide the
reader with an overview of the myriad of sub-areas of multilingualism.
Within the psychological tradition, multilingualism has been studied from varied
perspectives. Often, theories from social psychology have been adapted to language
learning and multilingualism. For example, the theories of motivation have permeated
from cognitive or developmental psychology into social psychology and the psychology of language. Within the field of psychology, motivation is a stand-alone area,
which deals with the antecedents and outcomes that have an effect on a person’s interest and desire to pursue an activity or a goal. To exemplify this, let us consider the SelfDetermination Theory, put forth by Deci and Ryan (1985). This theory was adapted
successfully by Dörnyei (2005, 2009), and by Noels, Clément, and Pelletier (1999;
Comanaru & Noels, 2009; Noels & Giles, 2009; Noels, Pelletier, Clément, & Vallerand, 2003) to address motivation for language learning in different contexts and circumstances. Others have transposed theories of cognitive development to the study
of language acquisition (much of the research undertaken by Bialystok and her colleagues has dealt with developmental aspects of language learning). Other notable
fields include neurolinguistics (covering studies on brain injured patients, using
brain imaging to map language learning centres in the brain).
The development of new trends within the field of psychology of learning has provided new perspectives on language learning, taking into account issues relating to the
environment of learning, conditioning and reinforcement of behaviour. One of these
new trends has led to the establishment of information processing, a theory emerging
from cognitive and developmental psychology, using computational models of learning, which suggests that information is processed and is not just a response to stimuli
from the environment. Within the field of multilingualism, this has translated into
studies looking, for example, at metalinguistic awareness in SLA, where the multilingual learner develops a meta-understanding of language, which was shown to be beneficial in language acquisition (Cummins, 1978). Collaborations between personality
psychologists and applied linguists have also allowed the development of a better
understanding of individual differences in multilingual language learning and use
(Dewaele, 2012; Dewaele & Furnham, 1999; Dewaele, Petrides, & Furnham, 2008).
This growing body of work has addressed multilingualism from a psychological
perspective.
Multilingualism and emotion
The area of research on multilingualism and emotion has benefited from collaboration
and interaction between cognitive psychologists, psycholinguists and applied linguists.
Cognitive psychologists have focused on how bilinguals’ process emotion words. Dependent variables include reaction times (RTs) and error rates (Altarriba & Basnight-Brown,
2012).
Other studies have looked at the variable skin conductance response (SCR) using
lie-detector technology (Caldwell-Harris & Ayçiçeği-Dinn, 2009; Caldwell-Harris,
Tong, Lung, & Poo, 2011). This technology allows researchers to measure the
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International Journal of Multilingualism
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reactions of bilinguals to emotion words in their two languages. Emotional word
Stroop tasks have also been used to detect differences between monolinguals and bilinguals (Eilola & Havelka, 2011). While the classic Stroop test creates a conflict between
an incongruent colour and a printed word (the word ‘GREEN’ in font colour red), the
emotional Stroop looks to what extent emotional words cause the participant to slow
down compared to neutral words. Another interesting dependent variable is the socalled emotion memory effect (emotion words are typically recalled more frequently
than neutral words) among bilinguals and monolinguals (Caldwell-Harris &
Ayçiçeği-Dinn, 2009). Duñabeitia and Costa (2014) focused on physiological reactions
among Spaniards lying in English L2. Lying in L2 elicited larger pupil dilations and
longer speech durations compared to Spanish L1. There was no interaction between
the two effects suggesting that the processing cost associated with deception is
similar in L1 and L2.
The studies mentioned here indicate that the field of multilingualism profits greatly
from embracing variables and methods used in psychology. These approaches have
enriched our understanding of the emotions of multilinguals, using experimental
and empirical data to support their claims.
A more applied linguistic way of looking at the link between multilingualism and
emotion is through online questionnaires including closed and open questions on perceptions towards an individual’s various languages, language preferences for specific
emotional speech acts, such as communicating feelings or anger, swearing, addressing
children and cognitive operations, such as performing mental calculations and using
inner speech (Dewaele, 2011, 2013; Pavlenko, 2005). The self-reported data obtained
through questionnaires allows researchers to better grasp multilinguals’ perceptions
about their emotions and their understanding of the relationship between emotion
and language.
A review of this literature suggests that affective processing in the L1 is more automatic than in the L2, hence fewer interference effects and less SCRs to taboo emotional stimuli in the L2 (Pavlenko, 2012). Late bilinguals often feel that their languages are
differentially embodied, with languages learnt later in life processed semantically but
not affectively which would explain why swearwords and expressions of love in the L2
seem to be more emotionally powerful (Dewaele, 2013).
Within the field of multilingualism and emotion, exciting new research has looked
at the effect of emotion on decision-taking and moral judgements in the L1 and L2 of
bilinguals (Costa et al., 2014). Moral judgements are elicited through questions such
as: ‘Should you sacrifice one man to save five?’ Costa et al. (2014) found that participants using a foreign language made substantially more utilitarian decisions when
faced with such moral dilemmas (i.e. they were more likely to approve of the sacrifice).
Ayçiçeği-Dinn, Sisman, and Caldwell-Harris (forthcoming) looked at decisionmaking and agreement with selfish choices for foreign-language dilemmas in L1
and L2 versions among Turkish English bilinguals.
Much research also addresses multiple language socialisation and the benefits
brought by multilingualism to the cognitive and emotional development of children.
In her research, Bialystok (1987; Bialystok, Luk, & Kwan, 2005) found that multilingual children have more nuanced comprehension of metalinguistic awareness, better
reading skills, better ability to detect grammatical or syntactical errors, and many
more. Dewaele and van Oudenhoven (2009) in their study of London teenagers
found that multilingual teenagers display more openmindedness and cultural
empathy than the teenagers who were dominant in just one language. This pattern
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was confirmed in Dewaele and Stavans (2014) which was based on a large Israeli
sample. Chen, Kennedy, and Zhou (2012) reviewed extensive literature from psychology and linguistics on the topic of emotions in multilingual families. They suggest that
there is considerable research in the field, which deals with the expression and discussion of emotions in the family. They conclude that the topic of multilinguals’ emotions
would benefit greatly from more empirical research and tools originating from social
psychology. They advocate for an interdisciplinary approach to emotions in multilingual families and even beyond the family unit.
Multilingualism and identity
Identity is constructed through language and possibly language plays an important
role in identity construction. This circular relationship means that in order to understand the identity of multilinguals, we need to first understand their multilingualism.
Joseph (2004) argues that language and identity are ‘ultimately inseparable’ (p. 8). The
construction and negotiation of identity through language has been of interest to linguists and psychologists alike. In the case of multilinguals, the issue of identity
becomes even more complex.
Social identity has been defined by Tajfel as ‘the individual’s knowledge that he
belongs to certain social groups together with some emotional and value significance
to him of the group membership’ (1974, p. 31). This definition incorporates three
different facets that characterise the social identity from a socio-psychological perspective: the cognitive (the awareness of belongingness), the affective (the emotional
value one attaches to this belonging) and the evaluative dimensions (the assignation
of a positive or negative value to the group membership). The multilingual individual has the opportunity to develop various memberships in different language
groups, and this comes about together with the cognitive, affective and evaluative
characteristics of the membership in different linguistic groups. As Lambert
(1974) suggests, not only does that imply that s/he may become a subtractive or additive bilingual, but also a subtractive or additive bicultural (and thus, multicultural)
individual.
Many studies have assessed the role of the context in the formation of identity of
speakers of various languages. Yip (2005), for example, found that different identities
become salient depending on the contextual cues, such as the language spoken and the
presence of family members. She argued that various aspects of the bicultural ethnic
identity are activated depending on the linguistic context. In a more elaborate
model, Clément and Noels (1992) suggest that identity is situated, contingent on
the immediate social interaction. This approach is based on the idea that an individual
not only has multiple self-representations, but also that his or her feelings of belonging
may vary depending on the immediate situation, defined in terms of the setting where
the encounter takes place, the activity in which the individual is engaged, and the focus
of the interaction (Clément & Noels, 1992). Thus, the individual’s ability to communicate in multiple languages has a direct effect on his/her sense of belongingness to
various ethnic and linguistic groups. Studies looking at bicultural identity have consistently found that proficiency and confidence in using both languages are factors
that correlate with feelings of belonging to cultural, ethnic and linguistic groups
(Comanaru & Noels, 2014). From this perspective, the context, including the linguistic
aspect of context, can be assessed as a variable and introduced in various models of
identity of multilinguals.
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International Journal of Multilingualism
7
However, critiques of this approach suggest that identity and context cannot be
separated and should be studied together. From this social constructivist perspective,
identity is a process and not a finite state. Norton (1997) for example, defines identity
as ‘how people understand their relationship to the world, how that relationship is constructed across time and space, and how people understand their possibilities for the
future’ (p. 410). She thus takes an inclusive perspective, indicating the importance
of the temporal and spatial dimensions of identity, and the negotiation that takes
place between the individual and the world he/she lives in through social interactions.
Norton (2000) describes immigrant women in Canada and their experience of becoming multilingual through the English learning process and finds in their narratives that
their identity is in constant change over time and space, but it is reproduced over and
over in their social interactions.
The extensive research conducted within social psychology on issues related to the
identity of multilingual individuals can inform future research carried out from a
more linguistic perspective. Both approaches, the social constructivist and the positivist
approach to identity, have a long and valuable tradition of investigating multilingualism.
Multilingual education
Migration and its effects on society is a very interdisciplinary topic, being tackled in
the social sciences from many different perspectives. Social psychologists, sociologists,
political scientists, economists and linguists alike attempt to understand the intricate
patterns and relationships that appear in a society with high immigration rates. The
diverse multilingual and multicultural backgrounds that most immigrants have
offered researchers a unique opportunity to investigate these relationships, and educational contexts have provided a fertile ground for investigation (Garcia & Wei,
2014). European migration has been a topic of controversial discussions in the
media in recent years. Often, right-wing media and politicians have proposed that
immigration has a negative effect on society in general, and in particular on the educational system. However, when these issues are investigated in a scientific manner, the
story that comes to light is different (Garcia & Wei, 2014).
A recent study found that the proportion of multilingual/immigrant children in
each class has no effect on the educational attainment of the non-immigrant children
in the class (Ohinata & van Ours, 2013). The research was conducted in the Netherlands and the authors maintain that although the learning environment might be perceived by the Dutch students as more challenging, the results on the reading, sciences
and Maths scores are comparable between homogenous and heterogeneous classes.
Extrapolating from these findings, we could suggest that a multilingual educational
system can be beneficial to all students, not only from an academic perspective, but
also from a cultural one, exposing children from a young age to multiple languages
and cultures, and allowing them to transcend these artificial borders.
Migration is not the only factor that needs to be accounted for when discussing
multilingualism in education. Some parts of the world multiple languages co-exist.
Earlier we mentioned Francophone Canada. Some European examples include Catalonia and the Basque Country in Spain, and Wales. Although Belgium is often added
to the list, it could be argued that it really consists of officially monoglot regions, with
smaller mixed areas. Each of these contexts presents an intricate amalgamation of traditions, histories, languages and societies. Nonetheless, the common denominator is
the presence of one or more minority languages in a linguistically different
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environment. Previous studies on ethnolinguistic vitality have indicated that maintenance of the heritage language correlates strongly with other measures of well-being.
Proficiency in the majority language can also be beneficial, particularly for integrating
in the larger society and for gaining economic benefits. Cenoz (2009) provides a
detailed explanation of the multilingual educational system in the Basque Country.
The model proposed by Cenoz (2009) called the Continua of Multilingual Education
addresses multiple axes of continuity, such as educational, linguistic and sociolinguistic variables, on both micro and macro levels. In her research, Cenoz found that multiple languages of instruction have a strong effect on the linguistic identity of the
students, providing a breeding ground for more positive attitudes to multilingualism.
Here, Cenoz also advocates for an interdisciplinary methodology to studying multilingual education, suggesting that the field would benefit from more qualitative research.
Methodologies and epistemological approaches in multilingualism
The most divergent aspect when looking at multilingualism from a social psychological and applied linguistic perspective is the epistemology and methodology employed
to collect data. The methods used in applied linguistics tend to be more emic and
qualitative, often inspired from postmodern theory (see e.g. Kramsch, 2012). Epistemologically, applied linguists working in this tradition attempt to build theories
based on qualitative data. In this approach, researchers use data collected through
various means to reach conclusions about specific multilinguals, taking their
complex socio-historical context into account. Most social psychological methods
come from a more etic perspective, using induction to understand and compare
social processes. This approach is more quantitative in nature, and it is concerned
with generalisability and comparing groups of individuals on certain variables
across time and context. The starting points in this methodological tradition are
hypotheses, and the data are used to confirm or refute these hypotheses. As one
might expect, many researchers from both fields have crossed over to the other side
from a methodological point of view and have attempted to combine these methodological traditions (see e.g. Dewaele, 2010; Dörnyei, MacIntyre, & Henry, 2014; Todeva
& Cenoz, 2009). Multilingualism would have a lot to gain from the combined efforts of
social psychologists and applied linguists and we suggest that part-taking in this
endeavour is not only possible, but crucial for the future of multilingualism research.
To start with, we must consider the fact that both psychologists and linguists study
the same population, namely the world’s many multilinguals. In recent years, social
psychologists have become increasingly aware of the importance of context in multilingualism research and have strived to include it, at least as a variable, in their
studies. People do not exist in isolation; rather they are part of a milieu of social contexts, which shape them. Moreover, as discussed above, they have increasingly realised
the environment’s impact on multilinguals’ identities and their performance of these
identities. Intuitively, it is clear that various factors present in our immediate
context influence the development of multilingualism at an individual level, as well
as at the societal level. On a micro level, intermarriage, migration and relocation for
various reasons (economic, political, social and environmental), foreign or SLA and
many more, constitute circumstances, which might lead an individual to become multilingual. Sometimes individuals have a choice, sometimes they do not. On a macro
level, migration, economic factors changing borders and the political reshaping of
the world, all converge to create a breeding ground for the global development of
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International Journal of Multilingualism
9
multilingualism. Certainly, there is a direct correspondence between the micro and
macro levels, and their reciprocal influence should not require more clarifications.
Whether we are concerned with individual or group multilingualism from a psychological or applied linguistic perspective, the focus is on the same population.
As Noels (2014) suggests, sharing methodological approaches between social psychologists and applied linguists would be beneficial to both sciences, as it would
provide us with ‘a wider diversity of analytical tools to answer a broader range of questions’ (p. 88). She advocates for an interdisciplinary perspective on topics of interest to
psychologists and applied linguists, and suggests that sharing methodologies between
the two fields would be beneficial and would bring about more development in the field
of multilingualism. Although the topic of her article is language and ethnic identity,
many of the methodological considerations presented by Noels (2014) provide
insight into the convergent points of the fields discussed here. She goes on to describe
multiple methodologies, which have been used in social psychology to address issues
related to language learning and identity. We will now describe some methodologies
and discuss their application to the study of multilingualism.
One of the representative methods originating in the field of psychology is the
experimental method. For example, within the theoretical framework of Cultural
Frame-Switching (Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martinez, 2000), many studies
have investigated the effect of language priming on identity. These experiments
present the participants with culture-specific symbols, in order to prime a particular
identity, which is then measured on other identity-related variables. Chen, BenetMartínez, and Bond (2008) have looked specifically at the priming effects of language
on the cultural identification of Chinese–English bilinguals. Other experiments have
been conducted to investigate the cognitive effect of multiple languages for one
person. Experiments using techniques such as the Stroop-type RT tests discussed
earlier have also been used to study multilinguals and how they use multiple languages.
These studies are evidence that experimental research can be employed for the study of
multilingualism and its effects. Critics of this methodology argue that the conditions
present in a lab do not reflect the real life. Supporters, however, suggest that in the
lab, the researcher can control and account for many variables which cannot be
measured and controlled in a naturalistic setting. Future studies could continue to
use these methodologies and expand them.
One of the methodologies most employed in social research are surveys and questionnaires. Unlike experimental methods, surveys offer the possibility of collecting
data in a more natural, less constrained setting, yet allowing precise measurement,
and data that are both reliable and replicable (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 34). This methodology
allows participants to self-report their experiences, attitudes and beliefs. Whether
paper and pen questionnaires, online, mail or telephone, and even structured interviews, this methodology allows for collections of large data sets, as well as comparison
between groups of people. The statistical sciences have developed important safeguards, which researchers can employ to ensure that the data collected presents an
accurate portrait of the participants and can be used for comparing different groups
on various variables. Wilson and Dewaele (2010) discuss the benefits of web questionnaires in SLA and bilingualism research over the classic pen and paper method. They
present two case studies, which reflect the advantages and some potential drawbacks of
online data collection. The authors draw attention to the fact that although the
samples might not be representative of the entire population, they offer a valid and
reliable way of studying certain segments of the population, and as long as the
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R.-S. Comanaru and J.-M. Dewaele
researcher is aware of the limitations of this type of research, it offers a non-expensive
and rapid way of gathering large sets of data. Thus, the fact that the samples are more
entirely representative of the population can be balanced by the possibility of gathering substantial amounts of data.
Nonetheless, as Harzing (2006) points out, there are some aspects that need to be
taken into account when conducting questionnaire research in a multilingual setting.
Her study comparing response styles of participants in 26 countries suggests that there
are many factors, which influence the way people respond to questionnaires, including
language. For multilingual respondents particularly, Harzing (2006) found that the
language of the questionnaire elicits various response styles, such that in English the
answers on Likert-type scales were less extreme than in the participants’ native
language. Similarly, other studies have found that language has a cultural priming
effect on multilinguals (see research conducted by Benet-Martínez, Leu, Lee, &
Morris, 2002). Thus, when conducting survey research with multilinguals, we must
keep in mind that there are potential pitfalls, depending on the language used.
However, survey methodologies are significantly less expensive, and allow for faster
collection of considerable amounts of data in a relatively short time.
A more time-consuming methodology, which is already at the confluence of the
quantitative and qualitative perspectives, uses diaries to record people’s experiences
in various contexts. This longitudinal research can be in some cases ethnographic in
nature. Under this methodology, participants who are enrolled in the study are
asked to fill out standardised diaries or record their experiences in free form with
regards to a particular activity, such as language learning or use. Researchers then
can analyse the data quantitatively or qualitatively, depending on the type of diary
used. Some might argue that there is a risk of self-selection bias in using this methodology, meaning that the participants who fill out the diaries might be the ones interested in the topic of research, for example. However, studies that used this
methodology in the past have provided much evidence of its usefulness, especially
since the researcher obtains information in the moment, rather than recalled later
(for examples of diary studies in the study abroad context, see Kinginger, 2008).
The use of diary studies in multilingualism can be employed to collect ethnographic
data, but also short survey data in a longitudinal manner. These types of data could
be paired together and analysed in light of the same theories, and such provide the
researcher with a composite of linguistic and psychological data collected at the
same point in time under the same circumstances.
Another method used particularly in the more qualitative social psychology
research is ethnographic observation. In this case the researcher immerses him/
herself in the context of study and attempts to observe participants in their daily interactions and social contexts in order to achieve an in-depth understanding of the participants and their contexts. Supporters of this method argue that using ethnographic
observation, one can avoid the participant biases, and allow for the study of multilingualism without altering the context and including it into the research outcome (Blommaert, Collins, & Slembrouck, 2005). Others, however, argue that the mere presence of
the researcher in the context alters it, or that the researcher filters the information
gathered through his/her own lens (observer’s bias).
There are some researchers in the field of multilingualism and language acquisition
who have crossed the methodological divide between quantitative and qualitative
approaches to research. One of them is Zoltán Dörnyei, who developed and tested
the second language motivational self-system, which has received much attention in
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International Journal of Multilingualism
11
social psychology and linguistics alike. This model purports that the ideal and the
ought-to self have a great influence on the language learning outcome, and thus in
the transition between monolingualism and multilingualism. Dörnyei and many
others have consistently used social psychological methods, such as surveys, to test
this model and validate it across languages and cultures (2005, 2009; Dörnyei &
Ushioda, 2009).
Recently, Dörnyei has attempted to incorporate more qualitative methodologies
into the study of foreign language acquisition (2014). His new approach attempts to
better understand L2 acquisition using the dynamic systems perspective. The definition of this system is explained here in simple terms: ‘(a) it has at least two or
more elements that are (b) interlinked with each other but which also (c) change independently over time’ (Dörnyei, 2014, p. 81; see this article for a detailed explanation of
Dynamic Systems Theory – DST). In this paper, Dörnyei proposes a new methodology called retrodictive qualitative modelling (RQM), which as its name suggests,
does not start off attempting to predict an outcome, but rather works backwards
from the outcome, unravelling the processes that have led to it in a qualitative
manner. Dörnyei et al. (2014) have brought together a number of studies that use
DST as the epistemological basis for conceptualising motivation. The authors focus
on individual motivational trajectories in SLA. They reject the assumption ‘that
truth is found in the study of inter-individual variability among large numbers of subjects’ and argue against the notions of ‘single causes, linear causality, immutable categories, and highly specified endpoints’. Although DST and RQM represent a novel
theoretical model and methodology, respectively, for the study of language acquisition
and multilingualism, they offer a different and new perspective, including different
timescales, which could be embraced by future research.
Another perspective on foreign language learning comes from Ema Ushioda, who
advocates the ‘person-in-context’ model. This model proposes that researchers should
not view multilinguals and language learners as a collection of attributes that exist on
a theoretical level, but rather attempt to understand them in context. Ushioda (2009)
suggests that context does not exist outside of the individuals, and thus people and the
context they live in should be considered as a unit and should be studied together. This
perspective is also qualitative and advocates for the incorporation of the study of
context when attempting to understand multilinguals. Traditionally, and particularly
in social psychology research, the context has been incorporated in the research as separate variables. For example, surveys usually contain a background information
section about the participants, which asks them to provide information about their linguistic history and background. As Noels (2014) suggests, this information is qualitative in nature and provides an important framework for the rest of the quantitative data
collected. Conversely, Ushioda proposed through this model that the context should
not be treated as a separate parameter.
We have attempted to present and comment here on various methodologies from
psychology, which have been used extensively to study aspects of language and multilingualism. The long psychological tradition of using them has allowed for their refinement
over time and tuning to the specific needs of the researcher. As discussed earlier, the
research questions asked in the field of multilingualism present comparable and complementary themes in linguistics and social psychology. The use of these methods could
(further) enrich more linguistic-oriented studies on multilingualism. Many researchers
have realised that there are extensive benefits from using mixed methods. By using qualitative and quantitative methods, one can minimise the risk of various biases. As all social
12
R.-S. Comanaru and J.-M. Dewaele
science methodologies, there are pros and cons to the use of each and every one of them;
however, the cons can be offset by combining various methodologies. For example,
endeavouring to use surveys and observations to answer the same research question
would allow one to counteract the self-selection bias, but also the observer’s bias, thus
providing a more nuanced representation of the results.
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Conclusion
Multilingualism is a reality in every part of the world today (Cenoz, 2013). It has been
the topic of interest for many years in various social sciences and what we attempted to
point out in this article is that it would be beneficial, and even necessary, for social psychologists and applied linguists to collaborate, or to expand the existing collaborations
in order to better understand the many aspects of this complex and prevalent phenomenon, and to present proper triangulation2 of the multilingual phenomena. Although
social psychology and applied linguistics might tackle multilingualism from different
epistemological perspectives, from a methodological standpoint the study of multilingualism would benefit greatly from an interdisciplinary approach. Triangulating the
methods used and drawing on established methods from both disciplines would
enhance our understanding of multilingual phenomena and would allow for a rapid
and radical advancement in this field.
The research topics covered by the researchers from both disciplines already show
significant overlap, however the different methodologies create profound divides. We
argue that a better communication and collaboration between psychologists and
applied linguists could lead the field of multilingualism to yet unimagined territories.
The collaboration between social psychologists and applied linguists could also enrich
social psychology. The different epistemological and methodological approaches to
tackle multilingualism topics might present a challenge, but as we have demonstrated,
there are already many examples of successful interdisciplinary collaborations. The
future of multilingualism research will be even brighter if we pursue this path.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes
1. We are aware of the lively, ongoing debate on issues of definition of key concepts within the
field of multilingualism research (see Aronin & Singleton, 2012; Garcia & Wei, 2014; Hammarberg, 2010; Stavans & Hofmann, 2015).
2. An approach which ‘can help to reduce the inherent weaknesses of individual methods by
offsetting them by the strength of another, thereby maximizing both the internal and external
validity of research’ (Dörnyei, 2007, pp. 43–44).
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