International Institute
for Educational Planning
On the road to resilience
Capacity development with
the Ministry of Education in
Afghanistan
Edited by
Morten Sigsgaard
Education in emergencies and reconstruction
On the road to resilience:
Capacity development with the Ministry of Education
in Afghanistan
On the road to resilience:
Capacity development with the
Ministry of Education in Afghanistan
Edited by Morten Sigsgaard
International Institute
for Educational Planning
The views and opinions expressed in this book are those of the authors
and do not necessarily represent the views of UNESCO or IIEP. The
designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this
review do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part
of UNESCO or IIEP concerning the legal status of any country, territory,
city or area or its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries.
IIEP wishes to thank the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs for its
support in funding this publication.
Published by:
International Institute for Educational Planning
7–9 rue Eugène Delacroix, 75116 Paris, France
info@iiep.unesco.org
www.iiep.unesco.org
Cover design: IIEP
Cover photo: Muzafar Ali
Typesetting: Linéale Production
Printed in IIEP’s printshop
ISBN: 978-92-803-1355-0
© UNESCO 2011
Acknowledgements
This book is titled On the Road to Resilience, in tribute to Afghanistan’s
educational administrators and planners, teachers, students, parents, and
communities, who work hard to make their education system function
under great pressure and subject to many contradictions. They deserve
credit – and they deserve continued support.
Many individuals contributed to creating this book. Not least
among these are the eight case-study authors who contributed to the
publication.
Many thanks to the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which
funded the book through its research partnership with IIEP. Thanks
to Christel Eijkholt, Corien Sips and Joris van Bommel for seeing the
potential in the book and engaging in the presentation of the Þndings.
Special thanks go to the staff at IIEP, including Leonora MacEwen,
Lorraine Daniel, Shérazade Mihoubi, Brian Smith, Estelle Zadra;
and IIEP Director Khalil Mahshi, who initiated IIEP’s partnership
with Afghanistan in 2002. Very special thanks go to Lyndsay Bird for
invaluable support and constructive editorial feedback, and for seeing
the book’s potential; to Dorian Gay for countless fruitful discussions,
framing, and support throughout the writing process; and to Anton De
Grauwe for excellent feedback on the draft.
Thanks to the peer reviewers, who volunteered precious time and
gave valuable feedback: Lynne Bethke at Interworks Madison and Lynn
Davies at the University of Birmingham. Special thanks to Joel Reyes at
the World Bank for insightful comments on ßow and structure. Thanks
also to education consultant Mike Kiernan for support and insights.
Many thanks to Muzafar Ali at the United Nations Assistance Mission
in Afghanistan (UNAMA), in Bamyan, for permission to use his photo
for the front cover. Finally, thanks to my partner, Deborah, for invaluable
love, faith, and practical support.
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Presentation of the IIEP series
UNESCO is often requested to provide an educational response in
emergency and reconstruction settings. The Organization continues to
develop expertise in this Þeld in order to be able to offer prompt and
relevant assistance. IIEP has been working most recently with the Global
Education Cluster to offer guidance, practical tools, and speciÞc training
for education policy-makers, ofÞcials, and planners.
In July 2010, the United Nations General Assembly adopted
a resolution on the ‘Right to education in emergency situations’. It
recognizes that both natural disasters and conßict present a serious
challenge to the fulÞlment of international education goals, and
acknowledges that protecting schools and providing education
in emergencies should remain a key priority for the international
community and Member States. The Dakar World Education Forum
in 2000 explicitly focused on the rights of children in emergencies in
the Þfth of the eleven objectives adopted. Governments, particularly
education ministries, have an important role to play in an area that
has often been dominated by non-governmental organizations and UN
agencies.
In this regard, the Þeld of educational planning in emergencies and
reconstruction is still developing, and requires increased documentation
and analysis. Accumulated institutional memories and knowledge in
governments, agencies, and NGOs on education in emergencies are
in danger of being lost due to high staff turnover in both national and
international institutions. Most of the expertise is still in the heads of
practitioners and needs to be collected while memories are fresh.
The IIEP series on Education in Emergencies and Reconstruction
aims to document such information, and includes country-speciÞc
analyses of the planning and management of education in emergencies
and reconstruction. These studies focus on efforts made to restore and
transform education systems in countries and territories as diverse as
Pakistan, Burundi, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Sudan, Kosovo,
Timor-Leste, and Rwanda.
This book, On the Road to Resilience: Capacity development
with the Ministry of Education in Afghanistan, is the latest of IIEP’s
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Presentation of the IIEP series
publications that seeks to broaden the body of literature and knowledge
in this Þeld. These include a series of global, thematic, policy-related
studies, on topics including certiÞcation for pupils and teachers, donor
engagement in Þnancing, and alternative education programmes. In
addition, IIEP has published a Guidebook for Planning Education in
Emergencies and Reconstruction for ministry of education ofÞcials
and the agencies assisting them. In collaboration with UNICEF and the
Global Education Cluster, IIEP is also developing speciÞc guidance on
formulating education sector plans in situations affected by crisis, for
a similar audience. Through this programme, IIEP will make a modest
but signiÞcant contribution to the Þeld of education in emergencies
and reconstruction, in the hope of enriching the quality of educational
planning processes in situations affected by crisis.
Khalil Mahshi
Director, IIEP
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Contents
Acknowledgements
5
Presentation of the IIEP series
7
List of abbreviations
13
List of tables, Þgures, and boxes
16
About the authors
17
Executive summary
21
Chapter 1. Introduction
Morten Sigsgaard
1.1 Rationale
1.2 Research partnership with the Netherlands Ministry
of Foreign Affairs
1.3 Scope of the book
1.4 Challenges to education in Afghanistan
1.5 Flow and structure of the book
26
26
27
28
Chapter 2. An analytical approach to capacity development
Morten Sigsgaard
2.1 DeÞnition of capacity development
2.2 A multi-layered context
2.3 Five core capabilities
2.4 Capacity vs. will
2.5 Implications of CD theory for this book
31
31
32
34
42
46
Chapter 3. Education’s role in nation-building in Afghanistan
Morten Sigsgaard
3.1 DeÞnition of concepts
3.2 The politics of education and nation-building
3.3 Should Afghanistan aspire to become an OECD
type of nation-state?
3.4 Indoctrination in the curriculum and schools
as voting stations
3.5 ‘Good enough’ governance embedded in communities
Chapter 4. From scratch to self-conÞdent planning:
The MoE–IIEP partnership
Dorian Gay and Morten Sigsgaard
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Early beginnings of the MoE–IIEP partnership, 2002
25
25
47
48
49
52
54
56
59
59
60
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Contents
4.3 The Ministry of Higher Education’s Þrst strategic plan,
2003–2004
4.4 Principles for a plan emerge, 2004–2005
4.5 Initiation of sustainable CD, 2006
4.6 Plan preparation, 2006–2007
4.7 Post-planning reßections, 2007–2008
4.8 Revision of NESP-I and formulation of NESP-II,
2008–2010
4.9 Looking ahead: development of sustainable
national capacities, 2010– ?
4.10 Lessons learned: the IIEP model of capacity development
62
64
65
69
76
81
84
86
Chapter 5. Capacity development, challenges, achievements, and next steps
from the MoE’s perspective
Mohammad Aref Arefee
89
5.1 Introduction
89
5.2 MoE capacity development achievements, 2002–2010
90
5.3 The challenges of capacity development
96
5.4 Capacity development impacts and lessons learned
104
5.5 Short-term capacity building or ‘capacity buying’
to address urgent challenges
105
5.6 Long-term strategies to improve MoE capacity
108
5.7 Conclusion
114
Chapter 6. People come and go, but systems remain:
Strengthening the MoE system for community education
Anita Anastacio and Helen Stannard
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Community-based education policy in the making
6.3 Enacting the policy
6.4 The secondment of a CBE advisor to the MoE
at the central level
6.5 The secondment of 18 provincial liaison ofÞcers
to the MoE
6.6 The issue of compensation for teachers working
with PACE-A
6.7 Conclusions
Chapter 7. A donor’s perspective on capacity development
in the education sector in Afghanistan
Christel Eijkholt
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Dutch development policy perspective on security,
development, and education
7.3 The policy nexus: education, fragility, and capacity
development
7.4 From policy via instruments to practice in Afghanistan
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117
117
119
124
125
127
129
131
133
133
134
137
138
Contents
7.5 Bilateral support
7.6 Civil society initiatives
7.7 Concluding remarks
139
144
146
Chapter 8. UNESCO Kabul’s capacity development work in literacy:
An irreconcilable dilemma?
Yukitoshi Matsumoto
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Capacity development needs of the MoE
8.3 Capacity development activities
8.4 Analysis of impact
8.5 Reßections and lessons learned
149
149
150
150
154
156
Chapter 9. Afghanistan towards inclusive education:
Reaching the goals of EFA
Marina Patrier and Celina Jensen
9.1 Capacity development needs of the MoE
9.2 Description of capacity development activities
9.3 Impact, lessons learned, and reßections
161
161
163
167
Chapter 10 Lessons learned
Morten Sigsgaard
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Lessons learned about capacity development
with Afghanistan’s MoE
173
Chapter 11 Conclusion
Morten Sigsgaard
11.1 Future directions
11.2 Summary of lessons learned
187
187
188
Bibliography
191
173
173
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List of abbreviations
AAB
AAN
AFMIS
AKF
ALAS
ALC
ANDS
AREU
ARM
ARTF
BRAC
CBE
CBS
CD
CRS
CSO
DANIDA
DFID
DLC
DM-TVET
DoPE
EDB
EDF
EEPCT
EFA
ELA
EMIS
EPDF
EQUIP
Afghan National Association of the Blind
Afghanistan Analysts Network
Afghanistan Financial Management System
Aga Khan Foundation
Afghanistan Literacy Assessment Survey
accelerated learning class
Afghanistan National Development Strategy
Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit
Afghanistan Rights Monitor
Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund
Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee
community-based education
community-based school
capacity development
Catholic Relief Services
Central Statistics Organization
Danish International Development Agency
Department for International Development (United
Kingdom)
district literacy centre
Deputy Ministry for Technical and Vocational
Education and Training
Department of Planning and Evaluation
Education Development Board
Education Development Forum
Education in Emergencies and Post Crisis Transitions
programme
Education for All
Enhancement of Literacy in Afghanistan
Education Management Information System
Education Programme Development Fund
Education Quality Improvement Program
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List of abbreviations
FTI
GIS
GMU
GoA
GoN
GTZ
HRD
HRDB
I-ANDS
ICE
IE
IEC
IECWG
IIEP
ILFE
INEE
INGO
INSET
IRC
IRIN
LAND Afghan
Fast Track Initiative
geographic information system
Grant Management Unit
Government of Afghanistan
Government of the Netherlands
Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit
Human Resource Development or Department
Human Resource Development Board
Interim Afghanistan National Development Strategy
International Conference on Education
Inclusive Education
Independent Electoral Commission
Inclusive Education Coordination Working Group
International Institute for Educational Planning
inclusive learning-friendly environment
Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies
International non-governmental organization
In-Service Teacher Training
International Rescue Committee
Integrated Regional Information Networks
Literacy and Non-Formal Education Development in
Afghanistan
LD
Literacy Department
LIFE
Literacy Initiative for Empowerment
Lit/NFE-MIS Literacy and Non-Formal Education Management
Information System
M&E
monitoring and evaluation
MACCA
Mine Action Coordination Centre of Afghanistan
MDG
Millennium Development Goal
MoE
Ministry of Education
MoF
Ministry of Finance
MoHE
Ministry of Higher Education
MRRD
Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development
NAEC
National Agriculture Education Center
NAR
Needs Assessment Report
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List of abbreviations
NESP
NESP-II
NICD
NICHE
NGO
NLAP
NORAD
ODI
OECD
OECD-DAC
P&G
PACE-A
PAR
PEO
PLC
QPEP
SCA
SMC
TA
ToR
TTC
TVET
UEE
UN
UNAMA
UNDP
UNESCO
UNICEF
USAID
National Education Strategic Plan
National Education Strategic Plan – II
National Institute for Capacity Development
Netherlands Initiative for Capacity Development in
Higher Education
non-governmental organization
National Literacy Action Plan
Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation
Overseas Development Institute
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development
OECD Development Assistance Committee
Pay and Grade scheme
Partnership for Advancing Community Education in
Afghanistan
Public Administration Reform
Provincial Education OfÞce
provincial literacy centre
Quality Primary Education Programme
Swedish Committee for Afghanistan
school management committee
Technical Assistant or Advisor
terms of reference
teacher training college
Technical and Vocational Education and Training
University Entrance Examination
United Nations
United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan
United Nations Development Programme
United Nations Educational, ScientiÞc and Cultural
Organization
United Nations Children’s Fund
United States Agency for International Development
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List of tables, Þgures, and boxes
Tables
Table 1.
Approved development budget, actual expenditure,
and growth rate
99
Figures
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.
Figure 5.
Organizational, institutional culture, and political context
dimensions of capacity development
33
Capacity and Þve collective capabilities
36
Functional-rational vs. political economy approaches to
capacity development
45
Preparing the NESP-I
69
An overview of Dutch instruments for education in
emergencies and post-conßict situations
136
Boxes
Box 1.
Box 2.
Box 3.
Box 4.
Box 5.
Box 6.
Box 7.
Box 8.
Box 9.
Box 10.
Box 11.
The DFID White Paper 2009
First impressions of a MoE in disarray, 2002
Steps in the MoE’s planning process
Modalities of IIEP’s holistic approach to capacity
development
Pros and cons of IIEP’s mentoring approach
Pros and cons of IIEP’s hiring of national TAs
Decentralization of the selection of teacher education
students
National Institute for Capacity Development
EFA-FTI capacity development in fragile environments
Capacity development in the Þeld of agriculture
education
UNICEF community-based schools
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43
60
70
71
78
80
112
114
138
141
145
About the authors
Anita Anastacio has worked in conßict and post-conßict contexts
with education and community development programmes for over 18
years. She spent 12 years in Afghanistan and most recently served as the
Chief of Party on the Partnership for Advancing Community Education
in Afghanistan project (PACE-A). She holds a master’s degree in
international education from the Center for International Education at
the University of Massachusetts. She is currently the senior technical
advisor for education at the International Rescue Committee.
Mohammad Aref Arefee is currently working as IIEP National
Coordinator for capacity development activities at the Ministry of
Education of Afghanistan. Since 2006 he has worked with IIEP and
Afghanistan’s MoE on different capacity development initiatives in
educational planning and management and development of the Þrst and
second National Education Strategic Plans. He has a master’s degree in
psychology from the University of Tehran. He used to work as technical
advisor with the MoE’s Department of Extracurricular Activities.
Christel Eijkholt has worked for more than 15 years in the Þeld of
education and development, with a special focus on gender and child
labour. She holds a master’s degree in social sciences, and took an
advanced year in development studies. She worked mainly in South
and Central Asia, in various capacities for NGOs, the UN, and the
Government of the Netherlands. From 2006 to 2008, she was based
as education adviser at the Embassy of the Netherlands in Islamabad,
Pakistan, and since 2009 at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in The Hague,
where she is the focal point for skills development and employability.
Dorian Gay joined the IIEP in 2003. He is part of the Technical
Assistance and Sector Planning Team, where he is mainly involved in
training (education programmes and projects) and operational projects
with UNESCO Member States. Prior to working at IIEP, he worked
at UNESCO Headquarters. He is responsible for the implementation
of technical assistance and capacity development projects (especially
Afghanistan and Angola) that involve the formulation of either national
or provincial education sector development plans.
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About the authors
Celina Jensen has worked in the humanitarian Þeld in countries such
as the Republic of Georgia and Afghanistan since 2006. With a master’s
degree in conßict, security, and development from the War Studies
Department of King’s College, London, she has worked with various
organizations, including Save the Children and ActionAid, on child
protection, child rights, and education issues. In 2009–2010, she worked
as a Consultant for UNESCO Kabul’s Education Unit in Afghanistan,
where she provided technical support to the government of Afghanistan
on issues relating to education.
Yukitoshi Matsumoto has been the Programme Coordinator (currently
working as the Programme Manager) in UNESCO’s Kabul ofÞce since
2008. He is responsible for the Enhancement of Literacy in Afghanistan
(ELA) programme. From 2002 to 2005 he worked with an international
NGO in Afghanistan as an Education Programme OfÞcer to re-establish
the non-formal education system. He also has experiences in project
planning and management from India, Nepal, and Lao PDR in the Þeld
of non-formal education. He holds a master’s degree in education from
the University of Oxford and is a PhD candidate at the Graduate School
of Asia PaciÞc Studies of Waseda University.
Marina Patrier works for UNESCO’s Ramallah ofÞce and was the
Education Programme Specialist in UNESCO’s Kabul OfÞce from 2007
to 2010. She was responsible for UNESCO’s Education Programme in
Afghanistan, which ranges from early childhood to higher education
and involves education partnerships with ministries, donors, and UN
agencies. From 2003 to 2007, she worked at UNESCO Headquarters on
education programmes for children in difÞcult circumstances. She holds
master’s degrees in history from both the University of Rennes (France)
and the University of Barcelona (Spain) and in political science, as well
as a postgraduate degree in development, with a specialization in the
management of education policy, from the Sorbonne University (Paris,
France).
Morten Sigsgaard is an Assistant Programme Specialist at IIEP, where
he works on capacity development with the Education Cluster and has
authored a publication on Afghanistan for INEE’s Working Group on
Education and Fragility. In 2009, he worked as a youth participation
consultant for UNICEF. From 2000 to 2005 he was a volunteer project
coordinator for ActionAid in South-East Europe, setting up non-formal
education, community, and advocacy projects with youth.
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About the authors
Helen Stannard has spent over 15 years working with education
programmes from remote indigenous Australia to conßict-affected
countries in Asia. She holds a master’s degree in education from the
University of Tasmania and has worked in several capacities and
contexts over the years. She was Deputy Chief of Party with Partnership
for Advancing Community Education in Afghanistan from 2006–2008
and then became a technical advisor for education for the International
Rescue Committee (IRC). In this role, she continued to provide support
to IRC’s education programmes in Afghanistan and the region. In
November 2010, Helen returned to Afghanistan on a full-time basis.
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Executive Summary
States affected by conßict are among the farthest from achieving Education
for All (EFA) goals, and many lack human and Þnancial capacity.
‘Capacity development’ (CD) is frequently proposed as the solution to
their problems. What challenges does a country like Afghanistan face in
rebuilding an education sector after 30 years of conßict? That is what this
book investigates.
The efforts at state formation in a period of continuing civil war
in Afghanistan provide the parameters for this book. The authority of
the central government is contested, and the state controls perhaps less
than 50 per cent of the country. The scale of attacks on schools, teachers,
and students (especially girls) means that the Ministry of Education
(MoE) and its supporting partners need to manoeuvre carefully in a
veritable mineÞeld. If education is to be an instrument for peace and
nation-building, then CD must be geared to these challenges.
One opinion expressed in the emerging literature is that the current
nation-building efforts are not decisive enough, and that the state needs
to indoctrinate students with an Afghan identity, or the nation will remain
divided. However, this book argues that nation-building is a long-term
goal, requiring vastly increased capacity to develop an education system
that avoids indoctrination by any party or organization. Meanwhile, the
state needs to rely on community-based education (CBE) and support it.
Theoretically, CD is about organizational performance, but must
take into account public service management and contextual factors
such as armed conßict. Capacity is deÞned as not only service delivery
capability, but also the capabilities to commit and engage in development
activities; to attract support; to adapt and self-renew; and to balance
diversity and coherence, among others. Political will can also be
developed and requires a political economy analysis.
The challenge is therefore a practical one: how to develop these
capacities. The MoE’s chances of success depend on its partnerships
with the many CD partners that also control large parts of the education
budget. This book draws on four case studies of such partnerships with
international organizations and one case study by the MoE itself.
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Executive Summary
The International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) has
partnered with the MoE’s Department of Planning and Evaluation (DoPE)
since 2002. The main CD driver was a collaboration on Afghanistan’s
Þrst National Education Strategic Plan (NESP-I, 2006–2010), and its
revision (NESP-II, 2010–2014). IIEP employed a range of CD methods,
including mentoring MoE staff while they wrote the plan. A key aim
was to inspire national leadership and self-conÞdence. IIEP’s approach
relies on advocacy to secure policy support from the MoE leadership
and like-minded partners, and on dialogue with donors to gain ßexibility
regarding timing, implementation, and funding. IIEP’s next task is to
help the MoE develop training programmes for further domestic CD,
including at provincial level.
The MoE counterpart of the IIEP project reßects on CD achievements
and challenges from a MoE insider’s vantage point. Achievements
include Education Management Information Systems (EMIS), Public
Administration Reform (PAR), a stafÞng incentive scheme called
Pay and Grade (P&G), coordination mechanisms such as the Human
Resource Development Board (HRDB), and planning processes and
plan documents (NESP-I and -II). Challenges include procurement
reform, donor coordination, serious gender imbalances, and the security
situation. Future questions include how to make the civil servant job
category attractive again, professionally as well as Þnancially, and how
to decentralize management beyond the capital. If the MoE is to develop,
public sector regulations and structures need to change, which is why
advocacy with foreign aid agencies plays a central role.
PACE-A is a NGO coalition comprising CARE, the International
Rescue Committee (IRC), the Aga Khan Foundation (AKF), and
Catholic Relief Services, which has mainstreamed CBE into ofÞcial
education policy. PACE-A has used a mix of advocacy, policy work, and
technical assistance at MoE ofÞces from central to district levels. While
time-consuming, this was more effective in building MoE staff capacity
than ‘buying capacity’ from foreign staff. Systems created a platform of
stability in an unstable context. For example, PACE-A got CBE teachers
on the MoE payroll and had CBE schools included in the MoE’s EMIS,
leading to increased sustainability of CBE in Afghanistan.
The Netherlands is a major education donor which carefully reßects
on international policy commitments in its support for Afghanistan. Its
policy principles include following local priorities, being multilateral
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Executive Summary
where possible and bilateral where needed, and taking ‘responsible risks’.
The Netherlands supports a wide range of aid instruments, bilaterally
through (for example) Save the Children and multilaterally through the
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the Fast Track Initiative
(FTI). Dutch civil society organizations and higher education institutions
also play a role, and networking and research is supported, for instance
in the Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE). A
challenge for the Netherlands as a donor agency is to give priority to
long-term CD when the Dutch parliament and taxpayers increasingly call
for quick results.
UNESCO Kabul’s literacy programme had to build its enabling
structures with the MoE from scratch. A challenge is the incentive
culture, in which allowances are requested for almost all normal work.
UNESCO hopes that its infrastructural investments in the MoE’s
Literacy Department (LD) will increase staff motivation, and the chance
that donors will invest in literacy. UNESCO Kabul’s Inclusive Education
(IE) programme has mainstreamed IE into national planning, and a
nationwide movement of teachers, students, and parents now works for
IE. An IE unit has been set up in the Ministry, and joint advocacy and
policy work is undertaken with UNICEF and NGOs. These two directions
– the high policy level and the grassroots backing – were crucial to the
sustainability of CD efforts for IE.
A number of lessons are to be drawn from the book’s chapters:
1.
2.
3.
Building trusting partnerships takes time and is required
for high-level political backing. Decade-long engagements in
Afghanistan allowed agencies to gain credibility and develop
trusting partnerships with the MoE.
People come and go, but systems remain. Service delivery and
implementation of MoE policy hinges on systems. They enable
planning based on facts, and can reduce corruption and reliance on
individuals.
Put processes before products. Agency collaboration with MoE
on policy documents such as the NESP, the ‘Afghanized’ INEE
Minimum Standards for CBE, and national policies for CBE, IE,
and Literacy gave impetus to CD and enabled donor coordination.
In the process, the MoE gained self-conÞdence, a prerequisite for
the ability to commit and engage.
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Executive Summary
4.
Donor ßexibility and long-term commitment is helpful. Donor
support for CD activities in this book adhered to the Paris principles
on aid effectiveness by engaging over several years, showing
ßexibility, and taking ‘responsible risks’, e.g. by permitting sudden
project changes and accepting participatory design instead of longterm plans.
5. Donor coordination is needed for salary harmonization.
Coordination mechanisms such as the HRDB could be instrumental
in solving a major stafÞng challenge – the salary disparity between
the parallel systems of civil servants, funded by the MoE, and
national technical assistants (TAs), funded by donors. Agencies
could improve aid effectiveness by collaborating with the MoE to
map and harmonize TA salaries.
6. Choose pragmatic and basic solutions. The CD partnerships
often began with the basic infrastructure, such as supplying ofÞce
space or teaching generic skills like English and computer literacy.
Pragmatic compromises were necessary.
7. Gender is also a human resource issue. Only 26 per cent of all
MoE employees are female. Many women refrain from competing
with men for high managerial positions because of internalized
stereotypes of female inferiority. Agencies need to scan all activities
for opportunities to increase gender participation.
8. Nation-building should be based on decent, non-ideological
education. Through equitable, non-ideological education provision,
the state might one day make itself relevant to its citizens and become
less dependent on foreign aid. Decentralization of education – how
much, what responsibilities – is a key question in the larger scheme
of building an Afghan nation and state.
9. A plan is a statement of will and self-conÞdence. The policy
documents mentioned have been criticized for being unrealistic.
However, in Afghanistan’s political process, ambitious national
plans signal a will for drastic change, and may create hope and
self-conÞdence – invaluable resources when everything is a priority
and everything a challenge.
10. Sustained Þnancial support is a must for achieving national
development objectives. Investing in developing MoE capacity is
an investment in national capacity at large, which is a precondition
for nation-building and socio-economic growth. Adequate Þnancial
resources are needed to absorb the remaining 42 per cent of
out-of-school children, as outlined in the ambitious NESP-II.
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Chapter 1
Introduction
Morten Sigsgaard
1.1 Rationale
In the Þeld of humanitarian and development aid, large sums are spent
on capacity development (CD). But there is a need for documentation of
what actually works in CD in the education sector in conßict-affected
situations. Afghanistan is a case in point, as its education sector had to
be completely rebuilt after the fall of the Taliban in 2001–2002. Many
activities have been termed CD, but it would be interesting to explore
how successful these interventions have really been, and why. As a
leading technical institute concerned with CD in developed as well as
developing countries, IIEP-UNESCO has a vested interest in a critical
analysis of what form of CD works, or not, in all contexts. One might
surmise that if CD has been even minimally successful in Afghanistan, it
can be achieved anywhere.
IIEP has been involved in long-term CD through its ongoing technical
support to the MoE’s DoPE. The Þrst NESP was developed by the Afghan
MoE with the help of IIEP and other partners, and launched in May 2007.
Between 2008 and 2009, the MoE drafted the second education strategic
plan for the years 2010–2014, mainly under the leadership of the current
Minister of Education, Farooq Wardak. This second NESP (NESP-II)
was due to be launched in 2010, but was delayed because Afghanistan
applied for membership of the Education for All–Fast Track Initiative
(EFA-FTI), a process that led the MoE to produce an Interim Plan
2011–2013, aligned with the NESP-II. As of early 2011, this process, led
by Minister Wardak, is still ongoing.
IIEP is one among many agencies to have helped develop the
capacity of the MoE, in units other than the DoPE. This book aims to
document the process that led to this result, collecting lessons learned
and Þrsthand accounts from those involved in building resilience into the
education sector in Afghanistan.
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1.2 Research partnership with the Netherlands Ministry
of Foreign Affairs
This book is one of a series of thematic studies on education in
emergencies, within the framework of a research partnership between
IIEP and the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The partnership’s
purpose is to contribute to EFA goals through research on education
in areas of conßict, emergency, and reconstruction, aiming to develop
knowledge about interventions, strategies, and methods that will improve
access to quality education for all.
The research partnership so far has yielded two publications and
accompanying policy briefs: CertiÞcation Counts: Recognizing the
learning attainments of displaced and refugee students, edited by the late
Jackie Kirk (2009), and Opportunities for Change: Education innovation
and reform during and after conßict, edited by Susan Nicolai (2009).
The Netherlands has been actively contributing to Afghanistan’s
development for more than 20 years through the UN, the Red Cross,
and other aid organizations. It has been a partner country to Afghanistan
since 2001.
Education is one of the priority themes of Dutch development
policy, and in 2005 14 per cent (approximately 600 million Euros) of
the Dutch development cooperation budget was devoted to education.
Along with the US Agency for International Development (USAID),
the UK Department for International Development (DFID), the Danish
International Development Agency (DANIDA), the Norwegian Agency
for Development Cooperation (NORAD), and others, the Dutch as
donors give priority to working in states affected by fragility, which is
viewed as a phenomenon in need of sustained and substantial aid. The
Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs is also represented in the INEE
Working Group on Education and Fragility, which serves as a discussion
forum for, and carries out research on, education in fragile situations.
1.3 Scope of the book
The research for this book has consisted of a review of the existing
literature, plus semi-structured interviews where relevant. For security
reasons, the editor was unable to travel to Kabul. The case studies,
however, are written by contributors with extensive experience of
working and living in Afghanistan, including Afghan nationals.
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Introduction
Among the many agencies in Afghanistan’s education sector, this
book focuses on the MoE.1 One reason for this is that the Ministry is the
rightful duty-bearer of the EFA commitment. The Paris Declaration on
Aid Effectiveness (2005, para. 15) emphasizes country ownership over
the development process; the third of the OECD–Development Assistance
Committee (DAC) Principles for Good International Engagement in
Fragile States & Situations (2007) is ‘Focus on state-building as the
central objective’. OECD donor countries, UN agencies, and major
international NGOs in the education sector are obligated by these policy
principles to work with the MoE.
Another reason to focus on the MoE is the impressive development
it has gone through. In 2002, after 30 years of war, everything needed
to be rebuilt almost from scratch (see Box 3, Chapter 4). In 2010, eight
years and many millions of dollars worth of CD later, the Ministry has
been transformed. In this period, the minister of education has changed
no less than six times. Yet in spite of the general chaos and continuing
war in the country, the Ministry has made signiÞcant headway towards
becoming technically autonomous from international agencies in terms
of planning at the central level.
To reach this stage, actors within the MoE itself, as well as numerous
non-state actors such as donor agencies, consultants, UN agencies,
and NGOs, have contributed to developing its capacity. Some of their
experiences are described in Chapters 5–9.
This remarkable turnaround is worth investigating. How did it come
about? Are there lessons to be learned for education agencies in other
difÞcult contexts? The Þrst OECD-DAC principle is to take context as
the starting point, but given the continuing crisis in Afghanistan, one is
tempted to believe that if it can be done in Afghanistan, then perhaps it
can be done anywhere.
1.4 Challenges to education in Afghanistan
Several documents (MoE, 2010b; Adam Smith International, 2010a;
Sigsgaard, 2009), drawn upon below, have analysed the education sector
and its challenges in depth. What follows is a brief indication of the
magnitude of the challenges facing the MoE and its partners.
1.
Other state actors in the education sector, such as the Ministry of Higher Education
(MoHE) and the Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs, Martyrs and Disabled, will
thus not be discussed in this study.
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Introduction
Afghanistan’s recent history and 30 years of war have left the country
among the poorest in the world. It is ranked third-last in the UNDP’s
Human Development Index. Life expectancy is 44 years; the infant
mortality rate is 154/1,000, and the unemployment rate is 40 per cent.
Only half of the provinces are considered ‘secure’ by the MoE – the
rest are ‘insecure’ – although many citizens experience lawlessness as
pervasive in most of the country.
Afghanistan is still at the state formation stage, meaning that
the state is not yet a reality in the sense of having a monopoly on the
means of violence, control over all aspects of the economy (much of it
opium-driven), or, importantly, the predictable ability to deliver social
services such as education.
Despite the conßict, major achievements have been made since the
fall of the Taliban (2001):
•
•
•
•
Between 2001 and 2009, primary school enrolment rose from
0.9 million to nearly 7 million (a sevenfold increase in eight years)
and the proportion of girls from virtually zero to 37 per cent. Yet
42 per cent of the population of schoolchildren is still estimated to
be out of school.
The number of teachers in general education has risen sevenfold,
but their qualiÞcations are low and only 31 per cent are women.
Since 2003, over 5,000 school buildings have been rehabilitated or
newly constructed, but still only just over 50 per cent of schools
have usable buildings. Thousands of communities have no access to
schools due to distance or security. In the period between October
2005 and March 2007, 6 per cent of schools were burned down or
closed down by the insurgents.
A particular issue of concern is ongoing direct attacks on education.
In 2008, the number of attacks on schools, teachers, and pupils had
almost tripled to 670 – almost two attacks every day! – compared
with the two previous years (O’Malley, 2010: 173; Glad, 2009: 21).
This relation between education, the state, and insurgents, and
the proposed mitigation measures, is treated in more detail in
Chapters 3, 4, and 5.
1.5 Flow and structure of the book
The book does not attempt to analyse all the MoE’s organizational
and institutional capacity gaps (including management, Þnancing,
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Introduction
procurement, human resource management, monitoring and evaluation
[M&E], and more, as described in Chapter 5) and the appropriate CD
solutions to each of these gaps. Instead, its chapters offer different entry
points to a discussion of CD. The main focus is on planning as a driver
of CD.
Chapter 2 deÞnes the concept of CD used in the book. A
holistic view of capacity is emphasized: it is more than just training
individuals and enhancing the ability to deliver services, and it takes
the organizational culture and the broader political context seriously. It
is argued that a solution to the much discussed ‘lack of political will’
can be developed as a set of skills.
Chapter 3 discusses education in Afghanistan as part of a larger
state-building and nation-building project, which has a contested history
and still raises questions for education agencies and the MoE. It is argued
that the education sector would gain by remaining politically neutral.
Planning can help: good planning means that the curriculum is not
hijacked by political extremists, and it also provides a framework for
community initiatives.
Chapter 4 is the Þrst of Þve case studies of CD partnerships
with the MoE, presenting an in-depth reßection on IIEP’s eight-year
partnership with the MoE’s DoPE. Among other points, it shows that
strategic planning can be a driver of CD. Planning, data, and EMIS are
key elements in CD. EMIS is needed to gather and to monitor data; it
enables planning to be evidence-based and allows MoE planners and CD
agencies to monitor their CD results.
The remaining Þve case studies in Chapters 5–9 feature rich detail
on how UNESCO Kabul, the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
and the CBE consortium PACE-A (including the IRC and CARE) have
worked with the MoE, as well as relating the experience of the MoE itself.
These Þve chapters substantiate and complement Chapter 4’s focus on
strategic planning. They validate IIEP’s Þndings, since they come from
the different perspectives of the MoE, an NGO coalition, a donor, and a
UN agency. The case studies also complement each other: for example,
the general overview of the MoE’s experience with CD in Chapter 5 is
grounded on the example of PACE-A’s initiatives in the CBE programme
detailed in Chapter 6.
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Introduction
Finally, Chapter 10 distils the six case studies into lessons learned.
Chapter 11 concludes and points out future directions for CD agencies in
Afghanistan’s education sector.
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Chapter 2
An analytical approach to capacity
development
Morten Sigsgaard
This chapter reviews literature on capacity development (CD) for
educational planning in fragile situations, and discusses them in relation
to the context of Afghanistan.
There has been a wealth of research on CD in recent years, and
international policy documents such as the Accra Agenda for Action
underline the importance of CD: ‘We agreed in the Paris Declaration
that capacity development is the responsibility of developing countries,
with donors playing a supportive role, and that technical cooperation is
one means among others to develop capacity’ (Accra Agenda for Action,
2008: 2).
2.1 DeÞnition of capacity development
This book uses Anton De Grauwe’s deÞnition:
Capacity development: Any activity which aims explicitly at
strengthening a country so that it can better achieve its development
objectives by having a positive and sustainable impact on any of the
following:
•
•
•
•
individual ofÞcers with the necessary capacities and incentives;
organizations that have a clear mandate and are run effectively;
a supportive public service;
a motivating, stable and structured context;
without having negative effects on any of these levels (De Grauwe,
2009: 53).
In the case of Afghanistan’s education system, this deÞnition implies
that:
•
•
Capacity can be developed through a broad variety of activities.
CD contributes to state-building, as it works to develop the
public service and the state – in this case, primarily the MoE and
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•
•
•
secondarily the Ministry of Higher Education (MoHE), but also
other government institutions that support the education sector,
such as the Ministry of Finance (MoF) or the Ministry of Labour,
Social Affairs, Martyrs and Disabled. This is further discussed in
Chapter 3.
A holistic and multi-layered understanding of the context is essential.
All four levels (individuals, their organizations, the public service,
and the broader context) should be considered to try to ensure that
a positive impact at one level does not lead to negative impacts
at other levels. Short-term training used in isolation, without
consideration of the surrounding context, seem to have little impact.
‘Without capacity, there is no development’ (De Grauwe, 2009).
For instance, it is not enough to focus aid only on building physical
infrastructure (such as school buildings) without ensuring the
human resource capacity to use such infrastructure.
CD should be a participatory process, owned by the MoE. CD is
not just a means to achieve results, but also a goal in itself: CD
is freedom; it is about individuals, organizations, and countries
becoming free to choose their own development paths (following
Amartya Sen, 1999, quoted in Baser and Morgan, 2008: 25).
2.2 A multi-layered context
As mentioned above, CD needs to take into account a multi-layered
context, which can be conceptualized in different ways.2 The present
book takes its point of departure from Davies’ model (2009: 23; see
Figure 1).
Davies’ model does not include the individual level, as it is argued
that working solely at the individual level would be pointless: for
example, individuals with increased capacity may leave the organization
for better jobs elsewhere, or they may have little power to implement
their new skills in their organization. Systems are ultimately composed
of individuals: it is important to ensure that individual ofÞcers have the
right qualiÞcations, training, and experience, and that the right incentives
are in place for them. But CD needs to go beyond individuals to address
the organizations they work within.
2.
Examples of three slightly different models are De Grauwe (2009: 33–35, 151);
Brinkerhoff (2007: 13); Davies (2009: 23).
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An analytical approach to capacity development
Figure 1.
Organizational, institutional culture, and political
context dimensions of capacity development
Organizational
dimension
Need for:
• financial systems and information systems;
• basic accounting for schools on fees, levies, etc.;
• job descriptions;
• regulatory frameworks for decentralized levels;
• understanding of the meanings of decentralization and power-sharing;
• transparent teacher appointments;
• reporting and report writing;
• monitoring and evaluation.
Institutional
culture
dimension
Existence of:
• hidden rules, norms, values;
• creative accounting and allowance culture deriving from history of poverty;
• contexts of hierarchy meaning deference, fear, and possible abuse of power;
• patronage, clientelism, gendered power;
• norms governing reciprocity in exchanges (favours and gifts);
• lack of initiative or concern about improvement resulting from decades of
conflict or oppression;
• need to combine personal incentives with institutional improvement.
Problem of:
• political elites in contestation over education;
• absence of genuine political will around social cohesion or social, caste, or
gender equality;
Enabling
• ethnic or religious conflict may have been exacerbated by education, need for
environment /
capacity development in non-discriminatory curriculum materials and civic
political context
education;
• questions of what constitutes ‘the community’, and possible divisions and
contestation within and between communities;
• endemic corruption as a norm.
CD at the organizational level is therefore not just about training
individuals, but also about developing roles, positions, responsibilities,
systems, and policies – a formal structure that enables people to work.
This includes developing Þnancial and information systems, job
descriptions, regulatory frameworks and policies, reporting, and M&E.
The administrative reform and P&G scheme described in Chapter 5,
Section 6 presents many examples of this.
To affect the organizational level of the public administration, it is
necessary to understand and work on the level of institutional culture.
The institutional culture level is a set of often informal practices that
permeate and alter the functioning of the formal structure. It may include
hidden rules, norms, and values (‘how we do things here’), various kinds
of ‘corruption’ (such as the allowance culture mentioned by UNESCO
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On the road to resilience:
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Kabul in Chapter 8, the creative accounting, patronage, and clientelism
practices that PACE-A alludes to in Section 6.5, and the gendered power
mentioned by the MoE in Section 5.3), hierarchies (status, rank, authority),
and incentive structures. CD agencies must decide whether to challenge or
try to change these cultures, accept and work with them, or work around
them. Taking the institutional culture level seriously means acknowledging
that these often informal practices will compete with, or make obsolete,
systems, structures, and procedures at the organizational level.
Moreover, the organization exists in a socio-economic-political
context, also termed the enabling (or disabling) environment or ‘fragile
context’, where most of the ‘drivers of fragility’ or ‘root causes of
conßict’ are located.3 This poses a number of problems for CD agencies,
including: political elites contesting the nature of education; an absence
of political will around social cohesion and gender or ethnic equality;4
or endemic corruption being an accepted norm.5 Clearly, CD agencies
cannot afford to ignore these contextual factors. We note again how
actors and events in the socio-economic-political context may counteract
even those CD strategies that take institutional cultures into account.
2.3 Five core capabilities
Davies’ CD model is a useful reminder of the need to take context, as
well as institutional culture and organizational development, as a starting
point. However, the model still leaves open the question of how to deÞne
‘capacity’.
Baser and Morgan (2008: 34) answer this question by distinguishing
between competencies, which are individual attributes; capabilities,
which are collective ones; and capacity as the ‘combination of the two
that enables an organization to create value’. Such a deÞnition implies that
the speciÞc competency of an individual staff member (in a supportive
organizational framework with clear job descriptions, satisfactory salary,
sufÞcient training), or the collective capability of a department (able
3.
4.
5.
Sigsgaard (2009) analyses a variety of examples of how education interventions in
Afghanistan relate to the broader ‘fragile context’.
For example, some have feared the impact on girls’ education if the Taliban gets
into government following peace negotiations.
A 2010 UNODC survey of corruption in Afghanistan showed that 25 per cent
of Afghanistan’s adult population had paid at least one bribe during the last 12
months to police ofÞcers and to municipal and provincial ofÞcers. For teachers,
however, the Þgure was a much lower 4 per cent (UNODC, 2010: 25).
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An analytical approach to capacity development
to adapt to the constraints of non-formal processes of the institutional
culture and to the instability of the socio-economic-political context),
can only be considered capacity when they are part of a creative and
collaborative process (De Grauwe, 2009: 55).
Baser and Morgan’s ‘unpacking’ of capacity into Þve collective core
capabilities is outlined in Figure 2 (adapted from Baser and Morgan,
2008: 26) and below.
The Þve core collective capabilities are as follows:6
1. The core capability to commit and engage (in development
activities)
The core capability to commit and engage is the driving energy for the
other four capabilities, and Baser and Morgan (2008) strongly emphasize
its importance:
Organizations must be able to have volition, to choose, to empower
and to create space for themselves. This is about the capability of
... a living system – to be conscious and aware of its place in
the world, to conÞgure itself, to develop its own motivation and
commitment and then to act ... despite the opposition or resistance
or noncooperation of others. This ... goes beyond conventional
notions of ownership. It has a lot to do with attitude and selfperception. ... Actors that developed it could overcome enormous
constraints. When it was absent or weakened, they produced little
of value. (Baser and Morgan, 2008: 27)
Yet this is also the capability least understood by external actors,
who often automatically assume that their partner has the capability
to commit and that the only thing missing is ‘technical gaps’.7 Actors
without this capability may be characterized as lacking ‘commitment’
or ‘political will’ (Baser and Morgan, 2008: 27–28). Lack of political
will is often viewed as intrinsic to a civil servant or leader, but it is also
incumbent on agencies supporting governments to understand how to
develop commitment and engagement effectively and sensitively.
6.
7.
Key examples are drawn from Sigsgaard (2009).
Perhaps this capability is often overlooked because the deeper (political, cultural,
psychological, social) explanations of why a ministry is (in)capable of committing
and engaging elude conventional ‘needs assessments’, which focus on capacity
gaps without explaining why they have emerged.
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On the road to resilience:
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Figure 2.
Capacity and Þve collective capabilities
Capability to
commit and engage
Capability to carry out
technical, service delivery,
and logistical tasks
Capability to adapt
and self-renew
Capacity
(to create public value)
Capability to
balance diversity
and coherence
Capability to
relate and attract
resources and
support
In Afghanistan, those who try to develop and encourage capabilities
like conviction, perseverance, aspiration, and determination need to build
on the existing resilience, hope, faith, pride, dignity, or even deÞance
of the difÞcult circumstances. These seem to be core ‘Afghan’ qualities
– without them, Afghan communities would long ago have disintegrated.
Moreover, no nation has ever defeated the Afghans; and rebuilding the
education system after 30 years of war is a matter of national pride.
IIEP took this into account when it helped the MoE to produce the
Þrst NESP: having a tangible plan resulted in much pride and hope, even
though the challenges described in it were colossal, and the data it was
built on had limitations.
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An analytical approach to capacity development
Essentially, this capability is primarily about leadership, as a
quality of both individuals and organizations, and about working with
the elite groups who form the educational leadership. Working with these
groups is ‘about understanding the incentive and interest structures that
motivate and shape the behaviour and interaction of elite groups’ (ODI,
2009: 7).
Of course, the leadership of the Minister of Education himself8 and
his close advisors is of great importance. Political turmoil has produced
no fewer than six ministers of education in the period 2002–2010 (Bethke,
2009: 9). Ensuring that education policy remains consistent under
such conditions is a challenge. Another challenge is securing Afghan
ownership of a ministry with a high degree of foreign consultants and
TAs, with many donors making individual demands, and with internal
politics in Afghanistan divided across ethnic lines. The national plan
helped in this regard, as it was a symbol of a united, national, ministry
effort for education for all across political and social divides.
2.
The core capability to carry out technical, service delivery, and
logistical tasks
This core capability underlies the most common way of thinking
about capacity.9 It includes strategic planning and management,
Þduciary management, and delivery of services. From this perspective,
organizations are in the performance and results business. The emphasis
is on functional, instrumental ways of meeting a set of objectives and
fulÞlling a mandate (in Section 4.7 this is referred to as ‘the nuts and
bolts of planning’), not on politics and power. This capability is of course
a crucial element of ‘the capacity puzzle’, but needs to be combined
with the four other capabilities to create sustainable capacity (Baser and
Morgan, 2008: 29–30).
Developing this core capability within an entire system is difÞcult
in fragile contexts because capacity gaps anywhere in the delivery
8.
9.
Since 2001 (and probably also over the last several decades), all six ministers of
education have been males (Wikipedia, 2010a). There are currently few Afghan
women at ministerial level. In December 2010, out of 25 cabinet members only
3 were women – the Minister of Labour, Social Affairs, Martyrs and Disabled plus
the acting Minister of Women’s Affairs and the acting Minister of Public Health
(Wikipedia, 2010b).
For example, as Boesen and Therkildsen (2005: 3) put it,‘Capacity is the ability of
an organization to produce appropriate outputs’.
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chain will jeopardize efforts elsewhere. For instance, IIEP built up
capabilities for strategic planning in the central level MoE in Kabul, but
the effectiveness of these plans still depends on Þnancial reform in the
MoE (and the public sector as a whole) and on gaps at the sub-national
level, including a host of obstacles to service delivery related to attacks
on education, environmental hazards, dire poverty, and more.
3.
The core capability to relate and to attract resources and support
This core capability is about relating and surviving by securing support
and protection, often in competition or cooperation with other actors
(Baser and Morgan, 2008: 30–31). It includes the capabilities of earning
credibility and legitimacy, buffering the organization or system from
intrusions and political capture, earning the trust of others, such as donors
and clients, and combining political neutrality and assertive advocacy. It
is also about diplomacy and communication.
The capability to survive is highly important in a conßict-ridden
context with its political instability and resulting trust gaps. The frequent
change in ministerial leadership is a good example of the disruptions the
education system needs to be buffered from. The priorities of foreign
aid agencies who have funded most of the MoE’s development budget
may not always be in line with MoE priorities, and can therefore be
experienced as intrusions in the MoE system.
A national education sector plan, with an appropriate EMIS and
simulation and projection model, is a good tool for enabling policy
dialogue in a way that will appear politically more neutral and legitimate
than if there was no ofÞcial plan. Another example of this capability to
relate and attract support comes from 2010, when Afghanistan began the
process of seeking endorsement for the FTI, which requires a credible
education sector plan. Opinions differ as to whether Afghanistan’s
education sector really needs more funding.10 It is also not clear that the
FTI was intended for countries like Afghanistan which already receive
relatively high funding volumes. Moreover, should the FTI ultimately
choose to support Afghanistan’s NESP-II, then the FTI support would
10.
In 2009, the MoE was able to spend only 44 per cent of the development budget
(as shown in Table 1, Chapter 5). This could be taken as an indication that it is not
funding that the MoE is lacking. On the other hand, the MoE argues in Chapter 5
that its ‘budget expenditure capacity has seen constant growth over the last Þve
years ... [indicating] that investment in capacity development during previous
years create results in the years that follow’.
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An analytical approach to capacity development
probably be a very small part of the requested budget.11 Nevertheless,
going through the process of FTI endorsement will most probably
improve the MoE’s relations with FTI staff and increase its proÞle; these
informal and intangible factors may be valuable for the MoE and help it
to attract other resources, for example from donors who may Þnd it easier
to buy into an FTI approved plan, even if it does not receive funds from
the FTI (personal communication with UN education staff, September
2009).
The establishment of the Education Development Board (EDB)
and its follow-up, the HRDB, provided a stable forum for coordination,
alignment, and communication between donors and the MoE. As pointed
out by Shah (2010), such a relationship is not power-free – relations
between donors and aid recipients never were. But establishing such a
forum increases transparency and allows for establishing procedures and
policies that enable longer-term planning. The process of formulating,
negotiating, and monitoring these policies is an opportunity for all
parties involved to develop trust, credibility, and legitimacy. This in turn
can improve the MoE’s chances of raising the needed funds for the plan.
4.
The core capability to adapt and self-renew
This core capability is needed because Afghanistan’s MoE is operating
in a time of rapid change, with a potential for destabilization, not least
because the changes are largely funded by outside agencies with their
own agendas. Many agencies committed to aid harmonization and
alignment in the Paris Declaration (2005) and the Accra Agenda for
Action (2008). Yet for various reasons these agencies are also obliged
to report and heed the interests of their own constituencies (as described
by the Netherlands in Chapter 7) before the interests of the national
governments in the countries where they are working. Hence, agencies
may not always be in a position to live up to good donor agendas such
as promoting national ownership and letting the Afghan MoE lead the
process and control funds.
Beyond the donor agendas, there are many other destabilizing factors
in Afghanistan – the rapid growth of the education system, the armed
11.
The draft NESP-II budget is US$8 billion over four years (US$2 billion per year),
while the largest FTI disbursement to date was a mere US$150 million over three
years to Kenya (US$50 million per year, or a mere 2.5 per cent of the requested
NESP-II budget), according to an FTI assessment team member in Kabul, April
2010 (quoted in Shah, 2010: 27, 35).
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insurgency, the brain drain, and so on. In such a situation, adaptability
and self-renewal become essential (Baser and Morgan, 2008: 32).
Yet change can also be an opportunity to grow, mature, and improve,
and the core capability to adapt and self-renew is also necessary to seize
the many positive opportunities for change that present themselves in
Afghanistan.12
Among the most obvious intrusions on the school system are the
attacks on education. One MoE strategy has been to pay civil servant
support staff as night watchmen, and to support the formation of local
school protection councils (Glad, 2009). Yet it has also chosen a strategy
of negotiating with the Taliban and other insurgent groups through
local elders. The MoE has chosen to relate to these groups and has
made compromises around, for instance, allowing teachers to be called
Mullahs and ensuring that schools symbolically appear as ‘true Muslim
schools’; girls wear headscarves (in alignment with deep cultural norms
in Afghanistan), and girls and boys are separated in classrooms (IRIN,
2009a). A less reported compromise measure is the MoE’s permitting of
local adaptations to the state curriculum, and often overlooked situations
where pages are torn out of textbooks. These measures have not caused
all the attacks on education to stop – in October 2009, about 27 per cent
of the closed schools (220 of 800 closed ones) had re-opened, while the
remaining 73 per cent remained closed (interview with Ataullah Wahidyar,
chief of staff, MoE, quoted in Giustozzi, 2010: 18, footnote 19).
The core capability to adapt and self-renew encompasses the
capability to improve individual and organizational learning, to foster
internal dialogue, to reposition and reconÞgure the organization, to
incorporate new ideas, and to map out a growth path. It relates to the
MoE’s ability to strategize, prioritize, and restructure itself accordingly.
The NESP-I was one such attempt at strategizing, which also resulted in
a MoE departmental restructuring from eight down to Þve departments
and deputy ministers at time of writing in October 2010, following the
NESP’s new priority programmes. Later the NESP-I had to be revised
for a number of reasons, including an improved statistical base but also
the fact that the Paris conference on Afghanistan in June 2008 modiÞed
12.
See Nicolai (2009) for examples of education innovation and reform potential
during and after conßict, with 10 country case studies, of which Afghanistan is
one.
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An analytical approach to capacity development
the national education time-frames.13 These processes are described in
Chapters 4 and 5.
The capability to adapt and self-renew is connected to the capability
to relate. It is easier to improve organizational learning and map out a
growth path for the MoE when it can relate to other organizations and
learn from them. Such learning can take place through staff training,
mentoring, accompaniment, and transfer of knowledge from national
TAs and international advisors to civil servant staff, as described in
Chapters 4–9, and through cooperation mechanisms such as the HRDB
or working groups.
5.
The core capability to balance diversity and coherence
This includes the capability to manage diversity and to manage paradox
and tension.
It is about encouraging both stability and innovation, and balancing
the other four core capabilities. It also has to do with the necessary
trade-offs, for example between being technocratic and political at
once, having ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ capabilities, focusing externally as well
as internally, focusing on the short versus the long term, emphasizing
performance versus CD, and being centralized or decentralized (Baser
and Morgan, 2008: 33).
One example of this capability was former Minister of Education
Hanif Atmar’s initial wish to push for a quickly produced NESP-I written
by English-speaking advisors rather than civil servants, versus IIEP’s
advice to take a longer and more participatory route to plan preparation. To
a great extent the Minister adopted the participatory approach advocated
by IIEP (see Chapter 4 for details), but he also needed to be directive:
While IIEP might have suggested, based on its previous experience,
the structural content for these speciÞed processes, interviewees
uniformly characterized Minister Atmar’s leadership style as
providing an enabling environment that meant that the structure
was operational. ‘The moment Atmar entered into the ring, he said:
“Everybody will listen to my command.” There was a hierarchical
system of decision making for NESP I. At the bottom were the
13.
The Paris conference on Afghanistan agreed on going from the Interim Afghanistan
National Development Strategy (I-ANDS) to a non-interim version (the ANDS).
This resulted in changed time-frames for the plans of all sectors, including
education.
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Working Groups and then there was the Steering Committee. The
results of the Working Groups would be presented to the board,’
said one interviewee. In terms of capacity, MoE leadership’s
strong expression of ownership for and focus on the strategic
planning process meant that the larger MoE system was engaged
and responsive. (Interview with a donor agency representative,
November 2009, quoted in Holland, 2010: 9)
This balancing act between direction and participation was probably
necessary for getting things done.
Through these processes, which went on over years, IIEP helped
develop the MoE’s capability to balance diversity and coherence by
remaining available for policy advice. This was appreciated by the MoE,
particularly the Department of Planning and Evaluation (DoPE), as
described in Chapter 4.
Managing paradox and tension is something most Afghan
individuals are forced to live with, including those in the ministries,
given the ongoing security threats and the unclear future prospects for the
state and its citizens. The MoE Director General for Teacher Education,
Susan Wardak, asked: ‘How to prioritize when everything is priority?’
(Wardak and Firth, 2009), suggesting why this capability needs to be
strengthened. The fact that schools and the education administration
keep working regardless of these paradoxical, tense conditions testiÞes
to a remarkable resilience among communities and in the MoE.
These Þve core capabilities will be further analysed in Chapter 10.
2.4 Capacity vs. will
A good reason for using Baser and Morgan’s model of Þve capabilities
is that the Þrst of the capabilities – the core capability to commit and
engage14 – provides an entry point for understanding and discussing the
classic deÞnition of a fragile state as one in which ‘state structures lack
political will and/or capacity’ (OECD-DAC, 2007: 7). This assumed
‘lack of will’ is problematic because it is hard to measure and is
perceived as undiplomatic (Engberg-Pedersen, Andersen, and Stepputat,
2008: 21–22) .
14.
The core capability includes the capabilities to encourage mindfulness, to
persevere, to aspire, to embed conviction, to take ownership, and to be determined.
It energizes the other four core capabilities.
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The OECD deÞnition implies that fragility cannot always be
mitigated through technical assistance alone. Fragile states also need
changes in political will, which may require agencies to rethink their
approaches and focus on activities that impact on political will. Yet this
is rarely discussed in aid agency documents, perhaps because it is too
controversial. The DFID White Paper, which laid out British development
strategy as of 2009, was one of the Þrst donor documents to discuss this
as an issue (Box 1). DFID is an advocate of political economy analyses,
and its report, DFID Understanding Afghanistan (Barakat, 2008),
commissioned from a mixed group of analysts, diplomats, the military,
aid Þeld staff, and academics, is a credible analysis of what donors can
and cannot do in Afghanistan.
Box 1. The DFID White Paper 2009
The July 2009 DFID White Paper, Building our Common Future, pledged to allocate
‘at least 50 per cent of all new bilateral country aid to fragile and conflict-affected
countries’, and made it clear that ‘Conflict and fragility are inherently political. They
are about how power and resources are shared in society, between ethnic groups,
social classes or men and women. Their solutions must be rooted in politics. ... This
will change ... how we spend our aid budget ... and who we want to work with’ (DFID,
2009: 70, 73, paras. 4.9, 4.16, 4.19).
The White Paper proposes a variety of interventions to improve political will.
Some are about strengthening demand for political change from outside the state, for
instance strengthening media and civil society, and supporting free and fair elections.
However, it said little about how to increase political will from within the state. The
reasons for this were not made explicit.
Afghan policy documents, such as the Afghanistan National
Development Strategy (ANDS) and the NESP, although they do mention
the need for CD, rarely if ever mention political will. No government
has much to gain from criticizing itself, and in a situation in which
self-conÞdence is sorely needed, it may be more helpful to look upward
rather than inward. However, foreign agencies have their coordination
issues to deal with, too, as the MoE describes in Chapter 5. Lack of will
can also be due to structural factors.
Nevertheless, the literature on CD in fragile states (Bethke,
2009; Davies, 2009) is clear that power and politics matter in CD: for
example, informal systems of patronage may lead to political rather than
merit-based appointments. So what can CD agencies do to strengthen
political will within the MoE?
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On the road to resilience:
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One approach is to assume good faith on the part of the Afghan state
ofÞcials – or other ‘unwilling’ agencies – and simply reframe the apparent
lack of will as another set of capabilities that can be developed, that is,
‘the core capability to commit and engage’. The analysis in Chapter 10
will show how this has indeed been done at various levels. Nils Boesen
has termed this approach ‘functional-rational’ (EuropeAid, 2005). The
functional-rational approach underlies much programme design. For
instance, using the Logical Framework Approach, the programme logic
may be that if capacity is developed sufÞciently, then the involved actors
will work in accordance with the higher purpose of the system, and
results will be achieved.
This functional-rational approach needs to be balanced with a
‘political economy’ approach to CD (EuropeAid, 2005: 21; see also
OECD-DAC, 2008: 15–16).15 The political economy approach assumes
that Afghan state ofÞcials as well as other agency representatives will
act according to their own best interests, which are not necessarily those
of the system. In this scenario, people will try to maximize the power
and money they can get from the system, not with malign intentions, but
simply because of strong incentives and pressures.
In Afghanistan, actors within the state apparatus need to deal
with the reality of clan-based rivalries extending into politics, the need
for protection, having to support extended families, and other similar
factors. International agencies, for their part, sometimes need to deal
with lack of personnel, but also with the incentives generated by
international corporate consultant salaries and allowances of as much
as US$250,000–500,000 a year, as critics of aid ineffectiveness have
pointed out (Waldman, 2008: 3).
Understanding and accommodating power and interests, and
managing the use of sanctions and incentives, become key issues for
CD agencies, not just in relation to their Afghan counterparts but also
on the international aid scene. Figure 3 (adapted from EuropeAid,
2005: 21–22) spells out this difference between the functional-rational
and the political economy dimensions, expanding it to the organization
and its surrounding context.
15.
The functional-rational and the political economy dimensions are, of course,
theoretical constructs, and should be seen as complementary, both analytically and
strategically.
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An analytical approach to capacity development
Figure 3. Functional-rational vs. political economy
approaches to capacity development
Focus on the functional-rational
Focus on the political economy
dimension
dimension
• Understanding and accommodating
Focus on factors • Getting the job done. Most
power and interests.
within the
support has been here – training,
• Interventions focus on changing
organization(s)
restructuring, technical assistance.
sanctions and rewards, removing
• Developing the capability to carry
or sidelining opponents to change,
out technical, service delivery,
and logistical tasks (and other
moving towards merit-based hiring,
capabilities). Setting up systems.
and building internal coalitions for
• MoE example: IIEP trains and
change.
mentors the MoE’s DoPE in using
• MoE example: The P&G reform – the
attempt to replace a cadre of older
simulation and projection models, or
civil servants with younger staff.
counsels the Director of the DoPE on
ministry restructuring plans.
• The Netherlands as well as IIEP
have supported, or plan to support,
national programmes for CD, teacher
training, etc.
Focus on factors • Creating an ‘enabling environment’ • Forcing change in the internal power
relations from outside.
for doing the job.
in the external
• Examples: budget reforms to ensure • Examples: strengthening of
environment
civil-society organizations or of
predictability of flows of funds to
political or client accountability,
organizations, change in legal
building external coalitions for
mandates, civil service reform,
change, strengthening the media’s role
strengthening of supervisory
as a watchdog.
agencies.
• MoE examples: Unable to influence
• MoE examples: The Netherlands’
MoE policy of using schools as
support of the FTI or the Afghanistan
voting stations for elections, CARE
Reconstruction Trust Fund (a
in Kabul worked with the advocacy
fund that aims to increase aid
NGO Watchlist on Children and
predictability).
Armed Conflict, and the UN Special
• UNESCO Kabul builds a grassroots
Representative on Children and Armed
movement of teacher and parents to
Conflict to influence the Government
support and develop IE.
of Afghanistan. After sustained
international pressure including a UN
debate in New York, CARE’s strategy
paid off and the Government changed
its policy.
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On the road to resilience:
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2.5 Implications of CD theory for this book
This chapter shows that agencies seeking to engage in CD with a MoE
must be sensitive to the wider political country context.16 They also
need to consider the impact of informal institutional cultures when
organizational structures are set up. Capacity, in this chapter, has been
deÞned not just as a matter of the ability to deliver services, but also as
the capabilities to commit and engage, to relate and attract resources and
support, to adapt and self-renew, and to balance diversity and coherence.
Finally, CD agencies need to combine functional-rational intervention
approaches that see political will as yet another capability to be developed
with political economy approaches that take into account power and its
role in creating organizational change. Examples of this are drawn from
this book’s case studies (Chapters 4–9).
This chapter serves to outline the concepts of capacity and CD. The
models of CD above are not going to be translated point by point into
a distinct analytic framework to be strictly applied in each case study.
Rather, this chapter functions as a reference point for the analysis in the
following chapters, including the case studies, to be used ßexibly and
according to need.
16.
Risks and vulnerabilities to the education system are increasingly recognized
by the MoE, as demonstrated by the inclusion of a risk analysis section in the
NESP-II/Interim Plan, which covers key issues affecting the sector related to
security, governance, economy, and chronic poverty (MoE, 2010b).
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Chapter 3
Education’s role in nation-building
in Afghanistan
Morten Sigsgaard
Afghanistan is undergoing a process of state formation and state-building.
The preceding chapter argued that actors involved in capacity
development (CD) need to understand, adapt to, and contribute to the
overall stabilization of the Afghan context and the public service sector.
As the former Minister of Education Hanif Atmar expressed it in his
foreword to the NESP-I:
It is the strong belief of our country’s top leadership that a
revitalized education system that is guided by the tenets of Islam
is at the core of the State Building exercise. Therefore, one of the
top priorities of government is to rebuild an education system that
will act as a fundamental cornerstone in shaping the future of the
country... (MoE, 2007: 9, emphasis in original).
A clear understanding of the role of education in contributing to
the formation and development of the Afghan state and nation is critical.
Without it, CD may run the risk of exacerbating conßict.
This chapter will therefore discuss education’s pivotal role
in nation- and state-building, in line with the third OECD-DAC
(2007) principle: ‘Focus on state-building as the central objective.’
Education-focused agencies including educational planners need to
ask these questions: What kind of state is envisioned, and what is the
role of the education system in building the state and its corresponding
nation or peoples? How can capacity developers ‘do no harm’? How
can education contribute to peace and stability? These questions must be
front and centre in CD interventions, given that education in Afghanistan
historically has contributed to stability as well as indirectly to conßict, as
shown in the examples given below.
This discussion will take its point of departure from a controversial
paper, Nation-building Is Not for All: The politics of education in
Afghanistan (2010), by the political historian Antonio Giustozzi, a proliÞc
scholar and expert on Afghanistan. Giustozzi argues that nation-building
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Capacity development with the Ministry of Education in Afghanistan
is necessarily a top-down and inherently oppressive enterprise whereby
a state elite uses education to impose a national ideology on otherwise
disparate communities: Force must be used, or a uniÞed people will not
emerge.
This top-down approach is only possible when the education
system is already strong. But before this can happen, the system Þrst
needs to be developed step by step. The real challenge is identifying the
right long-term strategy: How to build a robust system? The case studies
(Chapters 4–9) are concrete attempts at answering this challenge.
According to Ruttig (2009), it is a myth that Afghanistan has
never been properly governed: a de facto decentralized mode of
community governance existed in the 1970s, where the central state let
the community councils solve their own problems. The human rights
watchdog Afghanistan Rights Monitor (ARM) claims that current
anti-education sentiments exist only because education has been hijacked
for political ends. This can change: schools were used as voting stations
in the 2009 presidential elections, but thanks to concerted advocacy
efforts this practice was more limited during the 2010 parliamentary
elections. Community-embedded ‘good enough’ governance is proposed
as a potential solution.
The chapter concludes in disagreement with Giustozzi: rather than
trying to use education as a ‘key tool of nation-building’, education should
remain as non-ideological as possible and be based in communities,
with the Ministry playing a supporting and coordinating role. The
humble ambition should be an education system that is somewhat
conßict-sensitive and resilient and at least does not exacerbate conßict.
This in turn might allow communities to develop trust in the state.
3.1 DeÞnition of concepts
Nation-building is deÞned here as the project of forging one overarching
national identity out of separate non-nation identities (such as tribe,
ethnic group, or religion) and hence creating allegiance to one nation.
As such, the national identity can either encompass or suppress (some
of) these other identities. The strategy hinges on the state’s ability to
deliver public goods and services that out-perform or incorporate those
offered by non-state entities. The nation-building project needs state
institutions for its realization; the education system is one of these. Hence,
nation-building and state-building both depend on and reinforce each
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Education’s role in nation-building in Afghanistan
other. Education can contribute to nation-building by using curriculum
and teacher training to unite separate identities into one national identity,
when all social groups have equitable access to quality education.
State-building is deÞned here as creating the institutions and
hence administrative and service delivery capacity of a state.17 In the
education sector, this roughly translates into a MoE at the central level,
a sub-national administration, schools, and connections between these
levels. Education can contribute to state-building, for example by
creating an economically productive population that can be taxed and,
as a function of their education, buys into the social contract the state
offers (thus rejecting opportunities to join anti-government groups).
Education is also needed to create a cadre of bureaucrats to administrate
and reproduce the state.
Conversely, education can also work against nation-building
and state-building efforts, for instance when the state does not hold
effective governance over the education system, when the curriculum
strengthens anti-state identities, or when the quality, access, and equity
of the education system is so poor that the population loses faith in the
state. In these cases, the population may experience the state as distant,
oppressive. or simply irrelevant.
3.2 The politics of education and nation-building
Giustozzi points out that historically, most nation- and state-building
processes have been top-down and have used force to form nations and
states out of disparate communities. Education has been pivotal in the
processes of ‘coercion and manipulation’ that nation-building consists of
(Giustozzi, 2010: 3–4).
A historical overview of education’s role in nation-building in
Afghanistan through the twentieth century shows that the monarchy,
communism, and Islam have been powerful and contested ideologies
(Giustozzi, 2010: 2–14) claiming allegiance from the population and
often meeting violent resistance. The main conßicts have been between
predominantly secular state schools (maktabs) and religious schools
17.
Outside the education sector, state-building is concerned with, for instance, the
state’s monopoly on the means of violence, the creation of a national justice
system, holding democratic elections, the ability to tax its population, provision of
a functional infrastructure, delivery of other welfare services such as health, and
more. But these are not tasks of the education sector.
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(madrassas), and between various governments’ wishes to impose
a national ideology on the population, versus community views on
education focusing on local needs (Giustozzi, 2010: 1). Since 2001,
the education system’s attempts at nation-building have consisted of
two main components. The Þrst is the curriculum. Its nation-building
messages have been inconsistent18 and compromises with insurgent
groups after the wave of attacks on education in 2007 have watered
the nation-building content down even more. For instance, the MoE
permitted some parts of the curriculum to be left out, and some pages to
be torn out of the schoolbooks (Giustozzi, 2010: 1–20).
The second component is the system’s service delivery capacity.
As mentioned earlier, almost every aspect of the system faces serious
challenges. Teachers are poorly trained, compensated, and monitored,
and the political mobilization of the 1970s, when teachers had a personal
investment in the nation-building project, is gone. As elsewhere in
Afghanistan, corruption is perceived to be widespread, and the Ministry
– having a large payroll, as in 2007/8 it employed about 190,000 staff
including teachers – has been seen as ‘a huge reservoir of patronage’,
according to Giustozzi. The often-recommended strategy of communitybased education (CBE) has its merits, but community councils rarely get
the support from principals that they need (Giustozzi, 2010: 19–24).
The MoE nonetheless claims success, but this success is based on
easily quantiÞable indicators such as schools built and student enrolment,
rather than factors that are harder to determine, such as education quality
(Giustozzi, 2010: 19–25). The UN-promoted EFA agenda with its focus
on universal primary education has led to a situation where higher
education in 2010 received a historically small proportion of 11 per cent
of the national education budget,19 which gives Afghanistan’s state
bureaucracy little opportunity to reproduce ‘its own loyal middle class of
professionals and cadres’ (Giustozzi, 2010: 15–16).
In sum, Afghanistan’s education system as of 2010 faces profound
problems and is unable to instil faith in the beneÞts of backing a central
government. Giustozzi argues that both the Government of Afghanistan
18.
19.
The 2002 ‘Back to School’ curriculum reinforced divisions between Shi’a and
Sunni Muslims, portraying Afghanistan’s history as the history of the Sunnis only;
although this was later revised, it could take years before the revised textbooks
reach the schools (Giustozzi, 2010: 20).
This compares with 44 per cent in 1969, or India and Pakistan’s 20 per cent
allocations in 2006/2007.
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Education’s role in nation-building in Afghanistan
and the international community can be held responsible for this
(Giustozzi, 2010: 22). He therefore proposes that Afghanistan needs
to choose between two alternatives: either a more community-based
system, or a stronger centrally managed top-down system.
The ßexible, community-friendly approach would soften
opposition, but at the price of weakening ‘nation-building’, as
each community would receive a different educational mix. The
top-down approach, with its uniÞed set of values, national heroes
and interpretation of Afghan history, to be successful, needs to
be crafted in a carefully balanced way and, most importantly,
needs a more effective state machinery to drive it. Short term
considerations would favour the ßexible approach; long term
ones the top-down one. (Giustozzi, 2010: 2)
Giustozzi’s historical analysis of education’s role in nation-building
is a signiÞcant contribution to the body of research on education in
Afghanistan, written from a particular entry point:
[This is not] a report written by an education specialist for other
specialists. The author’s preoccupation is to discuss educational
policies in Afghanistan in the context of nation-building because
in my view this offers a prism through which all other aspects of
the educational debate in Afghanistan can be interpreted more
easily. ... It should be pointed out once again that the author of
this paper is not an educational specialist, but rather a political
historian who is trying to understand the sources of the crisis of
the Afghan state. (Giustozzi, 2010: 3–4)
Giustozzi’s focus on nation-building may explain the lack of
consideration of the more strategic challenges in developing the needed
ministerial capacity – although his analysis recognizes that system
strengthening will be a long-term project. The paper has no practical
advice about what the MoE can or should do. It seems to assume that
changes in political will among the top leadership would move the rest
of the system to change too, but does not account for the practicalities of
how the political will is to be extended beyond Kabul through the state
apparatus. That is a question of concrete, administrative state-building,
not just of a lack of will.
CD agencies in Afghanistan’s education sector therefore must go
beyond these dilemmas. The progressive forces in the Ministry at central
level and elsewhere need Þrst of all to take control of their own system;
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this requires development and mastery of administrative structures and
tools, which is where CD agencies and education specialists can play
a practical role. Over time, as MoE’s capacity develops, the service
delivery issues should gradually improve.
3.3 Should Afghanistan aspire to become an OECD type
of nation-state?
Some other authors criticize the very notion that centralist state-building
is a desirable objective. Based on Þeldwork in the Somalian territories,
Hagmann and Hoehne (2009: 43–46) assert that it is a ‘dogmatic
assumption and wishful thinking [that] all states in the long run will
converge towards a model of Western liberal democracy ... European
history indicates that violence, war, military expansion, social exclusion
and economic exploitation lie at the heart of the processes of state
formation’; yet it is sometimes assumed in the discourse on state-building
that state formation can be achieved through a seamless ‘Þx’, as the title
of Ghani and Lockhart’s Fixing Failed States (2008) would suggest. This
is both a practical and intellectual problem:
This model [of western liberal democracy] serves both as
the institutional guideline for external state-building and
reconstruction efforts, and as the intellectual benchmark against
which all existing forms of statehood are evaluated .... Before
proposing solutions, prevailing political orders and ... degrees of
statehood have to be understood as they are, and not as they are
wished to be. (Hagmann and Hoehne, 2009: 43)
A prominent civil society voice in debates on the future of
Afghanistan is the co-director of Afghanistan Analysts Network, Thomas
Ruttig (2009). He has argued that it is the OECD’s stable nation-states
that are historical exceptions:
[One] of the oldest but nevertheless insurmountable myths about
Afghanistan ... [is that] it has never been properly governed.
Indeed, it has been, but just not in our Western way. We often
forget that our kinds of nation-states are historical exceptions.
Indeed, if you compare today’s Afghanistan or that of the Taleban
with the Afghanistan of before 1973, those days of a weak
central government ruling the provinces by proxy (i.e. maliks
and a few policemen with wooden rißes) but mainly [leaving]
them in peace and [letting] the jirgas [community councils] solve
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Education’s role in nation-building in Afghanistan
most of their own small problems, sounds like a model to pursue
(Ruttig, 2009).
However, the governance model Ruttig outlines is complicated by
the fact that the recent 30 years of civil war have eroded some of the
traditional authority of community elders, which now has to compete
with an armed insurgency and the war-aid economy. Ruttig admits that
there are many dilemmas and few neat solutions, and that a time horizon
of several decades is necessary.
Ruttig speaks warmly of Afghanistan before 1973, and Saif
Samady, a former UNESCO ofÞcial and former Deputy Minister of
Education in Afghanistan (1969–1971), identiÞes six reasons why the
1956–1978 period was signiÞcant in terms of the expansion of education:
(1) peace and stability, (2) public demand for education; (3) a national
policy for development planning; (4) a positive climate for international
cooperation on education; (5) support of UN agencies such as UNESCO
in promoting education as a human right; (6) dedicated Afghan educators
and specialists in positions of responsibility who contributed to the
development of education in the country (Samady, 2001: 18).
Samady clearly has a more positive view of the successes of
centralized educational planning than Ruttig, who was not writing about
the education sector but governance in general. Samady shows that there
was a certain level of capacity in educational planning in the ‘golden’
period leading up to 1978. Foreign states and UN agencies played a
decisive role in developing the education system in this period.
This was ruined by the successive wars of the following 30 years,
when education was ‘taken hostage’ and used for highly ideological
purposes by various parties to the conßicts. The human rights watchdog
Afghanistan Rights Monitor puts it sharply:
Over the past three decades, schools, students, and the entire
education sector have been widely and systematically abused
by the ruling regimes for their own political and strategic ends.
This has not only been a cruel disservice to young people and
educators, but it has provoked deep anti-education sentiments,
particularly in rural communities (Samadi, 2009b20).
20.
Two persons with similar sounding names are quoted here, but (Ajmal) Samadi of
the human rights watchdog Afghanistan Rights Monitor should not be confused
with (Saif) Samady, Afghanistan’s former Deputy Minister of Education and
ambassador to UNESCO.
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3.4 Indoctrination in the curriculum and schools as
voting stations
One fairly recent example of education being hijacked for political ends
was the distribution of textbooks during the late 1980s and early 1990s
in Afghan refugee camp madrassas in Pakistan. These schoolbooks were
explicitly violent. A fourth-grade mathematics text stated: ‘The speed of
a Kalashnikov bullet is 800 meters per second’ and then asked students,
‘If a Russian is at a distance of 3,200 meters from a Mujahid, and that
Mujahid aims at the Russian’s head, calculate how many seconds it will
take for the bullet to strike the Russian in the forehead.’ This curriculum
was designed by the mujahideen-controlled Education Center for
Afghanistan (Nolan, 2006: 38–39, citing Davis, 2002: 90, 92–93).
However, cultural violence in the curriculum was not a new phenomenon:
a poem in a Þrst-grade textbook from 1970 under King Zahir Shah’s rule
spoke of ‘cutting off the feet and plucking out the eyes of the enemy’,
and a 1978 communist textbook for fourth-graders taught the children,
including girls, to ‘be martyrs of the revolution’ (Davis, 2002: 91).
In 2010, the MoE, and the donor community that funds it, have
learned their historical lesson and invested in the revision of the basic
education curriculum and mass reprinting of textbooks, after the hastily
edited and reprinted 2002 curriculum had mistakenly included text
reproducing Shia–Sunni divides (Spink, 2005: 199). Yet the ideology
of the state touches not just the curriculum, but also the use of school
facilities in a broader sense. This is illustrated by the section below on
the use of schools as voting stations in the 2009 elections. As a result of
NGO advocacy for children’s right to education, the government decided
to try to cease using schools for the 2010 elections and Þnd alternative
locations for voting.
As predicted, and despite strong opposition from UNICEF,
NGOs, and human rights organizations to using Afghan schools for the
presidential elections, election day on 20 August 2009 in Afghanistan
saw 26 armed attacks on the 2,700 polling stations located in schools
across the country. No casualties were reported because students were
off that day, according to the MoE (O’Malley, 2010: 174, citing IRIN,
2009b).
Confronted with the news of the attacks, Asif Nang, spokesman of
the MoE, told IRIN News: ‘We stand ready to make more and bigger
sacriÞces for the elections and similar important processes’ (IRIN,
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Education’s role in nation-building in Afghanistan
2009b), adding that the schools were only partially damaged, and that
the attacks had not disrupted classes.
‘Schools must be – and be seen to be – neutral places of learning,
rather than showplaces of government policy successes’, Ajmal Samadi of
ARM insisted (2009a). Prior to the elections, ARM, as well as other NGOs
and UNICEF, had suggested a range of conßict mitigation measures,
such as using mosques or other public buildings as polling stations and
reducing military presence near schools. It was suggested that girls’
education and curriculum reform should continue, but that compromises
such as gender-segregated learning spaces might be necessary. It was
recommended that students refrain from greeting ofÞcial visits with
ßag-waving and singing, as the Afghan ßag, presidential portraits, and
donor logos could provoke attacks. For the same reason, government and
international security were recommended to refrain from distributing
school supplies and stationery items (Samadi, 2009a).
Reports prior to the September 2010 parliamentary elections
showed that the position of the government and the Independent Electoral
Commission (IEC) had not changed: ‘Schools are attacked regardless of
their use in elections’, said Noor Mohammad Noor, an IEC spokesman.
A provincial level education director disagreed: ‘It would be good if
places other than schools will be used as voting centres, particularly in
insecure districts’, said Shir Aqa Sapai, education department director in
the Helmand province (IRIN, 2010).
CARE International is a trusted partner of the MoE in delivering
CBE (see Chapter 6), and is among the agencies that lobby for holding
elections elsewhere than in schools. Jennifer Rowell, an advocacy expert
with CARE International in Kabul, said: ‘Here it does not make sense to
use schools as polling centres as it jeopardizes the right to education’,
adding that there was a strong correlation between the hike in attacks on
schools and presidential elections in 2009.
Receiving a negative response from the government and the IEC,
CARE decided to advocate among donors, who pay for holding elections,
to try to inßuence the government’s position, or to shift some of their
funding into genuine alternatives for polling stations, such as tents.
However, a US Embassy spokesperson said that these decisions should
be made by the IEC, which had not requested any tents (IRIN, 2010).
A joint NGO report issued on 14 June 2010 reiterated the
recommendation to the Government of Afghanistan to ‘under all
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circumstances avoid the use of education and health facilities in the
upcoming elections and for other political purposes’ (Watchlist on
Children and Armed Conßict, 2010: 7). This point was underlined
during the launch of the report by Radhika Coomaraswamy, the Special
Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Children and Armed
Conßict (UNDPI, 2010), who made similar recommendations during a
mission to Afghanistan in February 2010 (OSRSG-CAAC, 2010: 11).
The advocacy efforts were successful: during the UN Security
Council’s Open Debate on 16 June 2010, the Ambassador and Permanent
Representative of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to the UN,
Zahir Tanin, announced that ‘because of the threat from the Taliban,
the MoE has instructed that schools will no longer be used as polling
stations in elections’ (Permanent Mission of Afghanistan to the UN in
New York, 2010).
3.5 ‘Good enough’ governance embedded
in communities
CARE’s landmark study Knowledge on Fire (Glad, 2009), which was
funded and supported by the World Bank and the MoE, shows that
community involvement is the key factor in ensuring protection of
schools, teachers, and pupils, while police and armed forces are largely
seen as irrelevant to protection. Hence, the report recommends that
‘education stands the strongest chance of being optimally protected if the
analysis, decision-making and implementation power of school security
is decentralized to the provincial, district, and community levels, with
budgetary and technical support offered by the central government’
(Glad, 2009: 4).
However, as Lynn Davies has pointed out, ‘“the community” is not
without divisions and disagreements, and should not be romanticised’
(Davies, 2009: 26–27). Leaving education to community initiative alone
will not work – there needs to be some sort of basic, national education
system in place.
Can this dichotomy between the state and the community be
transcended? Could the MoE get to a position of power in which it is able
to enforce adherence to a basic (and fairly non-ideological) curriculum,
still allowing some local autonomy? Cases from community-based
schools (CBSs) in Afghanistan suggest that this is possible; here, peace
education has been integrated into curricula in schools supported by
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Save the Children, and the MoE has adopted several such policies, at
least in principle, although the capacity to implement it is not there yet.
In such a decentralized ‘good enough’ governance model (Brinkerhoff
and Johnson, 2008; Grindle, 2007), schools would be nested in and
‘owned’ by communities, but funded, supported, and inspected by the
central government. NGOs and UN agencies would, probably for at least
another decade, continue to play a key role in service delivery, overseen
by the MoE.
As a result of, among other factors, the CD and advocacy efforts
described by the NGO consortium PACE-A in Chapter 6, the MoE is now
formally in charge of coordinating all efforts for CBE in Afghanistan.
All involved parties agree that this is their rightful position. The MoE
approach is pragmatic and ßexible. It accepts help from UNICEF and
NGOs, on the condition that the MoE is in charge of the coordination.
It also chooses an adaptive strategy in cooperating with the Taliban and
other insurgents, who de facto control large parts of the country. If it
is necessary to call a teacher ‘mullah’ or a school ‘madrassa’, then the
MoE will do so, as long as education provision is maintained (Asif Nang,
MoE spokesman, quoted in IRIN, 2009a). The MoE’s core capability
to adapt and self-renew here complements its core capability to carry
out technical, service delivery, and logistical tasks (Section 2.3). These
are good examples of the utility of the multi-faceted CD approach that
Chapter 2 argued for.
The current state model, which relies on mass deployment of
foreign troops, may be renegotiated over the coming years, as the current
government seems ready to negotiate with insurgent groups. The future
set-up of education could become a driving force in a peace process, but
could equally become the opposite. CD agencies will have an important
future role to play in supporting a governance set-up where education can
be perceived – by all parties – as a peace dividend, as a neutral force for
equality. In the educational planning processes, this involves conducting
an education sector diagnosis that is conßict-sensitive, as included in the
latest draft of the NESP-II/Interim Plan to be submitted for Afghanistan’s
membership of the FTI (MoE, 2010b).
Giustozzi’s (2010) claim was that popular allegiance to the Afghan
state could only be secured in the long term by imposing a strong national
ideology through the curriculum, with teachers to transmit the national
ideology who believe in it too, and a strong education administration to
enforce it. The MoE does need to be strengthened, but popular allegiance
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to the state through education will depend less on the ideology of the
content, and more on the access to, and quality, relevance, and equity of
the educational services the state offers.
The principles of the current education system, as enshrined in the
education law, are moderate: that there exists one Afghan people, with
a shared history and identity – regardless of the numerous divisions of
ethnicity, class, tribe, language, gender, urbanization, and, not least,
education level – united in its adherence to Islam as a religion and as a
moral guideline. This vision is moderate enough to enable people from
different backgrounds to buy in to education; for example, it has allowed
the MoE and communities to negotiate with insurgents and keep schools
open. A relatively neutral education system that offers a decent basic
education seems like the most sustainable way of strengthening the
bond between state and the population. UNESCO Kabul (Section 8.6)
discusses this further.
Humility, patience, and pragmatism are necessary values for those
who work with education in Afghanistan. Perhaps the ambition of
‘education provision that is transformative’21 needs to be replaced by a
more modest aim for education provision that is conßict-sensitive and
resilient, and that at least does not exacerbate conßict. After all, how
much peace can an education system be expected to generate, when the
rest of a society is at war? This question is also reßected on the INEE
Working Group on Education and Fragility’s synthesis report on the
subject (INEE, 2011).
This chapter shows that due to education’s contested nature as a
carrier of national values, educational planners – and donors – need to
be aware that it has the potential to create instability and should pay
attention to the historical lessons from Afghanistan’s experiments with
education during the twentieth century. In a country as radicalized as
Afghanistan, the education sector, despite being inherently political,
could ensure longer-term beneÞts by remaining neutral.
21.
As stated in the INEE Working Group on Education and Fragility’s note on
terminology (2009).
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Chapter 4
From scratch to self-conÞdent planning:
The MoE–IIEP partnership
Dorian Gay and Morten Sigsgaard
4.1 Introduction
As mentioned in Chapter 1, IIEP has been involved in a technical
partnership with Afghanistan’s Ministry of Education (MoE) and
its Ministry of Higher Education (MoHE), particularly the MoE’s
Department of Planning and Evaluation (DoPE). This chapter aims to
record its history and share lessons from this unique and long-standing
partnership, with the hope that it may help and inspire other practitioners
in the Þeld of education and CD.
The chapter reviews what IIEP considers to be successful CD, that
is, an approach where technical and Þnancial partners focus on long-term
engagement with a ministry of education, giving as much attention
to the complex processes that lead to the formulation and eventual
implementation of a sector development plan as they do to the products of
the planning process.22 Drawing from the successes and challenges of this
project, the chapter makes a case for a CD model that is sustainable. This
model, founded on principles of participation and national ownership,
focuses both on individual and organizational capacities and culminates
in making national training institutions a priority.
Drawing on a 47-year history of educational planning partnerships
with a long list of countries, IIEP sees CD as a holistic process, as outlined
by De Grauwe (2009) and summarized in Chapter 2. IIEP advocates for
a pragmatic approach, where CD agencies do not try to impose big plans
but rather remain in a counselling and technical backstop position and
22.
Processes involved in the formulation of a sector plan include mentoring, building
trust, securing political and Þnancial backing, setting up institutional arrangements
and working groups, establishing reliable base data sets, and developing
country-speciÞc projection and simulation models. The products of the planning
process include the strategic document itself, budgets, yearly operational plan
documents, and monitoring reports of different kinds.
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focus on solutions that can work in spite of obstacles and contradictions.
Other important CD outcomes include inspiring hope and conÞdence
and developing ministerial capacity to take leadership of a fragmented
education sector.
4.2 Early beginnings of the MoE–IIEP partnership, 2002
Following the fall of the Taliban and the 2001 Bonn Agreement, and
at the request of President Hamid Karzai, UNESCO sent a project
identiÞcation mission to Afghanistan in May 2002. IIEP was represented
by an education specialist, who would remain involved in the project
during the next eight years. Assessing all levels and types of education,
the mission found that the education sector had to be rebuilt completely
from scratch (Box 2), and called for massive and long-term assistance.
Box 2. First impressions of a MoE in disarray, 2002
All the institutions I visited in Kabul (e.g. the MoE, the MoHE, Kabul University, Kabul
Pedagogic Institute) had no equipment and almost no furniture, other than some old
tables and chairs and very few old filing cabinets. They also had almost no stationery.
... The offices [of the MoE’s Personnel Department] had no windows and had broken
doors. In some cases they had plastic sheets on windows to protect the employees from
the wind and cold in winter. (Kabul is 2,000 metres high and surrounded by mountains
that still had snow in the spring month of May.) They lacked electricity, running water
and proper toilets (which makes it extremely difficult for women employees). In some
cases, offices were dangerous with wooden floors and ceilings which were about to cave
in. ... Very few employees have ever used a computer ... Most departments and institutions
had no relevant information and statistics, even regarding their own departments.
Excerpt from IIEP report on UNESCO mission to Kabul, May 2002
In Afghanistan’s education sector in 2002, IIEP’s CD activities were
a small programme compared with many larger ones such as those of
USAID or UNICEF, which focused respectively on school infrastructure
and teacher training and on the Back to School campaign. Within the
priority areas identiÞed by UNESCO, IIEP’s speciÞc assessment was
that the MoE’s capacity in education sector planning, management,
and policy development needed drastic reinforcement. IIEP’s initial
programme was small in size but strategic in nature, based exclusively
on existing MoE structures: it never opted for setting up an independent
implementation structure. It was not a high-proÞle activity, as planning
and management are less visible than for example infrastructure.
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IIEP’s Þrst concrete activity was a workshop on Institutional
Management in Higher Education in Kabul in October 2002.The Minister
of Higher Education, Dr Sharief Fayez, asked IIEP for more workshops
on strategic management and proposed exploring the possibility of
preparing a Higher Education Strategic Plan. The MoE joined in with the
MoHE’s requests.
IIEP’s CD activities at this point were somewhat tentative. The
working relationships were new, funding was short-term, and the country
was in a chaotic immediate post-war phase. Physical infrastructure,
technical capacity, and all policies had to be built from scratch in
the education sector; yet there was optimism and some successful
interventions such as the UNICEF-led Back to School campaign in the
spring of 2002, which succeeded in enrolling 3 million schoolchildren
into a makeshift school system. But at the policy level, there was no
coherent overall framework for Afghanistan’s development, including
the education sector.23 Technical capacity was lacking everywhere and
MoE and MoHE staff would have to begin with learning the basic
fundamentals of planning before they could meaningfully participate in
planning and policy processes.
To address this major capacity constraint, cooperation between IIEP
and the MoHE (later also the MoE), followed three basic principles:
to be pragmatic, to set realistic targets, and to collaborate closely in a
relationship of mutual trust. During the period 2002–2005, IIEP started
supporting MoHE and MoE staff in the basics of educational planning.
Topics ranged from higher education management and Þnancing to basic
educational statistics, educational indicators, budgeting, and gender in
education. The CD objectives were realistic, even modest. An operational
structure slowly started to materialize within the MoE, and IIEP purchased
basic equipment such as desks, chairs, computers, and the necessary
equipment for simultaneous interpretation to ease communication during
training workshops. The physical work facilities were very basic – an
early report notes that ‘windows in the MoE building should be in place
no later than mid-October 2002, before the cold’. These initial activities
were funded through short-term agreements with Germany and Italy.
How far these activities contributed to the overall capacity of the
MoE and MoHE during this period is an open question. The MoE had
23.
The process that led to the formulation of the Interim Afghanistan National
Development Strategy (I-ANDS) did not begin until 2005.
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no fewer than four ministers of education between 2002 and 2005, and
priorities were constantly shifting. Staff turnover was high in ministries
that constantly had to re-adjust to a fast-changing environment, and
many of the human resources developed were lost – if not from the
education sector or from Afghanistan as a whole, at least from the MoE
and MoHE. Activities largely consisted of training individuals, with
no real possibility at this stage of applying a comprehensive long-term
strategy for the development of sustainable capacities. This ad hoc
approach seemed to be the only possibility under the circumstances. The
longer-term ambition of developing a critical mass of planners would
clearly take a while. In the meantime there was a need to start somewhere.
The metaphor of ‘assembling the bicycle while at the same time
trying to ride it’ has been used to describe this challenge. Nevertheless,
dozens of ministry staff were trained, mainly in Kabul, some of whom
are still MoE and MoHE civil servants today. A few ministry staff were
also trained at IIEP in Paris. A relationship built on trust and mutual
respect was established between IIEP and ofÞcials from both ministries,
proving to be of strategic importance at later stages of the partnership.
4.3 The Ministry of Higher Education’s Þrst strategic
plan, 2003–2004
During this period, in 2003, IIEP responded to a request from MoHE to
develop a strategic sector plan (MoHE, 2004). At this time, Afghanistan
was still in the so-called ‘early recovery’ phase. The MoHE had only
recently started functioning and was in effect operating in a vacuum
with no policy or legal framework to guide its work. Emerging from
a protracted conßict, the Ministry needed external input and advice to
determine the most appropriate mechanisms for rebuilding Afghan
higher education. The MoHE had a pressing need to develop a strategy
document that would provide a vision for this sub-sector. The document
envisaged at this time was initially more of a policy and regulatory
framework for higher education than a strategic medium-term action
plan.
IIEP’s support was called upon in a context characterized by
severe time constraints and the lack of qualiÞed or experienced MoHE
personnel capable of developing a strategic document. This meant that a
participatory planning process was not possible. A joint expert team was
formed by MoHE and IIEP, with 10 Afghan academics and a broad joint
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venture of 10 internationals from German and Japanese donor agencies,
the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and IIEP itself. During
the team’s two-week mission to Kabul in September 2003, it met not
only with MoHE staff but with the embassies of Canada, Italy, Iran, and
France, and the EU Special Representative’s ofÞce, aiming to create
a coalition of donors. The drafting of the strategy document took into
consideration the draft higher education law prepared by the MoHE within
the process. In May 2004, this collaborative effort led to the formulation
of the MoHE Strategic Action Plan for the Development of Higher
Education in Afghanistan, which set out a vision for the development
of the sub-sector and included concrete action programmes. Soon after
this plan development phase, longer-term MoHE CD activities began,
primarily by training MoHE ofÞcials at IIEP.
In this process, IIEP faced a dilemma. Should it as a CD institute
support a ministry in issuing a national strategic plan, while knowing that
circumstances would not allow the proper skills development of the staff
with the responsibility to implement it? Yet, could IIEP refuse its support
to a ministry in need of a leading strategy in an early recovery phase?
Afghanistan’s situation at the time was critical, and a choice was made to
assist MoHE despite the risk of less sustainable results.
The end result was a mixed success. Although many Afghan scholars
and ofÞcials were involved in the process, it must be acknowledged that
this Þrst process did not lead to the desired ownership and sustainability,
in spite of the Þnancial and human resources invested. The plan was
written in English from its inception, and mostly by internationals,
including IIEP experts. Some high-level MoHE staff and advisors may
have increased their capacities for plan formulation, but middle- and
low-level MoHE staff had minimal roles in the process. The predictable
consequence was that the Þrst Strategic Action Plan for the Development
of Higher Education in Afghanistan received little attention from either
the national or the international communities.
The plan’s long-term impact was limited, but the process yielded
valuable lessons for IIEP’s (and other development partners’) future
work with the MoE, and symbolically marked the return of Afghanistan
into the international scientiÞc community at a crucial point in time,
regardless of the long road that still lay ahead.
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4.4 Principles for a plan emerge, 2004–2005
It took another two years before IIEP’s partnership with the MoE started
to take off. In 2004 and 2005, IIEP was still operating on short-term
funding agreements from Nordic countries through UNESCO’s
extra-budgetary funds. It was still holding training workshops for MoE
and MoHE staff on topics such as institutional management and gender
and education; the MoE’s Director of Planning visited Paris for a 10-day
training course. IIEP did not yet have a permanent presence in the MoE,
but relied on its Paris staff and on consultants who would visit Kabul on
week-long missions.
In March 2004, IIEP initially agreed to assist the MoE in developing
an EFA national plan. The turning point came when the MoE decided to
start formulating a sector plan (later to become NESP-I). The Deputy
Minister of Education for Academic Affairs requested IIEP’s assistance
for this task in September 2005. IIEP’s response was a concept note
describing the required steps and principles for preparing an EFA plan.
Already at this early stage core principles included participation of all
MoE staff, gender equity, and CD. This was the Þrst premise of the
future NESP-I, which was approved by the Minister of Education, Noor
Mohammad Qarqin, in December 2005.
Intentions and the principles were thus in place and funds were
secured through the Norwegian embassy in Kabul; Norway was keen to
support CD for strategic planning of the education sector over a three-year
period, 2006–2009. Medium-term planning was now feasible, enabling
IIEP to use its preferred approach of a combination of CD activities for
developing the sector plan. The aim was to develop the DoPE’s capacity,
enabling it to produce the MoE’s Þrst NESP. In this period, the political
will of the Deputy Minister of Education for Academic Affairs was
central, as was IIEP’s strong relationship with the Director of Planning.
In retrospect, this ‘gestation’ period from 2004 to early 2006 was
necessary: it allowed all parties to comprehend the complexity of the
task under the prevailing circumstances. There was a lack of reliable
educational data, as the Þrst comprehensive survey would only take
place in 2007. The MoE technical staff had serious capacity constraints.
Financial resources were limited. The context was one of increasing
insecurity and tension. And on top of all this, the MoE had no institutional
experience of education sector strategic planning. Clearly, embarking on
the project would have far-reaching implications for the MoE, in terms
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of internal organizational arrangements, staff mobilization and skills
development, and external communication with the national community
and with international partners regarding the necessity of the plan.
During this period, some guiding principles were set for the future
plan development:
•
•
•
•
•
EFA goals would be placed in an education sector development
framework, which would be clearly linked to poverty reduction and
other national development strategies (IIEP, 2005).
The plan would clearly spell out MoE priorities, which would assist
in harmonizing donor aid and aligning it with MoE priorities.
The plan should be prepared by MoE technical staff, under
ministerial leadership.
The technical support provided by IIEP and other partners should
be conceived as the Þrst phase of a longer-term programme to build
national education planning capacity.
The planning process should be participatory and carried out in
close consultation with international development partners and
national civil society (IIEP, 2006).
This ambitious plan formulation process understandably did not
start immediately, with the structured arrangements adopted at a later
stage; the initial analysis of the education sector did, however, start with
IIEP support. This process was given a signiÞcant boost when Hanif
Atmar took ofÞce as Minister of Education in May 2006.
4.5 Initiation of sustainable CD, 2006
As discussed above, during the three years that followed the fall of the
Taliban regime (2002–2005), IIEP was a permanent technical partner of
the MoE and provided training workshops as well as technical advice.
The mutual trust and knowledge developed during this period enabled
them to scale up their technical partnership in early 2006. This Strategic
Planning and Capacity Development Project aimed to improve MoE
capacity in planning and managing the education sub-sector, as well
as in leading efforts directed towards education and human resource
development. IIEP would assist the MoE in formulating its Þrst strategic
education sector development plan (NESP-I) by helping it develop its
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capacities in plan preparation, implementation, and monitoring at the
education system’s central and decentralized levels.24
The Project resulted from collaboration between three actors: the
Afghan MoE, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and IIEP.
The MoE understood the necessity of an education sector plan very
early on in the reconstruction process, demonstrating strong political
and technical commitment from the early stages of its development. In
addition, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs provided Þnancial
support and also technical advice and moral support. IIEP provided
strong technical expertise in educational planning and agreed to make
long-term engagement a priority.
After the funding agreement was signed, the day-to-day partnership
was managed by the MoE and IIEP, with logistical support from
UNESCO Kabul.25 The project could not have succeeded without all
three parties’ cooperating jointly and with genuine team spirit. The
project also beneÞted from a very committed donor, Norway. Although
not legally bound to be more than a funding partner, its embassy’s
successive education representatives gave guidance throughout the
NESP-I formulation process and hosted meetings of like-minded donors
to support donor coordination and alignment around a national plan.
Norway greatly facilitated the management of MoE’s and IIEP’s work by
being results-oriented and ßexible, as the situation required. The MoE’s
frequent priority changes and ongoing internal reforms – not to mention
the volatile security situation – would often call for some of the Project’s
activities to be modiÞed, some to be simply abandoned, and new ones to
be added. Donor involvement and ßexibility proved to be key in these
situations.
24.
25.
Training at provincial level was extremely difÞcult due to the security situation.
Some training of provincial level staff took place in Kabul, but not on the scale
originally envisioned. Even by November 2010, training at provincial level
remained a very difÞcult task for UN agencies due to the strict UN security
regulations. NGOs, however, are not necessarily subject to these regulations.
Since Afghanistan is a conßict area with many uncontrollable external factors,
IIEP’s programme needed a secure administrative and logistical base. UNESCO
Kabul’s Þeld ofÞce provided just that. This facilitated missions and ensured, for
example, that local staff salaries were paid on time. Moreover, UNESCO Kabul
helped IIEP stay abreast of day-to-day politics and other developments in the
education sector, in the MoE, and among donors.
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The move towards a more ambitious technical partnership was
however not without some tension, as the interests and priorities of IIEP
and those of the Ministry were not always identical. This became clear
during a mission to Kabul soon after Hanif Atmar took ofÞce in May
2006.
The Minister intended to produce a medium-term education
strategy within three months. Possible reasons for this were many. Atmar
was enjoying a positive reputation amongst the donor community: this
conÞdence in the MoE was in part due to his excellent track record
as Minister of Rural Rehabilitation and Development, where he had
launched the National Solidarity Programme, and his former work
in the NGO sector. He was also ascending rapidly within the Afghan
Government. It was logical for him to want quick and visible results for
the MoE as well: the MoE could then be seen as leading recovery and
reconstruction as demonstrated by a credible sector plan.
Consequently, the MoE decided to embark on the formulation of its
Þrst national strategic plan for the post-Taliban era, even though most of
its staff were not properly qualiÞed or experienced in education sector
strategic planning. Initially, the MoE conceived of the plan much like
the MoHE plan of 2004: as a turnkey product. This would bring direct
beneÞts to the MoE in terms of visibility and as a major fundraising tool
– necessary for a MoE in need of such support.
This turnkey approach, however, lacked a crucial dimension:
long-term participatory planning. IIEP therefore presented the Minister
with its approach to plan formulation, which consisted of two main
elements. First was the conviction that a future strategic plan needed
to be prepared in a participatory way, with involvement of MoE
staff from all Ministry departments and on all administrative levels,
including the provinces, since it was the staff who would possess expert
knowledge about Afghanistan’s education sector and possible remedial
strategies for it. Second was the conviction that the MoE staff needed
to strengthen their planning and management skills throughout the plan
formulation process, to become able to implement the plan themselves
and subsequently reformulate the NESP. IIEP was thinking of the long
route to CD, focusing on process more than product.
In order to explain to the MoE why a change in approach was
necessary, IIEP needed to rely on the trust developed between the two
institutions in recent years. An important and fruitful debate took place
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on the basis of a working document (IIEP, 2006) that included IIEP’s
ideas about the organizational arrangements the MoE would need to
put in place to carry out the plan development process successfully (see
Figure 4). A key proposal in this document was the organization of a
consultation process with the plan’s main stakeholders – other ministries,
education donors and NGOs, civil society organizations, and provincial
and district level administration (IIEP, 2006). The MoE carefully
reviewed the plan preparation document, which proved extremely useful
in harmonizing the vision and concepts related to strategic education
sector planning on both sides.
Under Atmar’s leadership, the MoE made a long-term strategic
choice despite external pressures to produce a plan quickly. Although
Atmar was known for exerting pressure to increase the speed of the
process (Shah, 2010: 10), formulating the plan would inevitably take
longer than the MoE had initially desired. It was evident that the
formulation processes would be more important than the product (the
strategic plan document) itself.
At policy level, the whole process would be guided by a high-level
steering committee chaired by the Minister, while at technical level the
planning tasks would be carried out by eight thematic working teams,
supported by a technical support team, and coordinated by the strategic
planning team. At the same time, continuous formal and informal
consultations would take place with donors and NGOs, other ministries,
decentralized levels of management, civil society, and the Parliamentary
Education Commission (Figure 4).
The idea behind these organizational arrangements was twofold.
First, the aim was to deepen the entire MoE’s involvement in the planning
process. Policy was to emanate from the technical specialists who were
best placed to judge whether new policies would be practicable. Second,
the aim was to broaden the planning process beyond the MoE to include
consultations with donors, NGOs, civil society, decentralized education
levels, and other ministries, all of whom had an important stake in the
education sector and often possessed valuable expertise.
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Figure 4.
Preparing the NESP-I
Organizational arrangements for the preparation
of the Five Year Education Sector Plan
Policy level
Other
ministries
Steering committee
Parliamentary
education
commission
Technical level
Donors and
NGOs
Strategic planning team
Civil society
Thematic working teams
Technical support team
Decentralized
education
management
4.6 Plan preparation, 2006–2007
With political backing for the plan and the participatory approach in
place, the MoE staff went through a number of steps to start designing
the plan. These are outlined in Box 3.
If capacity were to become sustainable, MoE national staff
themselves needed to develop the necessary planning, implementation,
and monitoring skills. IIEP insisted on a mentoring ‘on-the-job’ approach
and refused to substitute staff. Despite the challenge this represented,
there could be no better learning opportunity than a real-life national
sector planning exercise.
The Strategic Planning and Capacity Development Project started
taking shape over the summer of 2006. This included a situation analysis
workshop with the eight Technical Working Groups who were responsible
for the bulk of the plan’s contents, followed later by increasing stafÞng
levels and securing suitable ofÞce space. With secure working conditions,
staff were working on a daily basis with IIEP, and had strong political
backing from the Minister. The NESP-I was actually being written. This
writing process and the NESP development process involved a number
of CD modalities, outlined in Box 4.
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Box 3. Steps in the MoE’s planning process
(1) setting up organizational arrangements to ensure Ministry-wide participation in
the plan preparation process: forming working groups, defining their respective
functions, assigning tasks, and elaborating work schedules;
(2) continual data collection and analysis, especially for the situation analysis of the
education system contained in the plan;
(3) consulting with national and sub-national MoE representatives and with donors;
(4) adjusting staffing and Terms of Reference (ToRs), based respectively on the ongoing
tashkeel* and the organizational needs emerging from the NESP formulation
process;
(5) drafting the plan’s chapters, specifically the action programmes** – balancing
policy and political aims with technical constraints, and making hard choices in
the process;
(6) costing out the priority programmes and facilitating collaboration among the
planning and budgeting processes and personnel.
*
Tashkeel is the name given to the establishment of staffing structures within MoE. It is part of the
broader Public Administration reform (PAR) framework that seeks to create an efficient, effective, and
transparent civil service in Afghanistan through restructuring the civil service and introducing meritbased, non-partisan recruitment (Evans et al., 2004: 65, 83).
** NESP-I contains eight priority programmes: (1) General Education, (2) Teacher Education and Working
Conditions, (3) Education Infrastructure Rehabilitation and Development, (4) Curriculum Development
and Learning Materials, (5) Islamic Education, (6) Technical and Vocational Education and Training,
(7) Literacy and Non-Formal Education, (8) Education Administration Reform and Development.
With capacity lacking in many areas of the MoE, the process needed
a driving force. Minister Atmar himself, the foreign advisors, and Afghan
TAs26 would be driving the Þnal drafting process,27 which was conducted
in English. The plan was that civil servants should participate deeply in
the planning process, but in reality this level of participatory planning
was not always easy, as the civil servants lacked the skills needed to
articulate and draft a quality policy document. This tension between the
need to deliver results relatively fast and at the same time to generate
broad-based participation with civil servants and non-MoE stakeholders
has been analysed in detail by Shah (2010) and Holland (2010).
26.
27.
National TAs were employed by the MoE with support from foreign development
agencies and donors, and received higher salaries than the civil servants on the
MoE’s payroll. The TAs had English and computer skills, which was necessary for
working with the foreigners.
The ideas discussed and the recommendations made by the civil servants in the
working groups were recorded or drafted in the local language and used as input
for drafting the full document.
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Box 4. Modalities of IIEP’s holistic approach to capacity development
IIEP’s support of the MoE in 2006–2010 was intended to be comprehensive from its
inception, as CD was always perceived as more than just formal training. IIEP used
various modalities to develop capacity:
• training workshops in-country (with due recognition that few workshops included
the provincial education planners, for security reasons);
• in-depth training in educational planning and management at IIEP on the
Advanced Training Programme (an international master’s programme in
educational planning and management);
• tailor-made technical mentoring in the MoE during IIEP missions;
• continuous distance support in which IIEP provides guidance, shares views,
comments on documents;
• support on issues not strictly related to planning (as an example, IIEP commented
on the appropriate structure for the DoPE);
• permanent technical support based at the MoE’s DoPE: a coordinator supported by
IIEP, working alongside a team of eight Monitoring and Reporting Officers, whose
recruitment was requested by the MoE;
• training in English and computer skills as these two generic skills are widely
recognized as instrumental for MoE staff;
• tailoring training materials for training workshops;
• assisting with simulation model development during the NESP-II formulation.
As practitioners understand, writing an education sector plan is
no easy business. It requires a wide variety of competencies, depends
heavily on different types and sources of information, and requires strong
and structured coordination to ensure impartiality and sustainability. This
is true even under normal conditions. The Afghan MoE throughout the
period of NESP-I development was not working under normal conditions.
Since 2006, violence in Afghanistan in general including Kabul has
been rising constantly. This insecure environment greatly affected the
development of NESP-I, even if it did not prevent it from being written.
As the MoE is the largest employer in the country and one of the
most visible ministries, due to its deployment over the entire national
Afghan territory, it inevitably was (and still is) a target for opponents
of the government. As a result, the work of MoE staff, including those
involved in the development of NESP-I, was affected in various ways
and with different degrees of severity. The most common disruptions
included these:
•
The attention of the Minister of Education was often diverted from
the MoE core business and the planning process in particular, given
the importance of political leadership during this phase.
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•
•
•
•
•
•
Threats of attacks on the MoE disrupted its regular work meetings
and thus too often disrupted the normal decision-making processes
guiding policy-making.
Numerous attacks on school buildings and education personnel in
the provinces required a lot of attention from the MoE, to the extent
that it was forced to set up a special provincial support team to
mobilize senior and less senior MoE ofÞcials on a full-time basis,
with the effect of weakening its work force.
It was difÞcult for provincial MoE staff to travel frequently enough
to Kabul to take part in the national planning process.
It was difÞcult for the MoE to collect education data in the provinces,
especially the most conßict-affected ones, though these data were
necessary for the projection of needs and the estimation of required
resources.
It was understandably difÞcult for the MoE to develop realistic
and efÞcient policies and strategies to address insecurity in the
education system without causing harm to its beneÞciaries.
Costs were incurred by the MoE for security enhancements of its
premises and other related measures.
A special example was a threat of attack on the MoE buildings in
late 2007, causing the Minister – in the midst of the NESP-I formulation
process – to relocate almost all MoE staff very suddenly to several other
buildings, some of them on the outskirts of Kabul. While these measures
helped to protect the MoE and avoid casualties, the impact on the NESP-I
development was radical and immediate: it was suspended completely
for several days and partially for many weeks. The replacement buildings
had no running water or communication structures such as Internet and
telephone. Since this very telling episode, the MoE has been forced
countless times to juggle the competing priorities of carrying out its
mandate and ensuring the basic security of its staff.
Nevertheless, after nearly 16 months of preparation, the NESP-I
was initially launched at the Afghanistan Development Forum convened
in Kabul in late April 2007. The Forum was an opportunity for the
Government of Afghanistan and the international community to work
together on subjects crucial to Afghanistan’s sustained development.
The NESP-I was ofÞcially released in public at the Education
Development Forum (EDF) in February 2008 by the President of the
Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, and the Minister
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of Education, Hanif Atmar. The EDF was the Þrst joint NESP
implementation review meeting to gather the MoE and all development
partners in the education sector. The MoHE was also part of the
event, which demonstrated the mutual concern of MoE and MoHE for
coordination and commitment to articulate their programmes. Over
200 stakeholder representatives were invited to the EDF – ministers,
commissions, advisors, donors and aid agencies, UN agencies,
consultancy Þrms, NGOs, and civil-military Provincial Reconstruction
Teams, among others. All Provincial Education OfÞce (PEO) directors
and many PEO staff were also heavily involved. The sheer number of
actors in the sector indicates the need for coordination that the NESP
helped to address. At the forum, Canada was assigned to be the lead
donor for the Education sector, and was also appointed the Þrst co-chair
of the newly created Education Development Board28 alongside the
MoE.
Two important breakthroughs were also presented to the national and
international stakeholders: Þrstly, the results of the Þrst School Survey
(2007), a long-awaited comprehensive and reliable set of educational
data for Afghanistan, and secondly the MoE’s plan to develop a
comprehensive EMIS. On this occasion, NESP-I was widely recognized
as the most comprehensive national education sector plan developed
in Afghanistan’s recent history, and was adopted by all partners as the
reference document to guide their programmes.
Yet IIEP had also faced dilemmas throughout the NESP-I
formulation process.
One dilemma was: Should IIEP pull out of Afghanistan after the
NESP-I had been produced, or should it stay? Donors and the Afghan
government lauded the NESP-I as a success. In principle, IIEP could
very well have ended its CD partnership with the MoE then and there:
some national capacity had undoubtedly been developed, of which the
NESP-I was the proof. This would have allowed IIEP the comfortable
and convenient position of leaving Afghanistan on a high note. But was
the same the case for the MoE? Formulating the plan was one thing. More
challenging steps still lay ahead, for example implementation of the plan,
monitoring of progress (including with MoE partners), and eventually
assessment and reformulation of this Þrst plan. Upon MoE’s express
28.
The co-chairmanship of the EDB (now HRDB) rotates annually between the main
education donors; in 2010 it was transferred to Denmark.
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request, IIEP Þnally decided to continue its engagement alongside the
MoE. This was not an easy institutional decision, as IIEP was concerned
that it might not be able to guarantee results under the circumstances.
However, this is a risk that CD agencies working in challenging contexts
must accept, with all due consideration to the fact that the MoE had no
choice but to implement the plan regardless of the circumstances.
A second dilemma was: Should IIEP get involved in policy
formulation, or should it limit itself to supporting MoE in organizing the
planning process and with planning methodologies? It was difÞcult not
to be involved in policy, because planning is closely intertwined with it.
At the same time, Afghanistan is a society with many lines of conßict,
and planning needs to engage with the notion of conßict and policies that
address it.
Education in Afghanistan has been a politically controversial topic
throughout the twentieth century (as described in Chapter 3), and still
is: some elements in the Taliban oppose education for girls and draw
recruits from extremist madrassas, but education’s role in fuelling, or
mitigating, conßict is much broader than that, as numerous studies since
Bush and Saltarelli’s The Two Faces of Education in Ethnic Conßict
(2000) have documented. Conßict issues include access to education
for Afghanistan’s many ethnic minorities, language policies, rural vs.
urban divides, curriculum content including history, and questions of
corruption and control over the MoE budget (teacher salaries) as a source
of patronage. Some authors (Giustozzi, 2010; Rubin, 2002) claim that
the Afghan state historically has used the education system to produce
cadres of bureaucrats loyal to urban elite ideologies rather than out of
more universal concern for the entire Afghan population, which has led
to an anti-education backlash among the traditional rural population.
IIEP’s mandate was to build capacity for planning and then let the
MoE use this capacity to reach its EFA objectives.29 However, EFA is
in itself a speciÞc policy agenda, as is evident when its objectives are
translated into concrete action plans and budgets. Afghan politicians and
other national stakeholders would not necessarily always agree on what
IIEP might interpret as the best way to reach EFA – and they have a
right to disagree. For IIEP, engaging in policy meant entering a more
29.
IIEP is an integral part of UNESCO, which is the lead agency for the Education
for All (EFA) movement. IIEP’s mandate is thus to help countries, in this case
Afghanistan, to achieve their EFA objectives.
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politicized domain where its legitimacy as a planning institute might be
questioned – more than if it stuck to strictly developing national capacity
for planning – but at the same time, it was impossible to completely steer
clear of the policy level.
It could be argued that IIEP had an obligation to try to affect
education policy in a conßict-sensitive direction based on UNESCO’s
EFA mandate. On the other hand, Afghanistan’s state apparatus, including
the education sector, has historically been over-reliant on foreign
assistance: Afghan politicians have based their rule on external support,
and have therefore found it unnecessary to develop a social contract
with the population (Rubin, 2002). IIEP had to be mindful not to import
ready-made solutions that lacked anchoring in the MoE; its assistance
would be more sustainable if it helped the MoE to match policy with
concrete planning techniques.
An indirect way for IIEP to affect policy-making was to advise the
MoE on how to set up coordination and consultation with other agencies
(both national and international) in the education sector. On its missions
to Kabul in 2004–2006, IIEP met with like-minded education donors
to align strategy and share information. This policy dialogue later was
institutionalized in the EDB, which was later renamed the HRDB.
Policy dialogue around the NESP revision thus included inputs from a
broad range of non-MoE stakeholders from the education sector. They
commented on speciÞc issues like CBE, gender, inclusive education
(IE), and security/protection. The DoPE stayed in charge of comparing
policy suggestions with their planning implications, and of accepting,
modifying, or rejecting them. This ‘capacity to resist’ was in itself
evidence of strengthened capacity overall, according to Dana Holland
(2010: 16).
For example, the NGO consortium PACE-A helped the MoE adopt
a community-based education policy (see Chapter 6). UNESCO Kabul
offered an IE policy (see Chapter 9). These policies were often ambitious,
but they also eventually needed to be converted into operational plans
with time-frames and budgets. Not all policies could have equal priority.
IIEP’s role was to strengthen the DoPE’s ability to base planning on facts,
and enable the DoPE (the institutional level) to realistically engage with,
and resist pressures from, the MoE’s political level and international
agencies (as documented by Holland, 2010).
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A positive outcome of this policy dialogue was that the draft NESP-II
is a much more conßict-sensitive document than NESP-I. NESP-II takes
the attacks on education and their implications for access to education
very seriously, and offers remedial strategies. The new plan also has better
strategies for coping with natural disasters. NESP-II highlights the role of
communities in school protection and management, thus mainstreaming
key features of CBE (as delivered by NGOs and UNICEF) into the
national school system. Under the NESP-II’s Education Administrative
Development subprogram, an entire component is devoted to Security
and Protection. The planned protection measures include establishing
central and provincial security and protection units, developing security
systems, monitoring security incidents (from ‘night letters’ to bombings
of schools), recording them in a security database and reporting on it,
and delivering security awareness training for students and staff, all
in cooperation with security organizations and communities (MoE,
2010a: 34, 120–121).
4.7 Post-planning reßections, 2007–2008
The NESP-I gave the MoE an opportunity to take its rightful place as
the leader of the many agencies in the education sector. In particular,
it went a long way in fostering donor alignment on nationally deÞned
priorities and on the underlying premises of a sector-wide approach.
What was missing was a structure that would make this policy dialogue
more regular. On its missions to Kabul, IIEP therefore convened
informal meetings of like-minded education donors, such as Sweden,
Norway, Denmark, Canada, UNICEF, the World Bank, USAID, and
UNESCO. These meetings in 2007–2008 helped to increase trust, mutual
knowledge, and coordination; they were a precursor to what later became
the EDB, which was founded in December 2008 and then began its
regular monthly meetings.
In 2010, the EDB was transformed into the HRDB, which was tasked
with coordinating the development of Afghanistan’s human resources
broadly speaking, and whose mandate therefore was expanded from
the Education sub-sector to include representatives of the Ministries of
Higher Education, Women’s Affairs, and Labour, Social Affairs, Martyrs
and Disabled. This was a visionary initiative that outlived Minister
Atmar’s strong and charismatic leadership: ‘people may come and go,
but structures remain’, as Anastacio and Stannard point out in Chapter 6.
The monthly meetings of the EDB/HRDB have saved signiÞcant
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amounts of time and effort compared to previous meetings – there had
been 13 Education Forums and Working Groups in the education sector,
out of which only six seemed to meet on a regular basis (Wirak et al.,
2009: 34) – and have allowed the MoE to develop its capability to relate
and to attract resources and support.
This period was instructive in showing how important political
leadership is in starting a plan formulation process. Minister Atmar’s
full support of the process, and his credibility both within the MoE and
among donors, was a driving force that got things done. The process
of developing the plan was just as important as the end-product, the
plan itself. This process entailed a good deal of coaching – sitting down
and doing planning work together – and through this Afghan education
planning staff learned the nuts and bolts of planning step by step (the
pros and cons of this approach are discussed in Box 5). The MoE’s and
IIEP’s long-term strategic approach to the development of NESP-I has
resulted in a sense of ownership and increased dignity, capacity, and
self-esteem of the MoE ofÞcials. They later built on this conÞdence as
they went on to develop the subsequent NESP-II, with IIEP providing
‘back-seat’ guidance.
Box 5. Pros and cons of IIEP’s mentoring approach
The challenges to IIEP’s mentoring approach are numerous:
• The cost is high: expensive international consultants travel far, often in order
to work with small groups of people. Local trainers doing conventional training
workshops for larger groups of people would appear to be more cost-effective.
• External assistance is often short-term, in two- to three-week missions. A permanent
secretariat would not face the same time constraints.
• Coaching is time-consuming: it is a slow process to understand the various
challenges of the MoE departments and sort out issues in a personalized way.
Substitution of MoE staff would be faster, but less sustainable.
• Language and technical barriers exist: some MoE staff cannot participate fully in
the mentoring process because they lack technical skills or do not speak English,
and foreign advisors rarely speak Dari or Pashto.
Yet, despite these challenges, IIEP insists on this mentoring approach. This is
because there is no blueprint for the planning process: it needs to be rediscovered
empirically almost every time. Hence, no university-style training can teach MoE staff
how to prepare a national plan in a participatory way. The only way MoE staff can
acquire these skills is by being guided once, twice (perhaps more), through a full plan
preparation process, and learning by doing. This allows technical self-confidence to
develop. Finally, IIEP’s mentoring provides the ministerial departments with a technical
broker. This facilitates discussion on issues which for political reasons may not always
be easily discussed inside the MoE.
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NESP-I may have been the Þrst national education plan Afghanistan
had seen for decades, but it was more of a utopian vision of what the
education sector could look like than a clearly prioritized plan that stood
a realistic chance of reaching its goals. Yet perhaps this was what was
needed at the time: something to be proud of, to aspire towards. The
realities of Afghanistan were bleak, and while it would be easier to say
‘nothing is possible’, it was perhaps wise to use the plan as a symbol of
hope for the nation.
Intangible factors like trust, hope, and faith are fundamental
resources in Afghanistan, especially because many of the structural
obstacles to developing education remain outside the remit of the
education sector. For example, education planners have no inßuence on
the particular way that the 2001 Bonn Agreement30 framed politics, or
on security and access constraints resulting from the war, and only slight
inßuence on payment delays in the Þnancial bureaucracy (a job for the
Ministry of Finance) or the distorted salary scales and competition for
TAs. Planners need to work around these challenges the best they can,
and that requires commitment and determination.
Of course, the opposite consideration is that there should be
no building on false hope. The recent draft NESP-II has also been
criticized as unrealistic or impossible to implement. Critics, including
IIEP, advise that plans must be operational and set objectives that can
actually be achieved.31 A plan should contain at least one base scenario
that can reasonably be achieved, taking into consideration among other
parameters the current ministerial implementation capacity.
Trusting the plan was perhaps also a leap of faith for the donors,
who themselves needed a beacon of hope to convince their parliaments
30.
31.
OfÞcially termed the Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan
Pending the Re-Establishment of Permanent Government Institutions, the Bonn
Agreement was the initial series of agreements intended to recreate the state of
Afghanistan following the US invasion in response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks
in 2001. Critics of this agreement have pointed out that since the US invasion
owed much of its success to the assistance of warlords from the Northern Alliance,
these warlords were given relatively large amounts of power in the state formation
process.
Civil society commentators point out that unrealistic plans are currently the norm
in Afghanistan – not just those of the government of Afghanistan, but also for
example of the NATO forces (Clark, 2010; Ruttig, 2010). In indignation, a civilian
blogger based in Kandahar noted that ‘Hope is not a strategy’ (von Linschoten,
2010).
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to keep up the investment in Afghanistan’s education sector as a peace
dividend. The MoE needed the donors to be very ßexible, so it helped
when international agency and donor staffs were willing and capable of
taking technical advisory roles. Donors should not just be accountants
or subcontractors. A MoE needs counterparts who can challenge and
stimulate it, and who stay engaged for a longer period of time than
short-term consultants. When donors employ technical education
specialists as their core staff, they are better able to engage in the real
dilemmas and hard decisions. They then stand a better chance of earning
the trust and respect of their MoE counterparts.
Staff working in the MoE seem to be divided into three main
groups: the Afghan civil servants (usually the group with least capacity),
the Afghan TAs (who are better paid, speak English, and can use
computers), and the international advisors (who are very highly paid).
It is only rational that civil servants will want to seek jobs as TAs with
donor agencies, when their capabilities have been built to the point where
agencies would want to hire them (for instance if they have learned
English and computer skills).
Donors have funded hundreds of TAs (Shah, 2010: 30–31),
although there is some disagreement over the exact numbers (personal
communication, MoE senior staff, December 2010). The TAs are
embedded in the MoE, which somewhat blurs the distinction between
who has allegiance to the MoE and who does not.
Donors’ tendency to hire foreign consultants and national TAs
have led to increased salary levels for these groups, a distorted labour
market, and diversion of capacity to non-state employers such as private
consulting companies. These factors have led to reduced motivation
among the regular civil servants and have thus had a negative impact on
MoE performance. On the other hand, the MoE has itself contributed to
this problem by increasing its requests for TAs. (This is further discussed
in Chapter 5.)
IIEP faced similar negotiations with the MoE, which initially
requested that IIEP hire a large number of national TAs through the
Strategic Planning and Capacity Development Project with a view to
increasing the DoPE’s technical capacity – a legitimate request, though
in IIEP’s view it was not addressed to the proper funding source. A
compromise was eventually reached, and eight national TAs were hired to
support the DoPE in its daily planning tasks, under two conditions: Þrst,
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that the sustainability of these positions would be guaranteed through
MoE’s commitment to convert those TA positions into civil servant
positions over time, and second, that they would become trainers at the
MoE in charge of multiplying capacities among the MoE permanent
staff. If IIEP had yielded to the request to hire a much larger number of
TAs, then MoE civil servants would probably have been less involved
in the planning process and would have been denied CD opportunities.
Recent HRDB discussions have centred on this issue, and DANIDA
has consequently launched a proposal to map TAs and harmonize their
salaries. The issue remains contested, and many well-paid jobs depend on
it. International advisors may receive salaries and allowances in the order
of US$20,000–40,000 per month (Waldman, 2008: 3), and as pointed out
in Chapter 5, salaries for national TAs in 2009 were on average about
seven times higher than those of civil servants.32 For an education plan to
be sustainable, a central question for the future will be how much of this
plan could be implemented by civil servants. This is a dilemma not just
for the education sector, but for state-building in Afghanistan on a more
general level. IIEP’s views on the issue are summarized in Box 6.
Box 6. Pros and cons of IIEP’s hiring of national TAs
Hiring TAs contributed to strengthening the capacity of the DoPE at a time when it
could not afford to be without basic competence and enough staff to develop plans,
start its EMIS, produce regular reports, move towards provincial operational planning
in provinces, and so on. As such, it was clearly a necessary move.
However, the sustainability of hiring TAs is debatable. Several of the TAs hired by
IIEP served MoE very well – but used the opportunity as a springboard towards doing
master’s degrees abroad. As such, hiring them was a bad short-term investment, yet
possibly an excellent investment in the longer term, as they may later find incentives to
return to Afghanistan to serve the education sector in one way or another.
Some of the TAs are still in the MoE and occupy important positions, such as the
Deputy Director of Planning, the Head of the EMIS section at the DoPE, and the Deputy
Head of the Research and Evaluation Unit. Some of these positions were supposed to be
civil servant positions but are in fact paid by IIEP at TA rates.
IIEP’s TAs have not yet become trainers per se for other MoE staff, but they do work
informally with others. In order to be trainers, they would need a formal structure in
which to train others. This is a long-haul task, and the MoE is creating a basis for a
national training programme in educational planning, with the support of IIEP’s new
DANIDA-funded project.
32.
In 2009, national TA salaries were, on average, US$783 per month, whereas civil
servants received an average of US$109 per month (MoE, Department of Finance,
2010).
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4.8 Revision of NESP-I and formulation of NESP-II,
2008–2010
An analysis of the revision and (re)formulation process that led from
NESP-I to the existing draft NESP-II might be considered premature:
although the NESP-II is in its Þnal stages of development at the time of
writing this chapter in October 2010, it is not yet clear when this process
will come to its end. This section is therefore limited to looking at the
reasons and circumstances that pushed MoE to revise NESP-I and later
formulate NESP-II, and tentatively comparing the formulation processes
of NESP-I and NESP-II.
The revision of the NESP-I began in conjunction with a mid-term
review of IIEP’s Capacity Development Project during an IIEP mission
to Kabul in July 2008. The MoE, and especially the DoPE, had been
attentive to external critiques of the plan document and had made its own
informal self-assessment of its plan. The reasons for the NESP-I revision,
however, were not exclusively linked to the document’s shortcomings,
but also related to external factors.
In June 2008, the Government of Afghanistan presented the
Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS) at the Paris
Conference.33 As a result of decisions made at the highest policy-making
levels, the MoE and other line ministries subsequently needed to adjust
the NESP and their respective strategy documents to the ANDS’ new
targets and its time-frame, 2008–2013.34
Perhaps more important was a very alarming statistic: in 2008, the
number of attacks on schools, teachers, and pupils had almost tripled
to 670 – almost two attacks every day! – compared to the two previous
years (O’Malley, 2010: 173; Glad, 2009: 21). Attacks on education were
becoming a very visible obstacle to reaching the NESP-I objectives.
Hence, the revised NESP needed to include clearer and more speciÞc
protection, risk mitigation, and recovery strategies.
The NESP revision was also motivated by a structural-organizational
change within the MoE: the number of priority programmes was reduced
33.
34.
The MoE played a key role in formulating the education sector strategy within
the ANDS. The inputs were based on NESP-I with projections for the subsequent
years.
Ultimately, the time-frame of NESP-II would be changed: at the time of writing, it
is 2010–2014.
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from eight to Þve, and the number of deputy ministers was increased
from three to Þve accordingly. Each deputy minister was now in
charge of one MoE department and one priority programme. However,
Shah (2010: 22) notes that ‘the demand for decreasing the number of
programmes also came from the [Ministry of Finance], which reasoned
that fewer programmes would reduce its management burden and
increase effectiveness in terms of fund [disbursal]’.
The data basis for planning had also changed: the Ministry had
conducted its Þrst School Survey in 2007 and had a much more accurate
EMIS and data to base its planning on.
Moreover, the NESP revision would give the MoE (especially the
DoPE) the opportunity to address technical issues in the plan document.
The relationship between objectives, targets, and activities was perceived
as being too loose, and the revision would enable a more systematic
use of results-based planning and management. As mentioned above, it
would also allow for a modiÞcation of the NESP targets to Þt the ANDS.
Finally, despite the MoE’s and IIEP’s efforts to encourage
participation of all stakeholders in the development of NESP-I, the MoE
may have sought to go further to build ownership around the national
plan. Large parts of the NESP-I had been written by national TAs and
international advisers, as opposed to MoE civil servants. Revising the
NESP-I was an opportunity to continue this ‘Afghanization’ process.
From the outset, the MoE made the political decision to produce
NESP-II with less technical assistance than it had called on for NESP-I.
For the Þrst nine months after this decision, MoE organized its planning
process without external support and produced a Þrst draft of NESP-II
(2010–2014) in Dari. The DoPE coordinated the process and gave
technical inputs. The DoPE’s strength was remarkable – during the
planning phase for NESP-I, it had been reliant on IIEP. Its self-conÞdence
may simply have stemmed from the experience gained with NESP-I
development and the relative success of NESP-I (Shah, 2010: 22). Based
on previous experience, the MoE departments were consulted throughout
and actively contributed to the draft plan. This was essential to ensure
that the situation analysis, and the suggested policies and strategies,
emerged from the MoE staff who were in charge of implementing them.
The MoE managed this complex process very efÞciently, which indicates
that its technical capacity had indeed increased signiÞcantly since the
development of NESP-I. This time, the technical support requested from
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IIEP was a lot more targeted, speciÞc, and technical. For example, IIEP
supported the development of an Afghanistan-speciÞc projection and
simulation model. This tool was developed by a team composed of a
small number of DoPE staff and one IIEP specialist (in line with the CD
principles mentioned earlier). The DoPE had an indispensable role in
providing data and information. The development work was coupled with
training sessions and the tool was ultimately used to generate scenarios
for policy dialogue at the MoE.
Like the MoE’s other close technical partners, IIEP also gave support
by commenting on the draft NESP-II at various stages and editing the
document in English. It goes without saying that any ministry developing
a plan would resort to copy-editing and share drafts with partners for
comments.
NESP-II was not solely written by the MoE, since many advisors
from many agencies commented on the drafts. But the fact that the plan
was initially drafted in Dari35 is a strong sign that the MoE essentially
owned and drove the process. The MoE also made good use of its recent
technical breakthroughs, such as the 2007 School Survey and EMIS with
corresponding projection and simulation models, the Staff and Teacher
Registration System, and the recent school maps. For the Þrst time,
the Ministry could base its planning on facts instead of estimations, a
profoundly satisfying development for IIEP, which since the beginning
of the partnership had argued that this be a key technical objective,
and had provided advice and training workshops on, for example, the
projection and simulation model.
Although an advanced draft of the plan exists, NESP-II was not
ofÞcially launched at the time of writing in October 2010. It is too early
to analyse a process that is still going on. Nevertheless, it can be said that
several internal processes have delayed the release of NESP-II. During
October 2009, the EDB and the MoE asked an international team of
consultants to carry out an education sector analysis, whose Þnal report
was presented in July 2010. This sector analysis has been conceived as a
contribution to the process by which the Government of Afghanistan seeks
endorsement of the EFA-FTI for NESP-II. The MoE has taken heed of
the conclusions of this sector analysis and of the NESP-II assessment that
35.
Dari is one of Afghanistan’s two main languages and has traditionally been used in
the state administration. The other main language is Pashto. A number of minority
languages exist as well.
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was linked to it. The assessment noted that NESP-II was over-ambitious
and not operational enough, and hence recommended revising it. The
MoE has therefore introduced three funding scenarios (low, medium, and
high) for the NESP-II, and developed a draft Interim Plan for 2011–2013,
a separate document but fully aligned with the NESP-II. The Interim
Plan is based on the low funding scenario. Accordingly, the Interim Plan
targets are lower and activities are prioritized. At the time of writing,
this Interim Plan is undergoing appraisal by local donors, a process
expected to result in formal endorsement of the plan, followed by FTI
membership. NESP-II is expected to be Þnalized once the Interim Plan
has been endorsed.
What Afghanistan’s MoE stands to gain from the FTI process is still
not clear, as Shah (2010) writes:
There is a different understanding of FTI partnership by the
ministry’s leadership who are perhaps attaching much too
expectation in terms of funding. The ministry appears to consider
FTI to be a source of funding that would Þll the Þnancial gap
between the strategic plan and its implementation. In fact, FTI
partnership is primarily about demonstrating commitments by
the government of a country to achieve the targets of FTI EFA
and, secondarily, supporting the country from its catalytic fund
for this purpose. What the FTI catalytic fund can offer in case
its conditions are fulÞlled by the Government of Afghanistan
(GoA) may not be enough for the implementation of even one
of the programmes of the draft revised NESP. So far the biggest
single expenditure of FTI funds has been in Kenya, which was
over US$150 million for three years, while the Þnancial demand
presented in the revised NESP is gigantic (Shah, 2010: 35).36
4.9 Looking ahead: development of sustainable national
capacities, 2010– ?
Looking at the evolution of the MoE as an institution over the eight years
since 2002 greatly helps in appreciating what has changed and what still
needs to change. The MoE’s institutional management and technical
capacity was understandably very weak immediately after the fall of
36.
In the revised FTI Guidelines, the Catalytic Fund may be closed and converted
into the EFA Fund. The ‘gigantic’ Þnancial demand in the revised NESP-II is
US$8.4 billion for the high funding scenario, and US$5.6 billion for the low
funding scenario over a period of Þve years.
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the Taliban: it was facing management difÞculties in the early stages
of reconstruction and was not able to carry out its mandate properly. Its
decision in 2005 to remedy this situation by developing a sector plan
was already a clear sign of improvement in political leadership, and a
sign of conÞdence in its own mounting technical capacity. As of 2010,
the MoE had produced two national plans, made signiÞcant progress
(especially with regard to access to education, but also for instance in
terms of management at the central level), convened one important
joint implementation review meeting with all its partners (the EDF in
early 2008), and is demonstrating the will and capacity to lead the donor
group. This is a truly remarkable development given the dire challenges
affecting Afghanistan.
The keys to this positive evolution are strong national commitment
to take the lead in the development of the education sector, and increased
capacity. The capacity gaps, however, are still enormous, particularly at
the sub-national levels. At the central MoE level, quite a lot of progress
has been made, but the capacity of individuals remains greater than the
capacity of the MoE as an institution. As discussed in previous sections,
recourse to national technical assistance has also made it possible to
partly Þll the capacity gap, but probably not in a sustainable way. At the
provincial level the capacity gap is wider, and worsened by the isolation
and security situation of many provinces. Given that the provincial
and district level is where the MoE’s service delivery is or should be
happening, this is also where the MoE and its partners ought to make the
greatest future investments.
Capacities to plan, implement, and monitor progress therefore need
to be consolidated at the central level and further developed at provincial
and district levels on a large scale. Based on this observation, IIEP and the
MoE decided to partly dedicate their recently initiated, DANIDA-funded
CD project to establishing a national training programme in educational
planning under MoE leadership. For the Þrst time in the post-Taliban
period, the MoE will be developing its own training capacity for planning.
With support from IIEP, the Afghan MoE staff who were involved in
the NESP-I and NESP-II formulation processes will be trainers in this
programme – an important symbol of national empowerment – and over
the coming years, the programme will be rolled out at the provincial
level, where 300 educational planners should be trained (slightly fewer
than 10 per province).
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4.10 Lessons learned: the IIEP model of capacity
development
Throughout its partnership with the MoE, which as of 2010 had lasted
eight years, IIEP has learned a number of lessons that are proposed here
as the IIEP model of capacity development.
1.
Need for political leadership and national ownership
IIEP’s work with the MoE reßected the Ministry’s effort to try to
achieve education for all regardless of the social and political divides.
The principle was that education could lay the foundation for a more
united nation. Building such ownership can be an issue within a political
context that is fragmented and polarized; success therefore requires
strong political leadership in the plan formulation process.
2.
Advocacy
CD agencies have a key role to play in advocacy and networking, both
with the MoE leadership and with other international stakeholders, whose
alignment is crucial because they pay for most of the MoE’s development
budget. IIEP has continuously provided advice and encouragement to the
MoE and its partners to secure political will for embarking on sector-wide
planning (linked to poverty reduction through the ANDS), aiming for
greater alignment and harmonization around the strategies in the national
sector plan. Within the MoE, IIEP has advocated for maximal stakeholder
consultation and involvement in the plan formulation; and for developing
an adequate EMIS and databases to make planning information-based.
3.
Taking the long route to capacity development
CD in educational planning needs to be designed with a long-term
perspective, and also with regards to funding. The complexity of
educational planning tasks requires a large portfolio of competencies
to be developed, ranging from very technical ones, such as statistics,
databases, or report writing, to more generic ones, such as leadership,
coordination, and language and computer skills, all of which takes time.
Time is also required to nurture the mutually trusting relationships that
proved so central in IIEP’s work with the MoE, as when Minister Atmar
decided to pursue developing the NESP-I based on IIEP’s participatory
model. Finally, IIEP also needed time to better understand the Afghan
context, which should always be taken as the starting point.!"
37.
As enshrined in the Þrst of the 10 OECD-DAC Principles for Good Engagement
in Fragile States (OECD-DAC, 2007).
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4.
Flexibility in implementation and funding is a must
Especially in so-called fragile contexts like Afghanistan, ßexibility in
implementation modalities and use of project funds is a prerequisite for
efÞciency. Donors play a key role here in permitting reasonable deviations
and changes of plans. CD agencies need to combine patience during
less opportune periods with a readiness to switch gears when windows
of opportunity present themselves. Flexibility can also be furthered by
employing a variety of CD methods, which reduces vulnerability to
disruptions for security reasons and changes in political leadership or
staff.
5.
A variety of capacity development methods
Short training seminars are just one among many CD modalities. IIEP
provided dovetailed coaching and accompaniment to the MoE by
sending consultants to sit and do planning work with MoE ofÞcers. This
was done throughout the formulation of the NESP-I, but also during its
implementation and monitoring phase and during the formulation of the
NESP-II. A small core of DoPE ofÞcers was trained in depth at IIEP’s
Advanced Training Programme in educational planning and management,
a long-term investment in human capital that enabled the DoPE to take
qualiÞed leadership in the NESP planning process. Finally, IIEP provided
continuous advice to the MoE over the years on appropriate structures
and arrangements for planning.
6.# Hands-on learning by doing yields better results
What makes CD most effective is to work with MoE staff on their real-life
assignments such as the development of a sector plan, the drafting of
implementation progress reports, or the development of a simulation and
projection model addressing the speciÞcities of the education sector. This
requires more resources, but focusing on processes as well as products
proves to be a better investment.
7.
National training capacity is essential for self-reliance
Historically, the Afghan state apparatus has tended to be over-reliant
on foreign support. The long-term aim of foreign CD agencies should
therefore be to help their Afghan counterparts achieve technical
self-reliance. This will allow the MoE to develop a vision for national
educational development that brings people together. IIEP’s contribution
is to help develop national institutional capacity for further domestic CD.
Its projected work with the MoE (in 2011–2013) will result in designing
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an Afghanistan-speciÞc training programme in educational planning and
management, developing corresponding training materials in national
languages, and training trainers who will, in turn, become able to train
large numbers of Afghan educational planners and managers, not only at
central but also at provincial level.
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Chapter 5
Capacity development, challenges,
achievements, and next steps
from the MoE’s perspective
Mohammad Aref Arefee
5.1 Introduction
When I Þrst came to the Ministry of Education (MoE) and joined
the Department of Planning and Evaluation (DoPE) in 2002,
there were only two broken desktop computers. The DoPE staff
used old instruments for their daily work such as pens and paper
in an absolutely traditional and out of date manner. Now, in 2010
almost everybody in the department has access to a computer
and internet. They have developed several systems such as the
Planning System, EMIS, new processes and procedures. The
Ministry has developed National Education Strategic Plans which
was led and coordinated by DoPE staff ... (MoE Human Resource
Department staff member, author interview, March 2010).
This quotation is an example of a success story from the MoE,
highlighting achievements in the development of MoE capacities
– capacities vital to delivering quality education to the millions of
knowledge-craving students across the country.
CD is a strategic factor in development and reconstruction in
post-conßict settings such as Afghanistan. It should include ‘the capacity
to plan, manage, implement and account for the results of policies
and programmes critical for achieving development objectives’ (Paris
Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, 2005). Yet in spite of its achievements,
the Afghan education system still faces daunting challenges. Lack of
proper capacity in the MoE is a key obstacle to achieving education
objectives, and the Ministry has therefore put CD at the top of its agenda.
The Afghan Constitution mandates MoE to provide quality
education services to all children across the country. The ability or
capacity of MoE to deliver on public demands depends on its human
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resource, systems and organizational settings, Þnancial resources to
fund education programmes, and more importantly communication with
public and education stakeholders on issues related to education.
The MoE has established a broad range of programmes and activities
to improve its capacity at individual, organizational, and institutional
levels, and to be able to deliver services in a challenging context (see
Chapter 2). The Ministry leadership realized from the early days of
the reconstruction of the education system that to achieve EFA goals in
Afghanistan and improve access to and quality of education, it had to
(1) improve the competencies and performance of individual employees,
(2) enhance organizational performance, (3) strengthen institutional
capacities, and (4) educate and train children and adults to contribute to
the improvement of social and economic conditions and political stability
of the country.
The Ministry considers itself responsible for taking all four
dimensions into consideration in making the needed policies, adopting
the relevant strategies, and establishing short- and long-term training and
programmes for the development of MoE capacity.
In this chapter (written in 2010) we examine the CD achievements
of the MoE since 2002, its challenges, lessons learned, and plans and
strategies for the future.
5.2 MoE capacity development achievements, 2002–2010
In the period between 2002 and 2010, the MoE managed to provide
access to education for approximately 7 million students, compared with
a starting point of little more than 1 million (MoE, 2010b). To do so, the
Ministry recruited and trained thousands of teachers, provided millions
of textbooks, rehabilitated educational facilities, and improved systems
and administrative services.
The education system had lost almost all of its infrastructure and
human resources during three decades of civil war and political instability.
The Ministry started to reconstruct the system and develop the relevant
capacities immediately after the collapse of the Taliban regime in 2001.
The Þrst priority of the MoE was to respond to urgent need and demand
for education, and it conducted short-term CD training courses with this
in mind. When the relative stability of the education system had been
secured in 2005, the Ministry began planning for CD on the basis of a
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long-term strategy, which is reßected in the National Education Strategic
Plans, NESP-I and NESP-II.
The MoE developed the Þrst NESP (2006–2010) in 2006 with
technical support provided by IIEP. The Þrst NESP development process
was led by MoE staff and formally launched in February 2008 at the
Education Development Forum (EDF). The main objectives of NESP
development were to create a common vision and a policy framework
for the education system on the basis of a series of policy commitments
– the Afghan National Constitution (138238/2001), the EFA goals, and
the Interim Afghan National Development Strategy (I-ANDS) (2006) for
the education sub-sector. This was to give systemic direction to MoE
development activities, ensure better coordination among different MoE
sections, and serve as a donor coordination and aid alignment tool.
The MoE revised the Þrst NESP and developed the second NESP
(2010–2014) in 2009 in the light of the lessons learned from three years
of implementation of the Þrst NESP and new national and international
political developments such as the Paris Conference for Afghanistan
in 2008.39 The revision process was also led by MoE civil servants
and national technical advisors. The NESP-I and NESP-II processes
contributed to developing the educational planning and management
capacities of MoE civil servants and national advisors, enabling the MoE
to work with less technical support from international organizations and
partners.
In the course of the NESP development exercise, the MoE has
developed or adopted policies that were formerly non-existent or unclear.
One example is the policy for CBE, developed jointly by the MoE and
CBE-providing NGO partners. The MoE’s CBE policy aimed to create
a framework in which the MoE and its partners would collaborate to
provide education services that complement each other and are integrated
into a national education system. Many of the NGO partners have
aligned their CBE programmes with the MoE policy (see Chapter 6 for
an NGO perspective on this process). In a second example, the MoE has
developed regulations for private school operation, facilitating private
sector investment in education and enabling many private schools to be
established.
38.
39.
The year according to Afghanistan’s ofÞcial calendar.
The Declaration of the Paris Conference (2008) explicitly supported the Afghanistan
National Development Strategy (ANDS), which includes the education sub-sector.
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A daunting challenge for any development of the education sector
was the lack of credible data for planning and decision-making; in
response, the MoE developed an EMIS in 2006. In late 2005, the Þrst
survey plan and questionnaire was designed by MoE staff with the
help of a national advisor and some technical support from donors.
The database for the survey data was developed by an Iranian software
company, who also helped set up the network and database server. The
software was designed to input the survey data into the computers and
generate reports.
The aim of the Þrst comprehensive school survey in 2006 was
simply to collect data on schools and students. The school survey was
a major milestone, providing much-needed data and information for
better management of the education system. The survey methodology
and questionnaire were modiÞed in 2007, mainly by MoE staff supported
by the EMIS advisor, and a new and more robust database was designed.
In order to sustain the ßow of information from schools to provincial and
central levels, headmasters were trained to Þll in the survey forms and
to report.
The EMIS has not only provided the MoE management with a
much-needed planning and monitoring tool but has also helped reduce
corruption, contributed to human resource development at all levels, and
helped streamline processes and procedures. It has also helped develop
and enhance capacity in a number of areas. Information collection
has become needs-driven, and the capacity to process, analyse, share,
and disseminate information has been improved, reducing overlap in
activities. New data visualization techniques, including mapping and
geographic information systems (GIS), have improved decision-making
processes. Lastly, it has enabled managers to use information at the
policy and implementation levels, and has led to better coordination and
resource allocation.
For public Þnancial management, the MoE at the central level
and in all the provinces uses the Afghanistan Financial Management
System (AFMIS) developed by the MoF. The MoE has been preparing
and implementing programme budgets since 2006. The AFMIS provides
a solid base for MoE Þnance staff to plan, implement, and monitor
programmes and provincial budgets. This has been possible only with
the support of national TAs embedded in the Þnance department and
periodic input from international advisors. The Þnance department
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enters the programme budget into the system after the annual budget
has been approved for the national and provincial levels. Allocations
and transactions are recorded at the provincial and central level. The
system provides programme managers and MoE leadership with updates
on budget expenditure and on any obstacles to budget implementation.
Through AFMIS, the MoF has access to all ministries’ Þnancial data,
enabling it to take necessary action for public Þnancial management.
MoF and donors have suspected that ghost teachers exist on the
MoE payroll. Since 2007, the MoE has been using a staff registration and
payroll system to improve transparency and accountability in recruitment
and payment. At the launch of the system, all MoE staff at central and
provincial levels were physically veriÞed, received ID cards, and were
registered in the system. Bank accounts have been opened for all staff
and the salaries of over 70,000 staff are now paid by bank transfer.
Teacher competency is at the core of MoE capacity. The MoE’s
end product is graduating students; their learning achievements and
maximization of their potential depend on how well skills and knowledge
have been transferred to them. A main obstacle to improving access to
and quality of education is the shortage of qualiÞed teachers, especially
women. According to EMIS Þgures, 73 per cent of the teachers are
13th grade graduates or lower (MoE, 2010b). In principle, a teacher
must be at least a 14th grade graduate with a teaching diploma to be
recruited in the provinces, and must hold at least a bachelor’s degree
in Kabul and some other provinces, but most of the teachers do not
meet these criteria. The Ministry established short-term teacher training
programmes such as In-Service Teacher Training (INSET), mainly with
Þnancial and technical support from the World Bank and USAID, in order
to address urgent training needs. This short-term training does not meet
the long-term requirements for a quality education, but it has helped the
teachers improve teaching methods and knowledge of the subject-matter.
In order to establish a long-term CD programme for the teachers, the
MoE has established teacher training colleges in all provinces to provide
in-service and pre-service training programmes. A new teacher education
curriculum is being developed and introduced. Teacher education support
centres are being established and made operational at district level to
take the training closer to teachers, particularly women, who cannot
reach the training programmes otherwise. In close cooperation with
the Independent Civil Service Commission, the MoE has established
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criteria for teachers’ remuneration, which link the level of education
and competencies to the grade and pay scale.40 In implementing the new
Pay and Grade (P&G) system, the MoE conducted teacher competency
tests for approximately 44,000 teachers with grade 14 qualiÞcation or
higher in 2009. Over 42,000 of them were accepted into the new P&G
system. In 2010, all teachers with a grade 12 certiÞcate took a teacher
competency test, and those who successfully passed are being adapted to
the new pay scale. There are two criteria for their assessment: teaching
methodology (skills and knowledge), and the specialized subject-matter
knowledge that they teach. Teacher competency test results are analysed
to develop teacher training programmes more relevant to the teachers’
needs. The combination of CD programmes with incentive schemes is
expected to produce better results.
The capacity to develop a relevant, quality curriculum is a primary
concern for the MoE as it determines what sorts of values and human
resources are developed. Students’ learning achievements depend not
only on how well skills and knowledge have been transferred to them,
but also on teaching the right knowledge and skills for their daily lives
and for Afghanistan’s reconstruction and development.
The development of a new curriculum and textbooks for primary and
secondary general and Islamic education, with the Þnancial and technical
support of MoE international partners, is another success story. The old
curriculum and textbooks were no longer relevant to socio-political and
educational development needs at national and international levels. A new
curriculum based on the education system’s needs has now been developed
and will regularly be revised and updated by MoE staff, drawing on the
latest developments in education, science, technology, and pedagogy.
Curriculum development requires time and competent specialists.
Previously, the MoE’s entire Curriculum Department had only 37 writers
with, at most, a bachelor’s degree in one of the subjects required. (Some
countries deploy around 100 experts or teachers to develop one textbook.)
To address this capacity gap, the Ministry recruited dozens of national
TAs to develop civil servant capacity and accelerate development of the
new textbooks, which students needed urgently. These civil servants
and national experts were exposed to curriculum development in other
40.
A newly graduated teacher with a grade 12 qualiÞcation will now receive a salary
of 6,500 Afghanis (US$143) per month while a newly graduated teacher with a BA
qualiÞcation will receive 8,000 Afghanis (US$177) per month.
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countries and went to Jordan, Iran, and Turkey for training in curriculum
development and textbook writing. New textbooks are being developed
based on active learning approaches and experiences learned from other
countries.
The Ministry chose these countries because as developing, Muslim
countries they share cultural similarities with Afghanistan and at the same
time have experience in educational reform similar to that of Western
developed countries. Dari/Farsi is a national language of both Afghanistan
and Iran, so the Afghan experts were able to easily communicate with
Iranian specialists during the training. The new textbooks not only
promote subject knowledge but also include cross-cutting issues such
as human rights, gender, anti-narcotics, environmental protection,
civic education, and peace-building. They are available in the two
main languages, Dari and Pashto. Language textbooks for other local
languages such as Uzbek, Turkmen, Balochi, Pashayi, Nuristani, Pamiri,
and Gujori are also being developed to be taught in schools where the
local population speak the language in question.
The Ministry introduced Public Administration Reform (PAR) in
2006 in order to restructure and improve its organizational efÞciency
and institutional capacity. The old MoE structure was out of date and
incompatible with the NESP-I. Working closely with the Civil Service
Commission, the MoE structure was reviewed and revised in the light
of the NESP-I programme structure and modern management practices.
A new structure with new terms of reference (ToRs) for all departments
and employees was developed and implemented in 2008. Along with the
administration reform, the Ministry is also implementing a new P&G
scheme that includes merit-based recruitment (discussed in Section 5.6.2).
In close cooperation with the donors, the MoE established the
Education Development Board (EDB) in 2008 in order to create an
efÞcient mechanism for coordinating policies and programmes of, and
improving relations between, the Ministry, donors, and private sector and
civil society education partners. Its main objectives were to (1) support
the leadership and oversight of education programmes, (2) provide
a platform for policy dialogue between the Ministry and donors,
(3) support establishment of effective policy frameworks, (4) strengthen
alignment and harmonization of development activities in education, and
(5) advocate for aid coordination.
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In the 2010 London conference on Afghanistan, the donor
conference participants agreed to support:
the Government of Afghanistan’s plans for more coherent
and better coordinated development. This involves aligning
key ministries into development and governance clusters and
reÞning the Afghan National Development Strategy development
priorities, in particular infrastructure, rural development, human
resources development, agriculture and the main areas of
governance (Government of Afghanistan, 2010).
On the basis of this agreement, the ministries involved in human
resource development (the MoE, MoHE, Ministry of Labour, Social
Affairs, Martyrs and Disabled, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, and MoF)
came together in the Human Resource Development Cluster. EDB was
an effective coordination platform between the MoE and international
donors and education partners. The EDB members decided to expand the
board in order to cover all ministries and international partners involved
in human resource development; in March 2010 it was re-formed and
renamed the Human Resource Development Board (HRDB). This is an
example of a successful MoE coordination platform whose member base
is now broadened to ensure alignment of the work of different sectoral
ministries in the education sector and human resource development – not
just the MoE – as well as development partners and the MoF. The HRDB
consists of a steering committee, Þve technical working groups, and two
task forces.41 It convenes regular monthly meetings.
5.3 The challenges of capacity development
Few organizations in more ‘normal’ contexts expand the scale of their
programmes beyond 30 per cent each year, since developing capacity
to cater for this expansion is usually seen as not feasible. The MoE has
been faced with a demand to increase the size of its services seven-fold
over the past eight years – nearly 100 per cent each year for seven years.
The MoE is mandated by Afghanistan’s Constitution to make
quality education accessible to all, and parents have shown tremendous
enthusiasm for sending their children to school over the past years. The
41.
The working groups are (1) General and Islamic education, (2) Curriculum
development and teacher education, (3) TVET, (4) Literacy, and (5) Education
management. The task forces are (1) Gender mainstreaming and (2) Employment
support.
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number of students has increased in the past eight years from nearly
1 million in 2001 to nearly 7 million in 2009, and it is this almost
100 per cent annual increase that requires a similar increase in MoE
capacity and resources to properly respond to growing need. Despite this
progress, 42 per cent of school-age children, mainly girls, still do not
have access to education. Unfortunately, less attention has been paid in
recent years (by both government and donors) to developing adequate
capacity and resources to meet the demand, resulting in a gap between
the demand and supply.
The MoE and its education partners need to collectively answer this
question: Should we wait for proper MoE capacity to be developed Þrst and
then provide adequate resources for expanding education programmes to
reach out-of-school children and improve the quality of existing services,
or should we provide the necessary funding and technical support to the
MoE to address the supply gap? Parents and children want access to
quality education as their constitutional right. Parents have been and will
be sending their children to school, whether the MoE has the capacity
and resources or not. The international commitments of EFA and the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) impose a moral obligation on
the Government of Afghanistan and the international community to fulÞl
this need. Despite tremendous efforts by the Ministry and its international
and national partners to enhance MoE capacity, it has yet to fully meet
the increasing demand for education.
What are the main challenges to increasing Afghan children’s access
to quality education? While 76 per cent of all government civil servants
are MoE employees,42 only 12 per cent of the national core budget
in 2010 (1389) – US$523 million out of $4.5 billion – is allocated to
education.43 The MoE estimates a cost of around US$8 billion over Þve
years (US$1.6 billion each year) to implement the education development
programmes of the NESP-II (2010–2014), using the high funding scenario.
In this scenario, the Ministry needs to recruit 27,200 new teachers and
administrative staff each year. However, because of national Þnancial
resource limitations, budget constraints, and the extreme budget needs of
other sectors such as security and health, the MoF agreed to budget only
42.
43.
79 per cent of the total MoE staff are teachers.
MoE, Department of Finance, internal report, 2010.
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for 10,000 new positions in 2010, as part of the ordinary budget.44 This is
one of the main reasons why the MoE is unable to implement all planned
development programmes, including CD activities, and hence cannot
respond to the people’s increasing demands for quality education.45
On the other hand, the MoE was not able to spend even this
inadequate development budget properly, due to government and
donors’ bureaucratic procedures, insecurity, and inadequate capacity at
sub-national level. It spent only 44 per cent of the core development
budget (US$77.3 million out of $175.3 million) in 2009 (1388).46
A main reason for this is poor technical MoE capacity, rooted in
pervasive illiteracy resulting from decades of political instability and
violence, and recruitment of qualiÞed technical staff by donors, NGOs,
and private sector companies who provide much higher salary levels
than the MoE. This leaves the Ministry unable to identify and recruit
competent employees and hence unable to plan, manage, and implement
its education projects and CD activities. This is a vicious circle: since
the MoE’s capacity is low, it cannot spend the allocated budget, and
conversely the low budget means that it cannot improve its capacity.
Allocation and approval of the development budget is done on
an annual basis. In recent years, parliamentary budget approval delays
have resulted in procurement delays and low budget expenditure.
The complicated bureaucratic national procurement law and process
form another major constraint on spending the available budget and
implementing development programmes. It usually takes about 4 out
of almost 11 months of a Þscal year to get a project approved and the
requested budget released.47 The projects can be implemented only
during four to six months of the year, due to impassable roads, shortage
of transportation, and cold or harsh weather in remote areas, with the
result that few development projects are completed on time.
44.
45.
46.
47.
The Afghan government is able to fund only around 65 per cent of the ordinary
budget from internal revenue; the remaining ordinary budget and all the
development budget is funded through international assistance. Afghanistan will
remain dependent on international assistance in the medium to long term.
MoE staff, author interview, June 2010.
MoE internal report, 2010.
MoE, Procurement Department, author interview, March, 2010.
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Despite these challenges, MoE budget expenditure capacity has
seen constant growth over the last Þve years. Table 1 illustrates the
nominal growth in budget expenditure, in millions of US dollars.
Table 1.
Approved development budget, actual expenditure,
and growth rate
Fiscal year
Approved development budget
Actual expenditure
Actual expenditure as percentage
of development budget
Growth rate in actual expenditure
of development budget
a
2006
61.10
16.40
27%
2007
122.10
30.33
25%
2008
140.00
54.80
39%
2009
175.30
77.30
44%
2010a
162.90
73.68
45%
85%
81%
41%
-5%
Expenditure for 9 months only, from March 2010 to November 2010.48
Table 1 indicates that investment in CD during previous years has
produced results in the years that follow. According to this table, MoE
capacity to spend the development budget has improved regularly over
the last Þve years.
Another pervasive CD challenge is a lack of staff commitment,
mainly for Þnancial reasons. First, the majority of MoE employees are
not paid enough to sustain themselves and their families. Civil servants
used to be paid around US$60–160 equivalent per month, which was
not enough to support themselves and their families. Starting in 2009,
after the implementation of the P&G scheme, MoE staff salaries have
at least doubled, ranging from US$130 for an entry-level ofÞcer to
US$650 for department heads. But since the majority of civil servants
are in low grades, their salaries are still inadequate,49 which affects their
commitment. Second, nation-wide insecurity and political instability
have affected the overall atmosphere. People, including government
staff, do not feel secure and are not optimistic. This is a key factor in the
lack of effectiveness and efÞciency in Afghanistan’s public sector. Third,
civil servants and TAs have vastly different salaries, responsibilities,
and roles in decision-making. In spite of suggested policy modiÞcations
and some progress in this respect, TA recruitment apparently is still not
48.
49.
The Þscal year in Afghanistan begins on March 20 (Hamal 1, the Þrst month of the
year) and ends on March 19 (Hoot 29, the last month of the year).
A typical Afghan family with seven family members needs at least
US$500 per month if they own a house, more if they do not.
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based entirely on the MoE’s real needs or on transparent procedures.50
This means that it can neither attract high-capacity candidates as civil
servants, nor retain those whose technical or academic capacities have
been improved through training and scholarships.51 The Ministry is trying
to mitigate the effects of this disparity through the P&G scheme and
administrative reform to encourage staff to enhance their skills. Fourth,
the increasing cost of living and of basic food items puts pressure on civil
servants to seek overtime jobs elsewhere.
Because of low technical capacity and insufÞcient budget, the MoE
depends on international donors and education partners’ contributions to
fund most of the education programmes and pay the salaries of national
TAs and international advisors. However, due to its low technical
capacity most international donors circumvent the MoE, instead granting
education funding directly to international and national NGOs and
private companies.52 This is an immediate solution to education needs,
but slows down the process of strengthening MoE capacity.
In 2008 two units were established to coordinate and align donor
policies, programmes, and activities with MoE priorities. These are the
EDB (now HRDB) and the Grant Management Unit (GMU). Still, not
all donor operations are necessarily aligned with MoE priorities. Some
donors do not share their decisions, information, and results with the
MoE, which is thus unaware of their activities and achieved results and
unable to supervise donor-funded projects and programmes, whether
they are aligned with MoE priorities or not, and whether they Þnally
produce the intended results or not.53
In addition to inefÞcient coordination between the MoE and donors,
donors commonly prefer to fund projects that generate immediate
concrete results, which they can then report as success stories to their
respective authorities. Few donors usually invest in programmes with
long-term impacts but fewer concrete immediate results. It thus seems
essential in future to improve donor–MoE coordination and align donor
50.
51.
52.
53.
MoE, Human Resource Department staff, author interview, March, 2010.
MoE staff, author interview, March, 2010.
Foreign NGOs and companies are often contracted for a service that could easily
be implemented by national NGOs, and some donors prefer to award contracts to
bidders from their own country.
MoE, GMU staff, author interview, March, 2010.
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activities with the education priorities of the MoE, if the MoE and donors
are to get proper results and improve the education system.54
In spite of a relative increase in girls and women’s participation
in education, statistical data show that it remains very low. Out of
approximately 7 million students in general education, only 37 per cent
are female. Out of 170,000 teachers in total, and a total of 217,000 MoE
employees, only 29 per cent are female, according to 2009 data (MoE,
2009a: 26; MoE, 2010b).
There are four main reasons for women’s low participation in
education:
1.
2.
3.
54.
There is a lack of female teachers, especially in rural provinces and
districts, in general education schools. This is mainly due to the
disconnect in education during the 30 years of war, a low female
literacy rate of 12 per cent (MRRD and CSO, 2009: 66), high
drop-out rates for girls in the secondary grades, and inadequate
investment in the relocation of qualiÞed female teachers from urban
centres to rural districts. This is a vicious circle – if girls do not
continue secondary education due to a lack of female teachers then
there will be no girls graduating from grade 12 to become teachers.
This situation requires an intervention in the form of relocation
of qualiÞed married female teachers from urban centres to rural
schools.
Security issues. Even in Kabul women do not feel secure, let
alone in the provinces and districts. This has caused a drop in the
number of females in education, especially at provincial and district
levels. In spite of the measures taken by the Ministry for women at
these levels, they are not able to take part in most of the CD and
education programmes. (These measures include paying remote
area allowances for female teacher trainers and incentive payments
for female students of teacher training colleges, as well as providing
dormitories.)
The male-dominant Afghan culture is a major challenge to women’s
participation in all social life, including education. Afghans in the
rural areas traditionally think of women as housewives whose main
responsibility is reproduction and providing comfort for the family.
Even if some families agree in principle with women’s participation
in social activities, they are usually unhappy with the environments
MoE, GMU staff, author interview, March, 2010.
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4.
where men and women come into direct contact. They prefer
professions that, from a traditional point of view, appear to be more
relevant to women, such as medicine, teaching, and nursing, jobs
that involve little direct contact between males and females. This
is a positive factor that helps the Ministry attract more women to
the profession of teaching, mainly in urban areas. At the same time,
women are able to work independently and separately in these jobs.
But the male-dominant culture also means that the number of female
students in secondary education schools and higher education
institutes, and hence the number of graduates, is very low.
It is stereotypically assumed that women are not suitable for
planning and management positions, which are usually viewed as
male jobs. Fewer women than men are employed in these positions,
in spite of the rapid increase in the ratio of female teachers (from
0 per cent in 2001 to 29 per cent in 2008) and their relatively active
role in teaching. Many women themselves believe that even if
qualiÞed they would not be employed in managerial positions, and
therefore rarely apply for them. At the same time, the authorities
usually prefer to recruit men, assuming that women are unable to
manage these kinds of obligations either because of low ability or
social constraints, since most women experience social and family
pressures that restrict their performance.
All these issues have limited women’s opportunities in educational
management. In order to facilitate and enhance women’s role and increase
their opportunities in education, the Ministry has taken a number of
measures:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Campaigns to increase public awareness of the positive effects of
women’s participation in education, to encourage families to send
their girl children to schools and to take an active part in teaching
as well as school management and administration through school
councils (shuras) and parent–teacher associations.
Mainstreaming of gender in policy, planning, and programming,
closely monitored through EMIS gender-segregated information.
A policy of taking the school to the children in order to reduce the
barrier of long-distance travel on foot for girls. Also, boundary
walls and water and sanitation facilities are now part of the school
construction package for girls’ schools.
Dormitories for female participants in CD activities and other
programmes at the central and provincial levels.
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5.
6.
Incentives for women and girls who take part in teacher education
programmes and teach in provinces with few female teachers;
dormitories and Þnancial incentives are planned for female
teachers, teacher education students, and secondary students from
the districts.
Lastly, positive discrimination in favour of female applicants for
advertised MoE positions. If male and female candidates have
similar qualiÞcations, the Ministry would prefer to recruit the
female candidates to departments with low female staff numbers.
The Ministry would also set aside some of the conditions for a
position if a female candidate applies.
The MoE hopes that these measures will reduce the disparity
between men and women.55
Security issues keep the MoE from implementing CD programmes
in some of the country’s insecure provinces. Between January 2006 and
December 2008, 1,153 attacks were reported: grenades, ‘night letters’
or verbal threats against teachers, and killings of students and education
personnel. According to the MoE, 230 people died as a result of attacks
on schools, students, and personnel between 2006 and 2007 (Glad,
2009: 2). In 2007–2008, around 481 schools were either closed or burned
down in these provinces, and around 336,000 children have lost access
to education. It is noteworthy, however, that around 220 schools were
reopened as a result of the cooperation of local communities with the
MoE (MoE, 2010a: 29).
Teachers and administrative staff are often unable to work in
these areas. The same goes for international partners: most national and
international advisors are not allowed to or willing to go beyond Kabul
or the provincial capitals.
Preparing CD programmes for regional and provincial staff in
the secure provinces and in Kabul is one of the available possibilities.
Recently, some local education authorities have found ways to negotiate
with insurgents in order to open the schools and implement educational
programmes. The devolution of authority for decision-making to local
education ofÞces has been an efÞcient but temporary solution, but would
not be applicable as a long-term strategy, because (1) these authorities
have to modify the curriculum in line with local insurgents’ opinions,
55.
MoE, Human Resource Department staff, author interview, March 2010.
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which affects the quality of education; (2) the insurgents do not allow
girls to participate beyond primary schools, so the Ministry would be
unable to train female students in secondary schools in order to provide
more local female teachers; and (3) the results of these negotiations
are not always sustainable and will change as insurgent policy changes
toward government authorities in the insecure provinces. These are all
reasons for developing a long-term and nation-wide strategy.
Due to low technical capacity the Ministry has not established
a proper M&E system to monitor programme implementation and
evaluate results and long-term programme impacts. The Ministry has
implemented many CD programmes and trained a great number of staff,
but how many have relevant and sufÞcient capacity – in each section,
at each level, and in the MoE as a whole – is unknown. The lack of an
M&E system has left the Ministry unable to organize and design the
CD training and programmes properly. Moreover, these programmes
have not been based on a needs assessment of the education system.
Hence it remains unknown whether these CD programmes have had any
long-term effective impacts on the MoE overall capacity or not.56
5.4 Capacity development impacts and lessons learned
The MoE realized from the Þrst days of reconstruction of the educational
system in 2002 that CD was a must. CD programmes were its Þrst priority.
Lack of professional teachers in schools, shortage of experts to train the
teachers and prepare quality textbooks, limited budget, and the lack of
an efÞcient administrative system with updated rules and regulations to
provide a conducive educational environment for students were major
challenges that needed to be addressed immediately and urgently. The
MoE established different CD programmes to enhance each of its
required capacities, supported by national and international partners.
The Ministry understood that it faced multi-faceted challenges. On
the one hand, it needed to address the urgent demands for educational
services for children deprived of education for almost three decades, on
the other hand it had to develop capacity for the long-term requirements
of the education system. It adopted two measures simultaneously: buying
or building the required capacity to address urgent needs, and planning
for sustainable and long-term capacity for the Ministry and its civil
servants.
56.
MoE, DoPE staff, author interview, March 2010.
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5.5 Short-term capacity building or ‘capacity buying’ to
address urgent challenges
The Ministry adopted short-term training and recruitment of national and
international advisors as a strategy to address the urgent needs of the
education system and to improve civil servant capacities though peered
working with national TAs and international advisors. These strategies
have been mainly focused on CD at the individual level; the resulting
achievements and challenges are examined in this section.
The Ministry established short-term individual CD training such
as computer literacy, English language, and principles of educational
planning and management, usually supported by international education
partners. They were conducted in most of the MoE departments, but
were not well-designed and usually done in an ad hoc manner.57 They had
only short-term positive effects and did not meet the MoE’s long-term
CD needs.
The Ministry also regularly sends employees to foreign countries
for short-term training in various areas. These programmes have often
had many positive effects, being conducted mostly in developing or
developed countries with well-equipped and qualiÞed instructors,
familiarizing the trainees with the latest developments in those countries.
These programmes have had short-term positive effects at the
individual level but no long-term impacts on overall MoE capacity,
because they were designed and implemented sporadically. In addition,
some of the well-trained civil servant staff leave to take better-paid jobs
as TAs at the Ministry or in the private sector. The Ministry needs instead
to plan for CD on the basis of a needs assessment and develop and adopt
long-term policies and strategies.
Few civil servants had the capacity or the initiative to tackle the
challenges the education system faced after 2002. During the political
conßicts of the past decades, most education experts left the Ministry, and
those who stayed had no opportunity to update their capacity, knowledge,
and skills. At the same time, because of the expansion of the job market
after the collapse of the Taliban many of the remaining competent
Ministry staff were attracted to national and international NGOs and UN
57.
MoE staff, author interview, March 2010.
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agencies. In response, the Ministry has recruited hundreds58 of TAs with
the Þnancial support of the international donors. These TAs are mostly
former Afghan refugees who were living in neighbouring countries and
had the opportunity to study at higher education levels or improve their
capacities. They have English language and computer skills, which is a
minimum requirement for communicating with the donors. The donors
have encouraged recruiting these TAs at the central level in order to
implement their supported projects.
The use of TAs has had temporary positive effects in addressing the
urgent needs of the education system: it has enabled fast implementation
of development projects such as teacher training, textbook development,
construction projects, and provision of support services such as
procurement and Þnancial management. But in the long run, the
widespread use of TAs has created new challenges. First, as mentioned
earlier, the salary disparities between TAs and civil servants aroused
jealousy and mistrust among civil servants: they felt discriminated against
by the MoE and gradually became passive and demoralized. Second, the
presence of TAs has led some MoE authorities and their counterpart TAs
to believe that the civil servants are not competent enough. Consequently,
civil servants are marginalized in decision-making, which has intensiÞed
their demoralization.59 Third, TA salaries are enormously expensive.60
Moreover, they are secured through the core and external development
budgets, which is not sustainable, as their recruitment and salaries are
temporary and depend on donor commitment. This also drains funding
from other development activities. Fourth, because TAs are contracted
for a short time, they are not committed to the Ministry. They leave
abruptly if they Þnd a better job opportunity or when their contracts end.
A constant challenge for government organizations including the MoE is
that TAs and civil servants with proper capacity are both apt to leave the
58.
59.
60.
It is not possible to give a precise Þgure, because some of these TAs are recruited
directly by the donors and some by the different MoE departments without
sufÞcient coordination with the Human Resource Department.
MoE civil servant, author interview, March 2010.
According to an internal report (2010c) by the MoE’s Department of Finance,
the total cost of TA salaries in 2009 was approximately US$9.4 million per year
for around 1,000 TAs (an average of US$783 per TA per month), compared with
US$281 million for 214,000 civil servants (an average of US$109 per civil servant
per month). These Þgures show that individual TAs receive salaries around seven
times those of individual civil servants.
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Ministry, though the civil servants are expected to stay, especially after
implementation of the P&G scheme.61
For all these reasons, the Ministry assessed the performance of all
TAs in 2008 and terminated the contracts of a large number of them,
especially in the Curriculum Development Department (CDD), as part
of a strategy to use only a small and effective team of TAs to build the
capacity of the system and of the civil servants and mentor the civil
servants in implementing the new systems.
A third part of the MoE’s immediate ‘capacity buying’ strategy was
to recruit international advisors, either directly or through international
donors. As with hiring national TAs, this measure aimed Þrst to provide
technical advice and assistance to help the Ministry improve its daily
performance, and second to help it develop the capacities of the civil
servants. This strategy helped the Ministry overcome some of its
immediate challenges, but it too generated a number of challenges of its
own.
First, international advisors are not familiar with the national and
local languages and culture or the socio-political situation of Afghanistan.
They need a translator/interpreter to communicate with the Ministry
staff, which is time-consuming, and a long time to get familiar with the
education situation before they can provide proper advice. Second, they
are usually recruited for short-term missions, so do not have the time
and opportunity to help civil servants improve their capacities. Third,
they receive high salaries that the Ministry cannot afford without donor
support; a large amount of the budget is allocated to these salaries instead
of education development. Fourth, security problems have affected MoE
activities in the insecure areas and provinces. While the provinces and
districts need more CD activities and educational services, government
staff in these provinces face obstacles in implementing the programmes.
These limitations have affected international consultants and
advisors more than the national staff and TAs, because as these
international advisors are obvious targets for the insurgents they are not
generally able to go beyond the capital.62
61.
62.
The salaries of civil servants have at least doubled since implementation of the
P&G scheme. This double increase will not Þll the disparity between TA salaries
and civil servants, but it is a positive measure per se.
MoE staff, author interview, March 2010.
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However, in order to complement its capacity and accelerate
service delivery, the MoE has recruited the services of NGOs and
private contractors. It has contracted international and national NGOs to
deliver services of the World Bank-funded Teacher Education Program.
It also contracts local national and international companies for school
construction and supply of education materials and equipment. Some
donors – through off-budget programmes directly managed by themselves
– have also contracted the services of NGOs and private enterprises to
deliver education services.
In many cases, this strategy has been successful and cost-effective
in addressing the supply-side capacity gap. For example, the MoE itself
was unable to build thousands of schools without deploying private
construction companies. Children would remain without access to
education for many years if CBE were not supported by NGOs in rural
areas. But at the same time, these strategies have faced challenges. For
example, off-budget programmes have ignored government systems
and coordination mechanisms. Piecemeal education projects have been
funded without being aligned with the NESP. CD by the MoE has been
stalled when NGOs recruit MoE staff, offering higher salaries, to work
on their projects.
This strategy has been essential to improve access to education, and
remains so. However, the MoE needs to take the necessary measures
to take the lead and ensure that these efforts are well coordinated and
aligned with the NESPs and other MoE policies and priorities. In most
cases, donors, international and national NGOs, and private contractors
have neglected these.
5.6 Long-term strategies to improve MoE capacity
The Ministry has undertaken strategic measures to improve individual
competencies as well as organizational and institutional capacities in the
education system. So far, increase in access to education has been its Þrst
priority, but now it has focused its attention on the quality of education
and equity in provision of educational services. This requires the Ministry
to adopt long-term and sustainable CD strategies and measures. The
inclusion of a CD target in every NESP programme, the establishment of
various CD institutes, administration reform, and the P&G scheme are
among the measures discussed in this section.
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As stated in the I-ANDS (2005), administration reform was planned
after the collapse of the Taliban regime and the Bonn Agreement in
2001 as an essential step towards restructuring and development of the
country, transparency and accountability of government institutions, and
efÞciency of service delivery. Accordingly, all government institutions
including the MoE were subject to administration reform. The new
organizational structure of the Ministry was designed on the basis of the
new educational needs and requirements.
Two fundamental changes took place. The Þrst was restructuring that
led to structural expansion of the Ministry along with the expansion of its
services. Previously the minister had three deputies. In the new structure,
three deputy minister positions were added63 in order to better coordinate
and lead service delivery by the respective departments. In addition to
the deputy minister positions, new departments were added at central
and provincial levels, such as the Structure and Capacity Development
Section in the Human Resource Department to revise structure as the
needs arise, conduct CD needs assessment, plan, organize, and lead the
CD programmes and training. Another new section was the Strategic
Planning and Policy Sub-Department added to the general DoPE to
coordinate and lead the planning processes. Positions considered useless
have been eliminated from the structure, such as the deputy positions for
the heads of departments. These changes resulted in more coordinated
and efÞcient service delivery.
The second change was the development of new rules, regulations,
procedures, and ToRs for the departments and individual employees at
all levels, on the basis of administration reform principles as well as the
Education Law approved in 2008. Previously there had been no clear terms
of reference for the departments and individual employees; relationships
were unclear, leading to eroding confusions, duplications, and functional
interventions between and within departments and between individuals.
This reform paved the way for effective and efÞcient utilization of the
full Ministry capacity in delivering educational services, and reduced
duplication and confusion among different departments.
63.
This means that six deputies now lead the Ministry: (1) Academic Deputy Minister
(for General Education), (2) Administration and Finance Deputy Minister for
Administrative and Financial Affairs, (3) Islamic Education Deputy Minister for
Islamic Education, (4) Teacher Education, Curriculum and Science and Technology
Education Deputy Minister (for the mentioned departments), (5) Technical and
Vocational Education Deputy Minister, and (6) Literacy Deputy Minister.
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The P&G scheme is a supplementary programme, implemented
along with the administrative reform, to improve the morale of the
staff and capacity of government organizations including the MoE at
the central and sub-national levels. It is supported by the World Bank
and has so far been implemented at the MoE at the central level. It will
cover all provinces and districts by the end of the NESP-II time-frame
(2010–2014).
The P&G scheme has four elements:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Every employee is recruited through a merit-based and open
competitive process, so that every qualiÞed person gets an
opportunity to apply.
The Ministry has developed ToRs of all positions based on the
position requirements.
Every single employee’s performance will be evaluated annually
by the heads of the relevant departments or sections against speciÞc
performance indicators developed on the basis of their ToRs. Staff
promotion is based on evaluation results and the staff member’s
capacity improvement. This process encourages everybody to
enhance their capacity, skills, and knowledge, or they will lose their
position.
As a result of the P&G scheme, salaries have increased at least
twice compared with the previous civil servant salary scales.64 This
should persuade qualiÞed candidates to apply for the positions.65
So far, around 10 per cent of the administrative staff has been
reappointed within the reformed organizational structure and the P&G
scheme,66 and the salary of over 42,000 teachers has been adapted to the
new scheme.
The increase in salaries, the sustainability of government positions,
and the competitive basis of the recruitment processes have attracted
64.
65.
66.
Previously the civil servants’ monthly salaries were approximately
2,900–8,000 Afghanis (US$60–160), but according to the P&G scheme they
increased to more than twice the previous salaries at around 6,500–32,500 Afghanis
(US$130–650).
MoE, HRD staff, author interview, March 2010.
The Ministry will reappoint the rest of the existing administrative staff and all
teachers by 1391/2012 and will also employ new staff based on the P&G scheme
by 1391/2012.
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more university graduates and competent candidates to the Ministry.67
The system also persuades existing staff to enhance their capacity in
order to qualify for promotion and pass the annual evaluations. The P&G
scheme is thus one mechanism for sustainable CD.
This scheme, however, faces some challenges. First, the wide salary
disparities between civil servants and TAs are still a problem for this
CD mechanism. At around US$600 per month, the lowest salary of a TA
is at least three times more than that of a civil servant. Because of this,
the brain drain of civil servants to TA positions will probably continue,
endangering the retention of civil servants with proper capacity. This
challenge calls for more attention to closing the pay gap, but despite
efforts in this respect it has not yet been accomplished, and there are
no Þxed criteria for the TA salary scales. Second, the P&G budget is, at
the time of writing, partially funded (44 per cent) by the international
community, mainly the World Bank. This international funding is
decreasing, and the P&G scheme is assumed to be fully funded through
the ordinary budget in 2012. The MoF expects the gross national income
of the government to increase in the coming years through national
taxation,68 but due to deteriorating security tax revenue is decreasing and
government income probably will not increase as much as expected. The
low gross national income of the government combined with the annual
increase in the number of MoE staff over time makes the P&G scheme
appear risky. A third challenge is the lack of qualiÞed candidates for
announced positions; for this reason, most of the positions are announced
more than once in order to identify qualiÞed candidates.69
While 74 per cent of the population live in rural areas, only
60 per cent of the total number of school-age children in rural areas have
access to education. In addition, whereas in urban areas 48 per cent of
children 15 years old and more are literate, only 21 per cent of the same
age group is literate in rural areas (MRRD and CSO, 2009: 66), due
to the shortage of professional teachers and educational facilities at the
decentralized levels.
67.
68.
69.
Previously most MoE employees were grade 12 graduates and lower, but in 2010
more university graduates have been attracted to the Ministry as civil servants.
For example, in DoPE, almost half of the recently employed staff are university
graduates. The exact Þgures, however, have not yet been surveyed, and the data are
not available in EMIS.
MoE, Finance Department staff, author interview, April 2010.
MoE, HRD staff, author interview, March 2010.
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The Ministry is gradually decentralizing planning, management,
and administration, taking decision-making closer to where educational
services are actually delivered. It has already devolved civil servant
recruitment to the provincial education departments, as well as planning
and decision-making on spending the allocated budget. This will enable
provincial and even district-level authorities to align planning decisions
(including on CD programmes) with their local priorities, realities, and
needs (Box 7). So far, most CD programmes have been implemented at
the central level, but the decentralized level is in dire need of these in
order to carry out its obligations.
Box 7. Decentralization of the selection of teacher education students
Teacher training college (TTC) students used to be selected by the MoHE at the central
level through the University Entrance Examination (UEE). During the last decade, even
the weakest candidates with the lowest scores in the UEE were admitted to the TTCs,
regardless of the subject needs of the schools. As a result, students with low motivation
were attracted to a teaching career. After the recent decentralization, these students
are now selected through both UEE and MoE processes. Based on consultations with
provincial education authorities and past experience, the MoE decided to select teacher
education students at the provincial and district levels through a special process based on
provincial-level needs for teachers in certain subjects. The provincial authorities recruit
the candidates as teachers and then train them in TTCs in in-service programmes. This
approach has at least two benefits: since they are recruited at provincial and district
levels, the process is expected to attract more competent candidates who wish to study
and stay in their provinces and districts, and it is expected to attract more female
candidates who are not able to study in other provinces far from their families.
In order to develop and enhance its organizational capacity, the
Ministry has developed new systems such as the Educational Planning
System70 and P&G system, and expanded existing systems at central and
provincial levels.
Systems development facilitates the MoE’s daily work, ensuring that
all relevant staff will be regularly trained in line with system requirements.
It helps pave the way for sustainable and organized CD at individual and
organizational levels. It will also cultivate the collective and organized
working culture that is absent from most Afghan organizations.
70.
The Educational Planning System is used in the Strategic and Operational Planning
Section of the Department of Planning and Evaluation. It consists of speciÞc
mechanisms, procedures, and tools such as projection models and logframes for
the educational planning cycle.
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These new systems should be updated and equipped with modern
technology and qualiÞed staff but still remain based on the existing
systems that are founded in the Ministry’s long-standing experience.
This makes the process of systems development cheaper and compatible
with the overall cultural, economic, and technological conditions and
context of education in Afghanistan. It will also secure crucial Ministry
ownership of the systems.71 The EMIS, staff registration and payroll
system, and Academic Supervision System72 are examples of systems
that have been updated and further developed with a basis in existing
systems.
The Ministry has undertaken to establish CD institutes73 to
improve the capacity of its individual staff through well-designed and
organized training programmes (Box 8). This is because, as Anton De
Grauwe notes, ‘lack of individual skills is a core constraint [on the
development of education], especially because the governance reforms
(towards decentralization) and the advent of new challenges (quality and
equity rather than access) may have made the existing skills somewhat
redundant’ (De Grauwe, 2009: 61). Each of these institutes specializes in
one area of education, providing an opportunity for all relevant staff to
be trained in a regular manner.
These institutes will provide well-designed, specialized, continuous,
and sustainable CD training for all administrative and teaching staff from
all over Afghanistan. The Ministry will recruit permanent academic and
administrative staff for training and administrative work and prepare
curriculum and learning materials. The trainers will be recruited as civil
servants and will serve at the institute permanently. Since they will be paid
through the ordinary budget and are permanent staff, they will be retained
in the Ministry. The curriculum and respective learning and training
materials will be based on needs assessments carried out by the institutes.
The curriculum and learning materials will be updated regularly on the
71.
72.
73.
DoPE staff, MoE, author interview, March 2010.
The Academic Supervision System is speciÞcally designed for supervision of
teaching and learning in the classrooms. It is used to supervise teaching and its
results, and to gauge whether students learn properly as planned.
So far, the MoE has established a National Teacher Education Academy and a
National Institute for Capacity Development (NICD) respectively in the Teacher
Education and Human Resource Departments. Further, it has planned to establish
two Teacher Education Institutes in the Literacy Department and the Technical
and Vocational Education Departments, a National Institute for Curriculum
Development, and a specialized Educational Planning Institute.
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basis of new requirements and developments in the Þeld of education.
The TTCs operational in all of the provinces will continuously provide
in-service teacher education programmes to enhance the competencies
of existing teachers and pre-service teacher education programmes to
produce new teachers for recruitment in the schools, to cater for the
enrolment of new students. In this way, the Ministry plans to pave the
way for sustainable CD and reduce its dependence on international
partners and the development budget in the long run.74
Box 8. National Institute for Capacity Development
The National Institute for Capacity Development (NICD)* was established in 2009
in the Human Resource Department. This institute is specifically designed to
train administrative MoE staff at central and decentralized levels in educational
administration and management, and in generic skills through short-term courses on
computer literacy and the English language. The Ministry has planned to establish
special courses for each field and train the MoE staff on the basis of their needs and
respective department priorities. As of 2010, around 20 per cent of the staff at the
central level has been trained. The Ministry has planned to train at least 80 per cent of
administrative staff from central and provincial levels between 2011 and 2014.
*
As of 2010, the institutes are based in the training centre of the Commission of Administration
Reform (CAR). The Ministry has planned to construct its own building to be equipped with computer
laboratories, library, and separate dormitories for provincial male and female participants.
5.7 Conclusion
Despite MoE success in providing educational services for millions of
students, and despite all its CD efforts, around 42 per cent of school-age
children are out of school. The main reasons for this are the rapid
increase in the school-age population, low MoE capacity, and lack of
needed Þnancial resources. In order to reach the EFA goals and improve
the quality of education, the MoE needs to provide human resources and
capacity in line with the following priorities:
1.
Long-term strategies: Afghanistan, like any other post-conßict
setting, is in dire need of enhanced capacity to reconstruct and
develop the education system. In recent years, the MoE has
implemented many CD programmes, mainly focused on short-term
training to improve the capacity of individuals. Having attained
many of the set goals, it now needs to plan strategically and mobilize
74.
MoE, HRD staff, author interview, March and June 2010.
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2.
3.
4.
all of its own and its partners’ facilities to develop more sustainable
and relevant capacities for the future. Future CD should therefore
focus more on improving the MoE’s organizational structure and
reforming education administration regulations and processes to
improve efÞciency. CD policies and long-term strategies should
target national and local staff capacity so as to reduce the MoE’s
dependence on international organizations, NGOs, and advisors.
Recruiting national and local staff with adequate technical skills
is also more Þnancially viable. Teachers and school staff, and the
units responsible for improving school-level capacity, should be
strengthened, aiming to increase capacity close to where education
takes place. Medium- and long-term planning and funding is thus
crucial for success in capacity building.
Gender equity: While half of the population is female, the numbers
of female teaching and administrative staff are low, mainly due to
women’s general low level of capacity. The Ministry should raise
public awareness to increase female participation in education, and
focus more on addressing female teachers’ practical needs. In most
parts of the country, lack of female teachers is a main reason for low
girls’ enrolment, especially at the secondary school level. Investing
in female staff capacities and recruiting more female candidates for
academic and administrative posts should help in increasing girls’
enrolment and women’s participation in managing schools.
Decentralization: There is a big gap between central and provincial
levels, and there are huge disparities among provinces in terms of
access to educational facilities and programmes. For this reason,
the Ministry is gradually decentralizing and devolving authority,
responsibilities, and decision-making to the provincial, district, and
even school levels, in areas such as planning, resource allocation,
implementation and its monitoring, staff recruitment, and school
supervision. The MoE considers equity a main principle for budget
allocations and distribution of posts; decentralization is thus a
substantial issue in CD programmes and implementation strategies.
Decentralized authorities are in a better position to identify capacity
building needs and make proper decisions, and to plan and manage
the processes.
Flexibility: Afghanistan as a fragile setting needs more ßexibility
in planning and implementation of the projects. For many reasons,
CD plans will not always be implemented in due time. Sometimes
insecurity prevents implementation. Most international and
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national advisors and experts are not able or willing to travel on
missions to the insecure provinces and areas. For example, in 2009,
after a terrorist attack on a UN guesthouse in Kabul, most of the
international missions were cancelled and the existing staff left the
country. It is thus necessary to plan CD programmes in a ßexible
manner if they are to be implemented effectively.
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Chapter 6
People come and go, but systems remain:
Strengthening the MoE system for
community education
Anita Anastacio and Helen Stannard
6.1 Introduction
Forms of community-based education (CBE) have a long history in
Afghanistan. Village or ‘dehati’ schools emerged in 1949 (Samady,
2001: 37) and were used as ‘feeder’ schools at a time when there were
very few ofÞcial primary schools in existence. These ‘feeder’ schools
only offered grades 1–3; their purpose was to prepare children for entry
into the few central primary schools, which also served as administrative
hubs. The ‘dehati’ schools continued to operate through the conßict
between the Mujahideen and pro-Russian government forces during
1978–1989, which left about two-thirds of all primary, secondary, and
vocational schools either damaged or abandoned by 1990 (Samady,
2001). During the Taliban times of 1996–2001, small ‘home-based’
schools were operational for boys and girls. They mostly functioned with
support from sections of the community who valued education for their
children, despite opposition from the Taliban authorities. Some of these
schools were supported by NGOs (Mohammed, 2006).
Today, around 20,000 community-based classes are operating in
Afghanistan75 and about 3 per cent of all students in Afghanistan have
attended some form of CBS (MoE, 2008: 9). Most of these schools have
only one or two classes and deliver early grade instruction to young
children. Villages and communities have provided schools for girls and
boys in people’s homes, mosques, or other venues close to family homes.
These have been predominantly established in remote areas which the
MoE has been unable to serve. Generally, families allow girls to study
within the community rather than walk distances to the formal school
(Burde and Linden, 2009).
75.
Correspondence with Minister of Education (2006–2008) Hanif Atmar.
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The fact that thousands of classes have been established by
communities reßects the Afghan people’s great thirst for education.
These CBSs have a network of support that assists them to offer quality
education to the children of Afghanistan. Support is often garnered from
remittances, benefactors, and NGOs.76
The Partnership for Advancing Community Education in
Afghanistan (PACE-A) consists of four international non-governmental
organizations (INGOs): CARE, the IRC, Catholic Relief Services
(CRS), and the Aga Khan Foundation (AKF). Funded by USAID for a
period of Þve years, the partnership’s goal is to expand quality learning
and life opportunities in Afghanistan for marginalized communities
and their children. By April 2011, PACE-A will have provided CBE
to 90,000 children, youth, and adults in over 1,000 rural and remote
communities in 19 provinces. Under PACE-A, the communities are
responsible for providing and maintaining a classroom space, ensuring
sustained attendance, selecting and compensating a teacher, and the
daily management of the school. PACE-A provides training and ongoing
support to the teachers and elected school management committees,
supplies the teaching and learning materials, and advocates for their
integration into the MoE system.
Together, these four organizations in PACE-A have over 28 years
of experience in Afghanistan and in Afghan refugee camps in Pakistan.
They have pioneered various innovations to increase access to education
for marginalized populations, particularly girls, through community
participation strategies. From these experiences, they have drawn
valuable lessons about how to coordinate and maximize the impact and
cost-effectiveness of a multi-agency effort. More importantly, they have
developed positive relationships with Afghanistan’s MoE at the central,
provincial, and district levels over the years. This has been fostered
mainly through open exchange of information and joint planning of
various projects.
Relationships that are built on trust and respect lay a strong
foundation for any CD efforts. As discussed in Chapter 2, the core
capability to commit and engage underlies any successful CD initiatives.
76.
Organizations such as the Swedish Committee for Afghanistan (SCA), CARE,
International Rescue Committee (IRC), UNICEF, Save the Children Alliance,
CRS, AKF, and Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) support
community-based schools.
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PACE-A found that working with MoE ofÞcials who demonstrated a
willingness to adapt and review their own systems led to better results
than efforts that depended on unwilling or uncommitted partners. By
the same token, PACE-A staff who were tasked to implement capacity
building initiatives with the MoE needed to be willing to impart skill
and responsibility and, in effect, eventually make themselves redundant.
PACE-A worked to strengthen MoE systems at the central, provincial,
and district levels in order to enact MoE’s own policy regarding CBE.
The success of these efforts across the country varied depending on the
parties’ mutual agreement on the end goal and the degree to which the
MoE took ownership of CD efforts to improve their own systems.
This chapter discusses some of PACE-A’s CD initiatives to bring
CBSs under the rightful auspices of the MoE. It is a case study based on
the personal reßections of the two authors who were closely involved with
PACE-A. Helen Stannard worked as its Deputy Chief of Party from April
2006 through to July 2008 in Kabul, while Anita Anastacio served as the
Chief of Party from August 2006 through to April 2009. This case study
also draws on various sources of PACE-A documentation, workshops,
training reports, and publications related to education in Afghanistan.
6.2 Community-based education policy in the making
Hanif Atmar became Afghanistan’s Minister of Education around the
time that PACE-A started implementing its project in 2006. As a boy, he
had beneÞted from INGO education programmes himself, and went on to
work with INGOs, including the IRC, for some years before taking ofÞce
in the government. He has been an advocate for drawing on international
expertise for achieving national goals.
Very soon after his appointment, Atmar began to address the issue
of CBSs. To many colleagues in the education sector this did not come
as a surprise. Prior to his appointment as Minister of Education, he had
served as the Minister for Rural Rehabilitation and Development and was
responsible for the launch of the National Solidarity Program that rooted
development initiatives and decision-making in local communities. He
realized that aside from the 9,000 ofÞcial MoE schools, there were close
to 20,000 community-based classes operating throughout the country,
which accounted for tens of thousands of students. As Minister of
Education, he afÞrmed his responsibility for these classes and sought
to formalize a structure in which they could be included. Needless to
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say, Afghanistan was working towards meeting some of the goals set out
in its MDG and EFA plans as well as the Afghanistan Compact,77 and
formally recognizing these students, most of whom were girls, would
contribute to achieving these goals and his success as minister.
Perhaps more importantly, Minister Atmar was fearful that CBE
was becoming a parallel structure to the formal education system, and
he was keen to unify the community-based students and teachers within
the formal structure. He was seeking one structure under which all of
Afghanistan’s students and teachers could be counted and monitored.
This echoed the voices of colleagues and stakeholders of PACE-A,
who wanted the MoE to be the ultimate education provider in the country.
CBE was generally viewed as a temporary solution that would exist as
long as the MoE lacked the ability to integrate the CBSs into the formal
system. To advance and prepare for any such integration, CBSs generally
use the government curriculum, government textbooks, government
school records, and follow the academic calendar despite operating in a
family home or local mosque. Kirk and Winthrop (2008: 106) called this
‘a “shadow alignment” strategy to facilitate pathways for integration,
recognition and onward movement of students and teachers through the
system whenever opportunities emerged’. While the Minister’s initiative
was laudable, unifying the systems was fraught with challenges.
According to the MoE, ‘73 per cent of all [MoE] teachers lack the
minimum qualiÞcations of Grade 14 and are in need of professional
development ... [and] 245 out of 412 urban and rural districts do not
have a single qualiÞed female teacher’ (Ayobi, 2010). The teachers
of community-based classes are invariably the mullahs (religious
leaders) or a trusted parent selected by the community. Very few of the
community teachers have been formally trained or have received much
formal education themselves. Depending on the source, the literacy
rate in Afghanistan is said to be around 39–74.4 per cent for males and
12–53.3 per cent for females (MoE, 2007: 48; UIS, 2007; MRRD and
CSO, 2009: 66). In rural areas where 74 per cent of all Afghans live,
however, an estimated 93 per cent of women and 65 per cent of men cannot
77.
By end 2010, in line with Afghanistan’s MDGs, net enrolment in primary school
for girls and boys will be at least 60 per cent and 75 per cent, respectively; a new
curriculum will be operational in all secondary schools; female teachers will be
increased by 50 per cent; 70 per cent of Afghanistan’s teachers will have passed
a competency test (excerpt from The Afghanistan Compact) (Islamic Republic of
Afghanistan, 2006: 10).
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read or write or do a simple computation (MRRD and CSO, 2009: 66).
Within this context, it is no surprise that the lack of qualiÞcations among
community-based teachers is a major issue. It created a dilemma for the
MoE, as the teachers did not meet its basic standards, yet many were
providing sound instruction to the children.
The other dilemma was how to formally include the children in
the MoE database (EMIS) so that they could be assigned a student
number and be ofÞcially counted. Students in the MoE formal schools
are assigned a number that stays with them throughout their schooling.
The EMIS was being developed with assistance from USAID and a
contracting agency with expertise in this area. The development process
had been fraught with difÞculties and challenges as most of the MoE staff
had little experience with computerized databases or collecting veriÞed
data. It was soon understood that the EMIS would expose ‘teachers’ who
did not exist (ghost teachers) yet were still ‘receiving’ monthly salaries,
and other fraudulent activity within the MoE across the provinces. In
addition, the sheer practicality of overseeing community-based classes in
remote Afghanistan was going to be challenging for the MoE.
The MoE was also moving towards a decentralized structure
whereby district ofÞces would be responsible for their own teacher
recruitment, salary disbursement, procurement of textbooks and supplies,
and monitoring of schools’ progress. District ofÞces submitted requests
for funds to the provincial ofÞces, which then submitted provincial
budgets to the central MoE ofÞce. Asking the district ofÞces to take
responsibility for community-based students and plan for their inclusion
in the formal structures was yet another challenge. Many district ofÞces
are under-resourced and under-funded, and motivation to monitor
schools, let alone remote CBSs, was low.
Nonetheless, with these challenges of implementation ahead,
Minister Atmar and his team forged ahead with the development of a
CBE policy. His advisor for Basic Education was tasked to facilitate
the process and all the leading CBE providers were invited to join the
Working Group in July 2006.78
By and large, the Working Group agreed that a CBE policy was
necessary for the country. Organizations supporting schools in small
communities were willing to grapple with the issues that the policy and its
78.
The working group included PACE-A, SCA, BRAC, Save the Children Alliance,
and UNICEF.
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application would raise. Not every organization provided the same level
of support to communities, and no agency operated in the highly insecure
areas of the south. Some provinces received more support than others,
and some provinces had many agencies providing education support, for
instance Nangarhar and Kabul. Minister Atmar asked for some equity
across the country and suggested that agencies could geographically
relocate themselves so as to saturate each province with education
support in a similar way. This was not going to be feasible, as most
organizations had multiple activities in one province with established
Þeld ofÞces, staff, and positive relationships with communities. They
were not prepared to leave their provinces of operation altogether, but
were willing to Þnd compromise where possible.
The Þrst draft of the policy was shared in August 2006 and was hotly
debated within the Working Group. There were impractical elements in
the initial policy: all teachers were required to have completed grade 9;
community-based classes would cease after grade 3 (similar to the
‘dehati’ schools 50 years earlier); an identiÞed MoE school would be
supervising the community classes; and all teacher training would be
conducted by the MoE.
In August 2006, PACE-A wrote a response to the advisor leading the
policy development in the hope that further negotiation could see changes
to the draft. PACE-A yielded some inßuence as it was a consortium of four
international NGOs, each of which had fostered positive relationships
with the MoE over time. PACE-A was also supporting one of the largest
CBE projects in the country and was acting as ‘one voice’ in the dialogue
with the MoE. The main points of the PACE-A response to the Þrst draft
of the community-based policy were:
•
•
The Ministry could consider a tiered approach to teacher accreditation
to address the diversity in levels of education and training. Some
community-based teachers without grade 9 education were
providing quality instruction to the lower grades. They had been
selected by the community to teach girls in particular, organizations
had provided ample training, and the level of instruction was
acceptable. The suggestion was that the policy could recognize
these teachers in light of their ongoing professional development.
The MoE would allow, if not encourage, all schools to offer as
many years of education as possible to Afghan children, especially
in remote locations where accessibility to formal schools is a
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•
•
•
•
major issue. Children, especially girls, would not walk more than
3 kilometres to the MoE formal school, even after grade 3.
A clustering approach, without supervision and administrative
responsibilities, could work well in unifying and modernizing
Afghan education in this context. This recognized the sheer
impracticality of assigning the supervisory responsibility of CBSs
to a principal, yet would still move towards a uniÞed system with
some administrative accountability.
Once mapping of all schools in Afghanistan was completed, the
Ministry could identify which CBSs it would like to include in its
system and use location, size, accessibility, and quality of teaching
and learning as the criteria for that selection. This would help the
MoE to plan and budget accordingly.
In-service teacher training would not be delivered by the MoE
but rather approved by its Department of Teacher Training. The
training packages of NGOs could be registered so that graduates
of the packages could be recorded in the database associated with
teachers. This way, community-based teachers would continue
receiving training and support from organizations while the MoE
would continue to develop their structures.
The Ministry recommended maintaining the current structure
of school management committees (SMCs) and forming clusters
chaired by an ofÞcial Ministry representative to support school
management issues. A ‘cluster SMC’ would have equitable
membership and would be one way for schools to be supported by
both government and community.
The Þnal draft of the CBE policy acknowledged these raised
concerns and responded to the complexities presented by PACE-A. It
recognized that while it would be extremely difÞcult, if not impossible,
for communities to Þnd highly educated teachers for their children and
continue to manage their own school, there was also an understanding
that the Ministry needed to set ambitious goals for itself. Minister Atmar
made no apology for setting high goals, but rather viewed it as his duty,
given the right of all Afghan children to receive quality education.
While the Þnal draft of the CBE policy was never ofÞcially signed
by Minister Atmar, all NGOs supporting CBE programmes were asked
to adhere to the Þnal draft within one year. Minister Atmar made it clear
that NGOs had a responsibility to align their activities in accordance with
this policy and that he would oversee and approve NGO implementation
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plans himself. This level of involvement was a clear indication to all that
he was committed to the policy and would persevere to see it through.
This demonstration of his engagement meant that community-based
classes were destined to become part of the formal structure.
6.3 Enacting the policy
The four PACE-A partners and USAID started discussions in early
November 2006 to design its second year of implementation in
accordance with the new CBE policy guidelines. The policy called for
a number of strategic changes to the original PACE-A project design to
align with the new policy:
•
•
•
•
•
ensuring that all CBSs are at least 3 kilometres away from the nearest
MoE school79 (students within a 3 km radius to a MoE school were
expected to walk that distance);
ensuring that students and teachers are registered at the nearest
MoE school;
clustering CBSs within geographic reach, and identifying a MoE
school to be the hub school of each cluster, with the hub school’s
principal providing administrative support to all CBSs in the cluster;
ensuring that teachers in CBSs are regularly compensated;
having one PACE-A partner assigned to oversee the implementation
of CBE in a province, rather than have more than one partner
working in one province.
PACE-A partners, with support from USAID, were committed
to implementing the policy, even though it was still in draft form. It
was an opportunity to further the recognition and integration of CBSs,
by strengthening the MoE systems that would ultimately support
community-based classes in the future. The opportunity to provide
capacity building efforts within the MoE at central and provincial levels
had Þrst been presented under the leadership of Minister Atmar, but
the strategies PACE-A adopted for its second and subsequent years of
implementation went far beyond the parameters of the original project
design. It was in a spirit of cooperation and collaboration that PACE-A
partners extended their brief to help the MoE enact its own policy. The
details of the activities for Year Two implementation reßect the efforts
79.
Interestingly, the original ‘dehati’ schools of 50 years ago operated within a 5 km
radius of a formal primary school (Samady, 2001: 37).
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PACE-A made to support and strengthen the MoE and contribute to the
advancement of CBE in Afghanistan.
Changes to PACE-A’s implementation strategies were made in early
2007 and approved by Minister Atmar. The original design had included
funds to support local organizations to provide CBE in remote areas of
PACE-A’s assigned provinces; it was decided to drastically reduce this
activity and channel funds into CD initiatives within the MoE instead.
Funds would be used to second advisors to the central and provincial
MoE ofÞces where PACE-A was operating, with clear terms of reference
regarding system building and developing staff capability to carry out
technical, service delivery, and logistical tasks along with developing
procedures relating to the new CBE policy.
PACE-A made several changes to its implementation plan for
its second year of operation. The following pages outline some of the
changes that deal speciÞcally with PACE-A’s CD efforts with the MoE.
6.4 The secondment of a CBE advisor to the MoE
at the central level
Minister Atmar had engaged several national and international advisors
at the central level until capacity to perform similar functions could be
found within the government structures. Several donors and agencies
provided funding for advisors as well as CD initiatives through the
central MoE ofÞce.
The Minister had requested that PACE-A support an advisor to
oversee the implementation of the CBE policy. This request was Þrst
discussed at length within PACE-A and then negotiated with USAID.
PACE-A partners viewed a dedicated advisor as a strategic move; having
an ally in the Ministry would be beneÞcial to it and all other agencies, and
would help accelerate efforts to communicate CBE policy within MoE.
A long-serving senior staff member of CARE was seconded as the CBE
advisor. She was placed with the Department of Basic Education but was
housed in an ofÞce with two other advisors close to the Minister’s ofÞce.
The terms of reference for this assignment were negotiated with PACE-A
and the Minister’s advisor for basic education.
The CBE advisor’s function was to negotiate with CBE providers
to adopt strategies to unify CBE with the formal structures. UNICEF and
NGOs would coordinate and plan their activities through her; she was
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responsible for communicating the policy – and the importance given to
it by the Minister – to the MoE’s provincial and district ofÞces. She was
also responsible for meticulously translating the policy document into
Dari and Pashto and for liaising with MoE provincial directors directly.
Although CBE sat Þrmly within the Department of Basic Education,
the community-based advisor had little contact with the director or
staff of this department. In effect, the advisor was fulÞlling the role
of the director by negotiating education activities in the provinces and
overseeing the enactment of the policy, but for the policy to be truly
implemented, and for procedures to be developed by and for the MoE,
the director herself had to take responsibility.
The Þrst CBE advisor was replaced after a year. Within that time, both
PACE-A and MoE had learned valuable lessons from the secondment and
incorporated them into the new terms of reference. The second advisor
was located in the ofÞces of the Department of Basic Education, rather
than in an ofÞce close to the minister. Here, the new advisor was now
jointly supervised by the department director herself. He assisted her to
facilitate regular meetings with all NGOs delivering CBE; this created
a forum to discuss strategies such as student registration, compensation
of teachers, and recognition of teacher training. PACE-A also provided
a monitoring tool for the director to disseminate to the provincial ofÞces
so that ofÞcers could document elements of quality within the schools.
The director travelled both with and without the advisor to visit several
CBSs for assessment and appraisal. Her direct involvement very quickly
led to her engagement and willingness to take steps to unify CBSs with
the formal MoE structures.
Interestingly, in contrast to the central MoE ofÞces, the ofÞces of
the Department of Basic Education were in terrible disrepair, with no
heating, little furniture, a sporadic electricity supply, and no internet. The
advisor used PACE-A funds to carpet and furnish his designated ofÞce.
It quickly became apparent that the director’s ofÞce would also need to
be refurbished to maintain her status as director. She also requested a
laptop and internet connection, and training on how to use a computer
and e-mail, which the CBE advisor provided. While it was important to
maintain the director’s apparent status through such displays, it was also
important to update her own skills while at the same time addressing the
more systemic issues of the MoE.
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With PACE-A support, the CBE advisor initiated a revision of the
CBE policy in the summer of 2008. This process involved provincial and
central level MoE staff as well as CBE providers, and took far longer
than the initial CBE policy development. The drafting of the original
policy in 2006 had not included inputs from central level MoE staff, let
alone from the provinces. Two years later, MoE staff were sufÞciently
acquainted with CBSs in their districts, as well as the policy itself, to
be able to contribute in a meaningful way. In April 2009, the revised
policy was ofÞcially endorsed by the new Minister of Education, Farooq
Wardak, who had replaced Minister Atmar in October 2008.
The terms of references for both CBE advisors at the central level
were negotiated between Minister Atmar’s advisors and PACE-A.
Clearly identiÞed duties and responsibilities as well as expected outputs
were negotiated with the MoE, allowing progress to be monitored and
reported over time. The CBE advisor ofÞcially reported to the PACE-A
chief of party, but performance reviews were conducted with the Basic
Education advisor, who consulted with the director of Basic Education.
This way progress could be jointly reviewed and any points of contention
addressed early on. Clear communication was also at the heart of the
Memorandum of Understanding drafted between the MoE, USAID, and
PACE-A. It outlined roles and responsibilities for the MoE as well as
for PACE-A and gave a clear commitment by both parties to advancing
community education.
6.5 The secondment of 18 provincial liaison ofÞcers
to the MoE
Effort at the central level alone was not going to create the impact required
for CBE policy to be enacted in the provinces, districts, and schools.
PACE-A channelled funds to support senior staff members – provincial
liaison ofÞcers – to work in the MoE provincial ofÞces to help oversee
the implementation of the policy in the 18 provinces where PACE-A was
operating. Within a few months, the Minister’s Basic Education advisor
had requested other agencies (BRAC and UNICEF) to support additional
provincial liaison ofÞcers in the provinces where they operated, using
the same terms of reference and offering the same support for CD as
PACE-A.
Before the provincial liaison ofÞcers were placed in their respective
MoE ofÞces, PACE-A organized a three-day orientation workshop to
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outline their new roles and responsibilities and discuss strategies for
success. The MoE provincial directors were invited to attend so that
clear direction could be agreed from the onset. The MoE did not release
funds or approve travel for MoE staff to attend, but sent a letter from
the Minister outlining the purpose of the secondment and the expected
collaboration from provincial staff. The provincial directors were to select
and assign a counterpart to work with the provincial liaison ofÞcer for
a minimum of two years. The counterpart would also receive individual
skills development from the provincial liaison ofÞcer in reporting, data
collection, and use of computers. The provincial liaison ofÞcer would be
supervised by both the MoE provincial director and the PACE-A Þeld
manager.
The Þrst task of the provincial liaison ofÞcers was to hold several
face-to-face meetings with provincial and district MoE staff and
stakeholders to explain and illustrate the new CBE policy and how
it pertained to their own operations. Their next task was to assist the
provincial education departments to physically map all schools and create
clusters with a designated hub school in all the districts, as described
in the policy. This activity was assisted by the MoE’s DoPE, which
provided skills training to the provincial liaison ofÞcers. Once clusters
were mapped, the principals of the MoE hub schools were oriented in
the provision of administrative support to the CBSs within the cluster.
As agreed with the MoE, the hub school teachers would receive training
alongside the community-based teachers when workshops were delivered
by the PACE-A partner operating in the districts.
The provincial liaison ofÞcers were tasked to work with MoE
staff to collect and verify data from community-based classes for the
development of the MoE’s EMIS. Their task was to jointly monitor
classes with relevant MoE provincial staff, ideally their assigned
counterpart, and demonstrate the use of the tool developed by PACE-A
for this purpose. The tool identiÞed key aspects of the policy as well
as minimum standards80 to which CBSs should adhere. The provincial
liaison ofÞcers were also to advocate on behalf of community-based
teachers and students for formal recognition within the MoE system, by
providing students with student numbers and teachers with a salary. In
addition, some provincial liaison ofÞcers organized regular coordination
80.
These minimum standards for community-based education were developed by a
working group of providers led by PACE-A, and are based on the INEE’s Minimum
Standards for Education in Emergencies, Chronic Crisis, and Early Recovery.
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meetings with other CBE providers who were delivering programmes in
the province. This way, the MoE would stay abreast of all educational
activities operating in the districts.
The CBE advisor in Kabul was in direct contact with the provincial
liaison ofÞcers, so the ßow of information was swift and reliable. Issues
soon arose over resistance by some MoE staff to making monitoring visits
without compensation. Similarly, some of the assigned counterparts had
not been consulted about their own selection and resented having to work
with an NGO employee. A couple of the provincial liaison ofÞcers were
being viewed as additional staff to be used as the provincial director
decided, such as with report writing. The success of the provincial
liaison ofÞcers was affected by varying degrees of understanding and
willingness to participate among the MoE provincial ofÞces.
The provincial liaison ofÞcers attended another PACE-A workshop
six months into their secondment. PACE-A had collated the common
problems and challenges that the provincial liaison ofÞcers were facing
and encouraged the more successful of them to share their strategies and
experiences with others. PACE-A conducted sessions around how to
work with a counterpart and encouraged the joint design of CD plans for
the individual counterpart to assist with transferring particular technical
skills, knowledge, and logistical tasks. Some provincial liaison ofÞcers
requested direct communication by the Minister with the MoE provincial
directors to explain the role of the liaison ofÞcers once again.
It seemed that some of the MoE provincial directors were struggling
with their capability to balance diversity and coherence. The introduction
of a new CBE policy with its tasks, not just of monitoring classes but also
integrating them into the formal system, meant that MoE ofÞcials were
required to respond in new ways and initiate changes in their established
systems. Some resistance stemmed from the threat of exposing practices
that were not necessarily equitable or fair.
6.6 The issue of compensation for teachers working
with PACE-A
PACE-A does not pay teacher stipends directly but ensures that all
teachers of its classes are compensated by the community, either in cash
or in kind. With dire poverty prevalent in most of the communities, many
teachers were not receiving adequate or regular compensation. Although
every teacher deserves the right to be adequately compensated for their
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efforts, PACE-A was struggling to mobilize communities to take this
responsibility seriously.
The introduction of the CBE policy provided an opportunity for
PACE-A to insist that the MoE take responsibility for the payment of all
teachers. If the MoE wanted all Afghan teachers and students to fall under
its mandate, then it should be held accountable for teachers’ salaries.
Afghan citizens are becoming increasingly aware of the Constitution of
1382 (Government of Afghanistan, 2003), which mandates that the state
will provide free and compulsory education from grade 1 to 9 and free
education up to the completion of grade 12. It is the responsibility of
the MoE to provide the structures for this, and there has been growing
resentment in the remote and rural areas where the community itself is
being asked to support its teacher.
Through the Memorandum of Understanding, PACE-A successfully
negotiated that MoE would provide all textbooks free of charge to
PACE-A schools and that, contingent upon funding, MoE would start
including all teachers of PACE-A supported community schools on its
payroll. This represented a major success; no other organization had
been able to get agreement from the MoE to include community-based
teachers on the payroll. It also signalled a major step in the Ministry’s
recognition of CBSs as part of the MoE formal school system.
The provincial liaison ofÞcers and their counterparts spent many
weeks collecting and completing the required forms with personal
information, photos, and signatures from over 1,500 teachers. PACE-A
collated, veriÞed, and copied all the documents in order to present them
to the relevant departments of the MoE. To ask central MoE ofÞce to
formally recruit teachers and put them on the district ofÞce’s payroll
was at odds with the usual recruitment system: normally, district ofÞces
request salaries for the required number of teachers from the provincial
ofÞces, which then seek funds from the central ofÞce. District ofÞces
are responsible for recruiting and paying their own teachers. PACE-A
was asking the central ofÞce to intervene and ensure that these speciÞc
teachers would be placed on the MoE payroll immediately. Minister
Atmar wrote letters in support of these applications, triggering a chain of
directives to the relevant district ofÞces complete with community-based
teachers’ names and details.
Several MoE ofÞcials ignored this directive and continued to pay the
teachers they recruited and fund schools they themselves had identiÞed.
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Fraudulent practices were being revealed through this process, and
several MoE ofÞcials had obviously been supporting favoured schools.
It took several months of continued lobbying to get the majority of
PACE-A community-based teachers onto the MoE payroll. As of summer
2010, many of the community-based teachers who were to receive MoE
salaries had not yet been paid.
6.7 Conclusions
The development of the Þrst CBE policy in Afghanistan triggered a
series of CD interventions by PACE-A over three years. The goal was to
see the MoE’s policy enacted in such a way that CBSs would fall under
the ownership of the government, and thus be recognized and supported
in years to come.
PACE-A held CBE forums every month from December 2006
to April 2009: all CBE providers would meet together to coordinate
activities, share practices, and negotiate geographic areas of operation,
as requested by the Minister. Partners within PACE-A exited from certain
districts to allow another partner to oversee education programming in
the entire province. In a similar way, other NGOs also negotiated their
geographic reach by leaving some districts to other providers or moving
their education programmes altogether. The spirit in which organizations
were willing to compromise their own mandates to accommodate to MoE
priorities was commendable.
The mapping of all schools in the districts was a huge undertaking
but crucial to the DoPE and the Department of Basic Education. All
CBSs are now identiÞed and attached to a formal MoE school. This
paves the way for all students and teachers to be formally recognized
by the system. Processes are still under way to get all students of
community-based classes registered with the EMIS of the MoE. The
MoE provincial and district ofÞces, and a large proportion of its ofÞcial
schools in the various regions, are aware of the CBSs as well as the
implications of the MoE policy of including them in the formal system.
Over 900 community-based teachers have now been formally recognized
by the MoE, and are receiving regular salaries; other community-based
teachers can now legitimately lobby for their salaries too to be paid by
the MoE.
In April 2010, PACE-A began its Þfth and Þnal year of
implementation. The roles of CBE advisor and provincial liaison
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ofÞcer no longer exist. Now PACE-A coordinates all activities directly
with the director and staff of the Department of Basic Education
and the MoE provincial directors. The directors and staff now seem
sufÞciently versed in CBE issues and the policy itself to guide the
work in integrating community-based classes into the formal structure.
Nonetheless, challenges remain and always will. The capacity to carry
out technical, service delivery, and logistical tasks is severely hampered
by a lack of resources, and reliance on agencies like PACE-A for many
tasks continues. MoE does not have enough access to vehicles to monitor
schools, there are not enough staff with computers or the skills to
maintain data and information, many MoE ofÞces are under-resourced,
and accessing funds is slow and cumbersome.
‘Buying capacity’ to perform tasks within the government has been
a major short-term strategy used by the Afghan government (Islamic
Republic of Afghanistan, 2007: 4) and the MoE is no exception. Several
advisors supported Minister Atmar and the MoE, but PACE-A tried to
move away from placing external capacity within the MoE to perform
tasks for which MoE staff are responsible. Instead it preferred to rely on
introducing systems that would integrate CBS into the MoE system, and
assisting MoE staff to do this. This meant working with systems of policy
and procedure while supporting individuals to take on responsibilities. In
this way, PACE-A was successful in helping the MoE to align its policy
to the school level and getting CBE ofÞcially recognized in the formal
system.
Minister Atmar’s strong leadership moved to the Ministry of the
Interior, which is a sober reminder that people come and go but systems
remain. CBE will be a feature of Afghanistan for many more years, but
efforts to unify these schools under the formal structures of the MoE
have made signiÞcant headway. Systems to support CBE have been
strengthened from the central ofÞces of the MoE right to the classrooms
of the remote villages.
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Chapter 7
A donor’s perspective on capacity
development in the education sector
in Afghanistan
Christel Eijkholt
7.1 Introduction
In 2000, the Dakar World Education Forum recognized that governments
and the international community have to pay special attention to the
education of those affected by conßict. According to the 2010 Save the
Children report The Future Is Now, 72 million children still do not go
to school. Of these, 39 million live in fragile states affected by conßict
(International Save the Children Alliance, 2010). Attention to their
plight is a logical next step in our efforts to achieve EFA. Education
is recognized as one of the most vital investments a government can
make. As well as being every child’s right, it has a crucial role to play in
safeguarding children, empowering women, promoting democracy, and
protecting the environment (International Save the Children Alliance,
2009: iv). In countries affected by conßict or fragility, getting children
back into school is an effective way to maintain or restore the rhythm of
everyday life in communities that have been disrupted. Investments in
education can provide a Þrst tangible peace dividend for communities
emerging from a period of civil conßict.
Investments in education are not made in isolation but are part of a
broader, integrated, and coherent strategy propelled forward by domestic
aid policies, international agreements, and principles. The aim of this
chapter is to provide a donor’s perspective on CD in the education sector
in Afghanistan in general and Afghanistan’s MoE in particular. First, a
general policy perspective is presented in the context of international
agreements and commitments. Second, the Dutch conception of CD in
the education sector will be elaborated, with Afghanistan in the limelight.
The chapter will also elaborate on the efforts of the Government of the
Netherlands (GoN) to support the reconstruction and re-strengthening
of the education system in Afghanistan in general and at decentralized
levels (Uruzgan Province) in particular.
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7.2 Dutch development policy perspective on security,
development, and education
It was not until mid-2007 that the GoN explicitly announced in its policy
note Our common concern that it would be more actively involved in
fragile states (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, GoN, 2007). The policy
recognized the necessity of a focus on fragile states, as these countries
are lagging behind in reaching the MDGs. It took GoN until 2008 to
thoroughly elaborate a strategy on Security and Development (Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, GoN, 2008). The strategy has three dimensions: to
improve the security situations of civilians, to contribute to a legitimate
government with sufÞcient capacity, and to create a peace dividend.
The Netherlands’ key aim is to create and strengthen international
frameworks and mandates, with multilateral commitments and a mainly
supplementary role for bilateral efforts. This is in line with the Paris
agenda.
This all evolved in a time of growing international recognition of
the importance of engagement with fragile states and a realization that
the international community has to act together. Political awareness of
the negative impact of violence on development, and the urgent need
to act upon it, had been expressed in the 2006 Geneva Declaration on
Armed Violence and Development. This was a follow-up to the 2005
UN Summit that emphasized the close connection between security,
development, and human rights. The concept of the responsibility
to protect was also acknowledged. The Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development’s Development Assistance Committee
(OECD-DAC) drafted policy and implementation guidelines, such as the
OECD-DAC Principles for Good International Engagement in Fragile
States and Situations (OECD-DAC, 2007).81 These Principles give
pride of place to the principle of ‘do no harm’ – ensuring that outside
interventions do not increase the distance between parties to a conßict,
for example, and underlining the importance of a tailored approach,
81.
The 10 Principles for Good Engagement divide into the basics (1–6) and the
practicalities (7–10): (1) take context as the starting point; (2) do no harm;
(3) focus on state-building as the central objective; (4) make prevention a priority;
(5) recognize the links between political, security, and development objectives;
(6) promote non-discrimination as a basis for inclusive and stable societies;
(7) align with local priorities in different ways in different contexts; (8) agree
on practical coordination mechanisms between international actors; (9) act fast,
but stay engaged long enough to give success a chance; (10) avoid pockets of
exclusion.
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integrated efforts, coordination, and setting priorities. Ownership in the
country concerned is vital, with the understanding that ownership is not
exclusively by government: the Netherlands is keen for all relevant parts
of government, civil society, and the private sector to be involved in
formulating and implementing policy.
Based on the above, the GoN’s guiding policy principles are:
(1) an integrated approach; (2) local partners, local priorities; (3) a
context-speciÞc approach and political sensitivity; (4) fast, ßexible, and
long-term involvement; (5) multilateral where possible, bilateral where
needed; (6) prevention; and (7) taking responsible risks.
These principles require an integrated approach involving a
broad range of actors, with a role for diplomacy, development aid, and
sometimes armed intervention – the latter only if strictly necessary. In
Afghanistan, the Dutch have actively promoted an integrated approach
to security, governance, reconstruction, and construction as part of the
International Security Assistance Force. Addressing state fragility is
often a long-term affair, as evidenced by the Netherlands’ long-standing
efforts in Afghanistan (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, GoN, 2007: 17).
Ways of promoting security and development differ from country to
country, from conßict to conßict, and across varying levels of fragility.
In fragile and transition countries, the Netherlands aims at
supporting both the provision of education services and the creation
of a perspective of lasting peace and development on the restoration
– preferably ‘building back better’ – of the education system through
an integrated approach to CD. The interventions can be categorized in
various instruments or dimensions, some of which will be explained
in more detail below. An overview of the instruments for education in
emergencies and post-conßict situations, applicable to Afghanistan, can
be found in Figure 5.
Education as such, however, is not a panacea in fragile situations.
In conßict-sensitive situations, education can be part of the problem as
much as it is of the solution. Education can exacerbate inherent political
or social tensions through its institutional structures, or through the
content and attitudes conveyed at schools. But complex emergencies
also present new opportunities to dismantle such destructive educational
practices and rebuild the entire system (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, GoN,
Education and Development Division, 2006: 3). This is an important
window of opportunity as the education system as an institution is rather
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resistant to change. As Bush and Saltarelli point out, ‘It is easier to add
new educational initiatives than to change old ones ... because the change
of educational practice is a fundamentally political threat in the sense
that it challenges structures of authority, dominance and control’ (Bush
and Saltarelli, 2000: 33).
Figure 5.
An overview of Dutch instruments for education
in emergencies and post-conßict situations
Instrument used by GoN
Main CD components
Bilateral support
• Policy dialogue
• (Sub)-sector support
• Technical assistance
Fast Track Initiative
• Education sector support
• Development of credible sector plans
• Support to education reforms
Multilateral support
• Innovative strategies and delivery mechanisms
• Support to education reform process
Civil society support
• Community-based strategies
• Advocacy
• Strengthening of provincial and district Education Departments
Netherlands Initiative for Capacity •
Development in Higher Education
(NICHE)
•
Networking and knowledge
building
Institutional capacity strengthening of post-secondary education
and training, including technical and vocational education and
training (TVET)
Government services, NGOs, and private sector
• Adopting the INEE Minimum Standards for Education in
Emergencies as a tool for Education sector planning, capacity
gap analysis, and coordination
• Development of knowledge of specific intervention strategies to
improve access to quality education
It is essential to conduct a thorough analysis of the baseline situation
and underlying foundational factors – including the shortcomings
of the education system – before supporting its re-establishment or
reconstruction, to ensure that those factors that caused fragility in the
Þrst place are not reinforced. In fragile contexts, the Netherlands aims
to support the provision of education services and the restoration and
strengthening of the education system, by investing in improved education
responses, strengthening the resilience and sustainability of education
systems, increasing the sector’s contribution to country stability and
reducing fragility, and enhancing the quality of policies and instruments.
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7.3 The policy nexus: education, fragility, and capacity
development
Developing the capacity of the education system and service delivery to
the population are both key to the Netherlands’ vision in expanding its
support for EFA in fragile conditions. They are viewed as inseparable
strategies, integrated in a sector-wide approach. A ßexible use of the
instruments listed in Figure 5 is important to maximize impact and
work towards stability and a strengthened education system at all levels,
central as well as devolved.
The OECD-DAC principles are a guide to effective work in
the complex context of fragile environments. The international
community has made CD a priority. Beyond the general principles of
ownership, alignment, harmonization, managing for results, and mutual
accountability, the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness (2005: paras 22
and 23) formulated guidance and a set of indicators for demand-driven
CD.
The Netherlands follows the basic deÞnition of capacity as
formulated by OECD-DAC: ‘The ability of people, organizations, and
society to manage their affairs successfully.’ This deÞnition clearly goes
beyond gaining knowledge and skills at the individual level. The example
of the NICHE programme (mentioned as an instrument in Figure 5, and
planned for Afghanistan as well, see Section 7.6) clearly shows how this
approach can work in practice. It recognizes that CD at the individual
level depends on the organizations in which people work, while in turn
the enabling environment inßuences the behaviour of organizations and
individuals, largely by means of the incentives and vicious or virtuous
circles it creates (EFA-FTI, 2008: 6).
As the motto is ‘multilateral where possible, bilateral where needed’,
the GoN was actively involved in the development of Guidelines for
Capacity Development in the Education Sector within the EFA-FTI
Framework (EFA-FTI, 2008). This document represents an effort at
implementing the OECD-DAC and Paris principles in the education
sector. These guidelines recognize the need for a more systematic
approach to CD, and even more so the need to develop system capacity
in fragile environments. It stresses that successful CD is country-speciÞc
and endogenous, and a ßexible process. It points to fostering the
institutional environment and working with organizations already on
the ground. Civil society organizations could play a role here by raising
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awareness and training key persons. CD challenges and strategies in
fragile environments are listed in Box 9.
Box 9. EFA-FTI capacity development in fragile environments
‘Fragile environments’ refer to a wide range of countries and situations (armed conflict,
poor governance, economic decline) in which capacity challenges are largely the same
as in other countries but more intense. More flexibility may be called for in this regard.
CD challenges in fragile states are more complex and urgent, with:
• fewer individuals with capacity (history of neglect and discrimination, concentration
of power);
• more profound organizational disintegration (less organized civil society, less
formal and accountable private sector, weaker political will and capacity);
• a more ‘disabling environment’ (insecurity, poor governance, less funding, less
data);
• additional stakeholders (more local and international NGOs, new leaders, rebel
groups and armed forces, child soldiers and alienated/demobilized youth, refugees
and displaced communities);
• additional issues (security, reconstruction, nation-building);
• trade-offs between a strong need for speedy delivery and long-term CD.
•
•
•
•
•
•
CD strategies in fragile states need to be more varied and flexible:
prioritize key capabilities: delivering basic services, addressing critical inequities
and sources of fragility, developing strategic policies and frameworks;
capitalize on local capacity: state fragility usually impacts capacity at the central
level but education capacity at the local level often remains, it should be protected
and can be enhanced;
support the development of interim arrangements for laws and regulations;
where non-government provision is necessary, involve government stakeholders;
use local languages, make explicit plans to phase out external expertise;
bridge donor support and funding between humanitarian assistance and
development assistance and commit to consistent and sustained partnerships.
Appropriate CD in fragile environments can contribute to stability. Fragile contexts,
such as conflict and post-conflict situations, may also provide new opportunities for
change and CD (EFA-FTI, 2008: 7).
7.4 From policy via instruments to practice
in Afghanistan
Afghanistan’s national policy for basic social services has been laid
out through sector strategies, as input for Afghanistan’s National
Development Strategy (ANDS). The Netherlands aims to contribute
to the country outputs as formulated in the Education Sector Strategy:
increasing access to quality education for all school-age children (nation138
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A donor’s perspective on capacity development in the education sector in Afghanistan
wide), reducing illiteracy, creating a skilled labour force, and reducing
the gender gap, are steps on the way to achieving the ANDS objective
of EFA. The Netherlands supported a range of CD activities with the
MoE in Afghanistan and Uruzgan Province in the period 2002–2010.
The Netherlands stresses the need to work according to local needs and
through a variety of instruments at the same time. Some deliver quick
and tangible results – to cater to the needs of the population and create
a peace dividend, and to maintain the level of support for development
cooperation in the Netherlands as well. Other instruments are designed to
support longer-term processes, as an integrated approach to CD.
7.5 Bilateral support
The bilateral channel involves a direct development cooperation relation
between the Netherlands and a partner country. An embassy is based
in-country and manages delegated funds, as in the case of Afghanistan
(a ‘proÞle 2 country’82). The philosophy behind this is that political and
policy dialogue should take place in-country, and that the embassy, in
consultation with the Government of Afghanistan (GoA), is best placed
to decide on priorities for support. The aim of the Dutch Embassy in
Kabul is progress towards reaching the MDGs and EFA. The emphasis
is on improving access to education with a special focus on women and
girls, and on technical and vocational education and training (agriculture).
The delegated bilateral funds for education in Afghanistan for the period
2008–2011 amount to about €10 million per year.
Together with other bilateral donors, the GoN is supporting the
Afghan government through EQUIP, the Education Quality Improvement
Programme of the MoE. With technical support from the World Bank,
this programme aims for education reform, teachers’ education, learning
materials, and strengthening the capacity of the MoE itself. The World
Bank Þnances this programme in 10 provinces through the Afghanistan
Reconstruction Trust Fund (ARTF). The Netherlands supports the
Þnancing of school management committees, pre- and in-service teacher
training, learning materials, and the reconstruction of schools in Uruzgan
Province. There are stark disparities between rural and urban areas.
82.
The Netherlands has organised its bilateral support through proÞling of its partner
countries: ProÞle 1: Accelerated achievement of MDGs in countries with a stable
political and security situation; ProÞle 2: Security and development, tackling
the causes of fragility, inequality, and conßict sensitivity; ProÞle 3: Broad-based
relationships with countries enjoying solid economic growth.
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Education statistics for Uruzgan show the need for support of all aspects
of education, from access to quality to relevance to governance. Adult
literacy rates are 0.6 per cent for women and 7 per cent for men. About
53,000 children are currently enrolled in primary schools, including more
than 4,600 girls. About 7,000 children are in secondary education, out of
which 260 are girls. There are 1,481 male and just 45 female teachers
working in Uruzgan, in around 100 schools. In local village meetings
(shuras), tribal elders and leaders time and again ask the provincial
government for support for education for their children and youth.
GoN considers the recruitment and training of (female) teachers
key to increase access to education, particularly for girls. However, there
is an immense shortage of qualiÞed teachers. Moreover, it is difÞcult to
promote rural Uruzgan as a career path for teachers from other geographical
locations. This capacity constraint can hardly be underestimated, and
the success of most other capacity investments at various levels in the
education sector depends on this. A possible short-term solution is the
training and recruitment of youngsters, both girls and boys from the local
communities, who have completed the primary cycle themselves. The
Dutch Embassy in Kabul considers visibility of the central government
in a province like Uruzgan important from a monitoring perspective, both
to signal possible capacity constraints in Þnancial and infrastructural
terms and to signal capacity constraints in the enabling environment.
The security situation remains an issue, slowing down the construction
of schools. Another issue is the payment of salaries, as teachers have to
travel to the district capital to collect their remuneration in person.
At the request of GoA, GoN has agreed to become the lead donor
in the Þeld of agriculture education, training, and extension. According
to GoA, sustainable agriculture and education are cornerstones of its
economy and society. Agriculture provides food, jobs, and income for
the majority of the population, although the sector has badly suffered
from 30 years of war, insecurity, and destruction of infrastructure.
Agriculture education is not structured as yet. At the academic
level, there are few agriculture institutions. At other tertiary levels
there are some regional and provincial agricultural schools. Kabul has
a national agricultural institute. However, a policy and qualiÞcation
system is lacking so far, as is the link between curriculum, research,
and the labour market. These capacity challenges at all levels require an
integrated approach to CD at individual, organizational, and institutional
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A donor’s perspective on capacity development in the education sector in Afghanistan
levels. Box 10 describes the various paths to CD in agriculture education
in Afghanistan.
Box 10. Capacity development in the field of agriculture education
Through the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between GoA and GoN,* the
Netherlands committed itself to provide expertise, donor coordination, and financial
contributions to the development and the implementation of a multi-annual National
Programme for Agriculture Education. This incorporates all educational levels and
TVET of professionals from farmers to agriculturists and extension workers. Agricultural
education comes under the responsibility of the MoE’s Deputy Ministry for Technical
and Vocational Education and Training (DM-TVET). This DM requested support for
implementing capacity. Together with other international donors, the Netherlands
supports the Afghan Government through:
• assistance in the development of a National Afghan Vocational Education and
Training Policy;
• the construction and implementation of a National Agricultural Education Center
(NAEC), which will train teachers, develop curricula, design and execute an applied
research programme in agriculture, and implement a national agricultural
documentation centre for the whole country;
• reinforcement of two regional agricultural institutes in two different agro-ecological
zones;
• construction and implementation of a practical training centre for Horticulture
near Kabul;
• construction and implementation of an agricultural school with an attached
practical training centre in Uruzgan.
To improve the capacity of the NAEC, the Netherlands is providing fellowships for a
one-year master’s course in the Netherlands for curriculum developers, master trainers,
and managers. These master students signed an ‘employment bond’, a contractual
agreement to stay at least five years in the service of NAEC and at the same time receive a
job guarantee from the MoE. An extra effort is being made to recruit female candidates,
which is a big challenge.
Another CD component is the provision of technical assistance – both national
and international personnel – for MoE/DM-TVET. The aim is to develop policy on
agriculture education including qualification frameworks, a multi-annual plan, and
an institutional framework, and to monitor implementation. The Netherlands, in
close cooperation with the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs and GTZ, supports the
establishment of a technical school in Uruzgan. MoE/DM-TVET is recruiting young
people in Uruzgan for intensive training in Kabul. After the technical school is ready,
these young people will teach there.
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Wageningen University and Research in the Netherlands implements a CD
programme by sharing its experience in research, teaching, and extension methods with
Afghan institutions. GoN financed the initial phase of this programme from April 2009
to October 2010, with a strong commitment for the next phase from November 2010 to
November 2013, when the first Afghan students will start their agricultural education.
*
This was signed between the government of Afghanistan, MoE, and Agriculture, Irrigation and Livestock
with the Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development as a witness, and the Dutch government
(both Ministries of Agriculture and Foreign Affairs).
With bilateral delegated funds, Save the Children is implementing
the Quality Primary Education Programme (QPEP) in Uruzgan Province.
Out-of-school children are taking catch-up accelerated learning classes
(ALCs). By agreement with the MoE, they receive certiÞcates allowing
them to enter the formal school system. The children study for two grades
in one calendar year.
Save the Children works with formal schools and their faculty to help
them create spaces where children feel safe and receive quality education.
Teachers are trained in alternatives to corporal punishment. School
structures are improved. Save the Children works with the children’s
parents and communities to promote the importance of education and
introduce parent, teacher, and community forums (community education
committees) – the ‘whole school approach’, involving key stakeholders in
developing schools as child-friendly learning environments. Innovative
approaches are being piloted. In 2009, 30 teachers from 7 schools
attended training to build their skills, knowledge, and attitudes. Also in
2009, 524 teachers, ALC mentors, parents, and other stakeholders were
trained on various topics regarding human rights and child protection as
well as drafting lesson plans, homework correction, class management,
and health education. Seven schools have drafted plans to improve
their performance and to prepare themselves for receiving ALC pupils.
In 5 formal schools, 180 children actively participate in rights-based
children’s groups, where they discuss issues that affect them and express
their opinions directly to the appropriate adults in the local community.
The GoA delegates ofÞcials to participate in a Project Advisory
Committee. The role of province and district level governments is
to coordinate activities with local partner NGOs and to help ensure
programme activities are responsive to local needs. The Provincial
Education Department is fully involved in decisions on the locations of
ALCs, enrolment of pupils, and choice of mentors. Alongside this type
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A donor’s perspective on capacity development in the education sector in Afghanistan
of capacity building activity, the QPEP also invests in the management
capacity and subject expertise of local implementing partners.
The Netherlands advocates for connecting countries dealing with
fragility to the FTI, through its Catalytic Fund and Education Programme
Development Fund (EPDF). The latter is established as an upstream
mechanism for policy development and capacity strengthening. The
current plan is to merge these different funds under the FTI. An alternative
‘progressive framework’ (EFA-FTI, 2008) as an analytical tool to jointly
assess a country’s progress and bottlenecks and the best type of support for
it was developed in 2007/2008. This support can serve as an acceleration
lane towards a credible sector plan and FTI’s endorsement phase, and is
therefore more ßexible than the current Indicative Framework.
EPDF, to which GoN contributes, provided support to the MoE
to develop an education sector plan and strengthen institutional and
technical capacity, Þrst by support for the development of strategies
and sustainable education sector programmes conducive to growth
and poverty reduction, and second by strengthening the government’s
technical and institutional capacities.83 The NESP-II is about to be
submitted to the EFA-FTI for endorsement. The level of support from
FTI depends on the resource envelope – commitments from GoA and the
local donor community – and the existing funding gap.
A third instrument is UNICEF’s Education in Emergencies and
Post Crisis Transitions programme (EEPCT, €166 million for the
period 2007–2010). In response to the void between humanitarian and
development stages, the Netherlands, in partnership with UNICEF,
started a programme for reconstruction of schools and education systems
in countries dealing with (post-) conßict and emergency situations. The
core objective of the programme is to improve both the effectiveness and
efÞciency of educational response in a wide range of affected countries.
It seeks to establish innovative strategies and delivery mechanisms
to make educational interventions in fragile countries a Þrst step in a
continuous reform process that will get them back on a development
path. Flexible funding is provided to accommodate the changing needs
of a country. In the period 2007–2008, Afghanistan was also covered
under this programme.
83.
EFA-FTI, EPDF, May 2007.
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7.6 Civil society initiatives
As mentioned above, in a situation where a government is still in the
process of establishing itself, the channels for providing access to
education and improving education systems need to be more diverse.
A fourth instrument, consequently, is support through civil society
organizations. The Dutch Embassy in Kabul is directly supporting
NGOs in delivering a range of education services and CD activities in
the south of Afghanistan. MFS-I84 is another window through which the
Netherlands supports organizations that provide education services and
CD in countries dealing with fragile situations.
In the capacity strengthening framework, the Netherlands has
developed a response to the need for CD in tertiary education: the
Netherlands Initiative for Capacity Development in Higher Education
(NICHE). NICHE aims to strengthen institutional capacity in 23 countries
by providing post-secondary education and training. Both NICHE and
the Fellowship Programmes of the Dutch Government target ProÞle 2
countries, by enabling local authorities to develop their capacity in the
Þelds of security, justice, human rights, and basic social services. The
programmes are developed to strengthen the capacity of government
services, NGOs, and the private sector by targeted training and advice;
at the same time they aim to train professional staff for economic
development in the medium term. As of July 2010, Afghanistan is
included in the NICHE programme; however, implementation has not
yet started.
The Netherlands is a member of INEE and its Working Group
on Education and Fragility. The Working Group aims to coordinate
diverse initiatives and catalyse collaborative action on education and
fragility. The Netherlands subscribes to the INEE Minimum Standards
for Education: Preparedness, Response, and Recovery. This tool aims
to support the delivery of quality education and increase the resilience
of education systems. It can also be used for education sector planning,
capacity gap analysis, and coordination. The Minimum Standards were
updated in 2010 and are applicable in a wide range of contexts, including
acute emergencies, protracted crises, fragile states, and post-conßict and
84.
MFS-I is a subsidy framework for Dutch civil society organizations supporting
partner organizations in developing countries, including Afghanistan. MFS-I
covers the period 2007–2011.
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post-disaster recovery. (More information is available at www.ineesite.
org/standards.)
Box 11. UNICEF community-based schools
The Government of the Netherlands supported UNICEF’s Basic Education and Gender
Equality Programme in partnership with the MoE through the EEPCT programme. This
programme aims to ensure that girls benefit from the child-friendly school concept,
female literacy, and community involvement. It also aims to respond to key challenges
in Afghanistan, including the conflict and emergency situation, gender disparities, and
capacity issues such as the increase in school enrolments.
UNICEF and the MoE recognize that many girls are restricted from travelling any
distance within the country, particularly in rural areas, due to security, cultural, and
environmental constraints. There is a clear need to support the establishment of CBSs*
closer to the communities. UNICEF developed a strategy involving communities, based
on community participation in identifying out-of-school and school-age children, and
training educated men and women from within the community as CBS teachers. In
the absence of educated people in the community, educated local religious leaders are
employed as teachers. Learning spaces are provided in community buildings, clubs,
or mosques. Essential supplies and teaching and learning materials are provided to
facilitate schooling, based on the formal curriculum and textbooks in Dari and Pashto.
With help from UNICEF and support from the EEPCT programme, the MoE delivered
70,000 schoolbooks to Uruzgan. The CBS initiative has proved to be an effective way of
giving children access to education in hard-to-reach rural areas through supporting
sector reform and community development, improving quality primary education
with special focus on girls; and investing in women’s literacy and empowerment. The
Government of the Netherlands more specifically contributed to the establishment of
CBSs, construction of cost-effective schools, capacity building through teacher training,
incentives for CBS teachers, and advocacy, monitoring, and evaluation.
Given the insecurity and cultural barriers to girls’ education in Afghanistan, CBSs
proved to be an effective way of bringing education to young children and enabling them
to enrol at the right age in rural areas. It is crucial to involve community elders and
religious leaders in the process, as they are embedded in local governance structures.
School management committees, including parents and community members,
ensure improved educational services and quality and a more protective environment
for children. They also play an important role in promoting girls’ education within
communities.
*
Community-based schools (CBS) is the term that UNICEF uses, meaning that there actually is a school
building, classrooms, students, and a teacher. CBS can be seen as a subset of the term ‘Community-based
education’ (CBE), which is broader and more frequently used by NGOs, as in Chapter 6. CBE appears to
be the most widely used term and is therefore also used in this publication.
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In the context of the IS Academy,85 a research partnership has been
formed between IIEP, the IRC, and the University of Amsterdam to
carry out research on education in emergency situations. The partnership
seeks to develop knowledge about speciÞc interventions, strategies, and
methodologies to be used to improve access to quality education for
all in fragile states. The partnership has resulted in two publications so
far, one on certiÞcation issues of displaced students (Nicolai, 2009), the
other on education innovation and reform during and after conßict (Kirk,
2009). The partnership also funds the present book.
7.7 Concluding remarks
In 2010, while the present chapter was being written, the Dutch Cabinet
collapsed and became demissionair86over differences on whether to
extend the Dutch military mission in Uruzgan province. However, Dutch
NGOs were quick to declare that they would continue their work in
Afghanistan, including Uruzgan, because of the issue of extending the
current military mission in Uruzgan province and a new Cabinet was not
yet in place.
Experience shows that the chief challenge is balancing priorities for
immediate reconstruction with long-term processes like CD. For a donor,
this is even more pronounced since the home parliament and tax-payers
increasingly call for quick results. It is the aim of the Netherlands
to support CD of government institutions through, for example,
technical assistance and training, preferably multilaterally, embedded
in a long-term strategy. But at the same time, the creation of a peace
dividend is important to let the population experience the advantages
of peace and stability through improved educational services and a path
towards employment. Education should be linked to creating economic
opportunities; investing in TVET/agriculture education is a good start. It
is vital to involve women and girls as much as possible, and at all levels.
85.
86.
The IS Academy is a partnership established in 2006 between the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands and the Amsterdam Institute of Development
Studies, University of Amsterdam. More information can be found at http://
educationanddevelopment.wordpress.com.
A demissionary cabinet is a caretaker government limiting itself to urgent and
pressing matters and traditionally not taking any controversial decisions. A
government becomes demissionary when a legal parliamentary period ends, or
when parliament loses conÞdence in the government, or loses one coalition party.
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In the education sector we need a strategy for CD from the
classroom to the district, provincial, and central administrative levels,
including civil society and the private sector. GoN provides CD support
at individual, organizational, and institutional levels. The Netherlands
uses all possible instruments and channels to support service delivery
and CD, considering them as integrated and inseparable.
The GoN is involved in broad strategies of support for developing
the capacity of the education system in Afghanistan, the MoE, and the
Deputy Ministry of TVET, through multilateral and bilateral instruments:
•
•
•
•
•
•
pre-service/in-service training of teachers and trainers, curriculum
developers, and management staff;
supporting community and school-level governance for
decision-making, funds use, teacher appointment or review, etc.;
physical supply, school design, site selection and negotiations,
contractor selection, construction supervision, CBS building, and
quality assurance;
planning, monitoring, and evaluation, including decentralized and
consolidated planning exercises;
communication and awareness-raising campaigns around education,
schooling, and/or education sector plans;
donor coordination mechanisms.
The impact of this approach is as yet difÞcult to assess, as capacity
investments take time to show results.
Whatever the instruments chosen, successful CD in the education
sector is based on an integrated approach, including key factors like a
country-led process (ownership as well as leadership). The Netherlands
considers multiple stakeholder involvement essential, from ministry and
private sector down to community and schools. A sound diagnosis of
strengths and weaknesses, opportunities and threats regarding capacity
through individual, organizational, and institutional perspectives is
necessary, as is building on the good practices that continued to function
during the conßict; UNICEF’s CBSs are a good example of this. And,
last but not least, it is essential to identify sources of country-owned
change and to Þnd instruments and strategies to support them.
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Chapter 8
UNESCO Kabul’s capacity development
work in literacy:
An irreconcilable dilemma?
Yukitoshi Matsumoto
8.1 Introduction
Long periods of prolonged conßict and chronic social instability have
resulted in a profound loss of educational opportunity for the people of
Afghanistan, a history clearly implicated in the fact that only 26 per cent
of the adult population (over age 15) are said to be literate. Even these
low levels of literacy, however, mask substantial geographic, social, and
gender cleavages: in rural areas where 74 per cent of all Afghans reside,
an estimated 93 per cent of women and 65 per cent of men cannot read
and write (MRRD and CSO, 2009: 66). To address such a dire situation,
the NESP identiÞed literacy as one of its key priorities, with the more
recent NESP-II (2010–2014) envisioning ‘increasing literacy of the
population aged 15 and over to 48 per cent by 2014’. Such an ambitious
target is to be achieved by providing literacy education to 3.6 million
people, a policy initiative that clearly requires substantial attention to,
and resources for, CD. The MoE has therefore partnered with UNESCO
to achieve these goals.
Historically, equipping a highly diverse – ethnically, linguistically,
culturally, and geographically – Afghan society with adequate levels
of literacy has been seen as a major priority, especially in the context
of (less than successful) nation-building and efforts to foster social
cohesion. The 1964 Constitution under the then royal government
stipulated that ‘facilities for free basic education shall be made available
as far as possible to illiterate adults and young people above school age
(Article VII)’, resulting in the establishment of the Department of Adult
Literacy (Samady, 2001: 30). Similarly, the communist government of
the 1980s established a National Commission for the Eradication of
Illiteracy, headed by the prime minister. It spearheaded an ambitious,
nation-wide National Literacy Campaign that placed particular emphasis
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on women. There was substantial, often violent, resistance in villages
due to the political nature of the campaign, which as a result was largely
unsuccessful (Rubin, 2002: 115, 126, 140; Samady, 2001: 17, 70). Despite
the prolonged conßict that followed the demise of the communist regime
and its successors, the Literacy Department (LD) established in 1980
managed to survive to this day. Even the Taliban regime tried – without
success – to implement literacy classes for males.87
8.2 Capacity development needs of the MoE
With its own planning department, and administration and management
staff separate from the MoE, the LD has considerable autonomy from
the Ministry and the wider government bureaucracy (UNESCO, 2009).
The LD’s primary functions are programme design and the planning,
monitoring, and evaluation of literacy programmes throughout the country.
At the same time, a separate Literacy Directorate under the Education
Directorate operates at the provincial and district levels, charged with
overseeing Þeld implementation of literacy classes. Other signiÞcant
actors in the literacy landscape include the Ministry of the Interior, the
Ministry of Defence, and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, as well as
NGOs, which all implement component parts of national literacy plans
or smaller literacy programmes. Given all of these actors, coordination
is another important role for the LD. The LD provides support services
to the greatest extent possible within its highly constrained Þnancial
resource base. The support includes the provision of facilitators – that
is, literacy teachers – as well as monitoring, programme provision, and,
at times, something as modest as permission to use national literacy
primers and/or government certiÞcates for the learners, in which case the
implementing agency is responsible for printing primers and certiÞcates.
8.3 Capacity development activities
In order to achieve the ambitious national literacy goals, the NESP-II
directs the LD to focus on Þve key areas where further improvement
is crucial: (1) balanced access to literacy programmes, (2) development
of curriculum and learning materials, (3) conducting literacy facilitator
education, (4) monitoring and supervision, and (5) overall coordination
87.
Author interview with MoE and LD staff who worked at the MoE under the Taliban
regime.
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UNESCO Kabul’s capacity development work in literacy:
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of literacy efforts. UNESCO’s CD efforts aim to complement the LD and
focus on these areas too.
The Literacy and Non-Formal Education Development in
Afghanistan (LAND Afghan, 2003–2005) programme aimed to develop
national literacy and non-formal education resources (NESP-II, area 2).
Before LAND Afghan, when post-Taliban reconstruction started, the
LD only had three volumes of ‘literacy textbooks’ with no curriculum
framework, and these were neither well designed nor based on any kind
of needs assessment. Different agencies delivered fragmented literacy
interventions with contents that the LD had no inßuence on. A remarkable
achievement of LAND Afghan was to successfully restructure national
literacy efforts under an overarching, coherent curriculum framework; it
was based on a rigorous and nation-wide needs assessment survey, and
as a result the LD was equipped with the resources and tools it needed
– such as a literacy primer and facilitator guidebook – to conduct relevant
and improved literacy interventions. After LAND Afghan, the LD was
at least capable of presenting a national literacy framework and asking
other agencies to respect, align with, or be in synergy with it.
The UNESCO-led Literacy Initiative for Empowerment (LIFE)
has now been designated as the national literacy framework, enabling
all stakeholders to promote literacy education in a more effective and
collaborative manner (NESP-II, area 5). UNESCO and the Deputy
Minister for Literacy chair a monthly LIFE coordination meeting where
all major literacy agencies meet and coordinate their efforts. Joint analysis
and planning has been strengthened through LIFE’s Needs Assessment
Report (NAR) and the National Literacy Action Plan (NLAP). The NAR
analyses the literacy situation and identiÞes gaps between needs and
ongoing literacy interventions. The NLAP is envisaged as a road map
for all literacy stakeholders to follow and collaborate on as they promote
literacy education. Both are seen as essential components for fostering
a common vision, guiding principles, and a sound, effective national
literacy strategy.
Most prominently, UNESCO and the MoE’s joint programme
for Enhancement of Literacy in Afghanistan, 2008–2013 (ELA), now
one of Afghanistan’s largest literacy programmes, aims at developing
comprehensive human and organizational capacities of the LD’s central,
provincial, and district level ofÞces. ELA seeks to provide nine months
of literacy instruction to 600,000 youths and adults as well as skills
development to selected neo-literates in 18 provinces. One of the serious
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challenges the Afghan government faces is its weak leverage over the
sub-national levels, particularly rural society and villages. Although there
are MoE personnel in charge of literacy at provincial and district level,
interaction between central and sub-national ofÞces is minimal, mostly
due to lack of communication facilities, but also to weak capacities in
monitoring, evaluation, recording, and reporting at all levels. As such,
the LD at central level is unable to survey the Þeld, which makes
identiÞcation of CD needs difÞcult. Experience acquired through joint
implementation of literacy programmes at the community level will be
used to inform CD and future literacy interventions at the central level.
Three ELA CD efforts are conducted at the national and sub-national
(provincial, district, and community88) levels.
1.
Development of technical knowledge and skills for delivering
quality literacy education (national level). The ELA emphasizes
two key areas for quality literacy education: quality of curriculum
and primers and skills of literacy facilitators. Literacy programme
content needs regular updates, as the socio-political situation
(including social needs and demands) in Afghanistan changes
constantly and rapidly. Literacy facilitators need to upgrade their
skills and knowledge accordingly. The goals have been to strengthen
material and human resources for quality literacy education through
careful reviewing and timely upgrading of teaching and learning
materials and training manuals, and training of master trainers within
the LD. The aspiration is to enhance individual and organizational
capacity and create a pool of knowledge within the LD to ensure
sustained literacy education quality for the future.
2.
Development of planning and administration capabilities
(national level). The Afghanistan Literacy Assessment Survey
(ALAS) and the Literacy and Non-Formal Education Management
Information System (Lit/NFE-MIS) aim to improve the capability
for accurate strategic planning of literacy programmes within the
LD. As mentioned previously, given the task’s magnitude, many
organizations beyond the LD – other government ministries, UN
agencies, and a host of loosely afÞliated international and national
88.
Activity at sub-national level is one of four main CD activities (the three others
take place in Kabul), but the intervention scale is the largest at sub-national level.
Most of the ELA programme’s US$34 million budget is spent at the provincial,
district, and community levels, on training costs, operation costs of literacy classes,
skill development, salary for staff, teachers, etc.
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NGOs – have been delivering literacy programmes throughout the
country. Unlike the formal education sector, literacy and non-formal
education tends to be characterized by ßexible delivery in terms of
venue, time, curricula, and teaching methodologies. The Ministry
as well as literacy providers thus need good communication
and coordination to be able to understand the totality of literacy
interventions and plan for future integration or change.
Although the LD has been trying for quite some time to collect
information from literacy providers, the accuracy of such data is
somewhat dubious, which severely hampers the LD’s yearly and
mid-term strategic planning. With more accurate statistical data,
understanding, managing, and catalysing further change would be
greatly improved, since such information would capture change and
the totality of literacy efforts on a regular basis. The ALAS system
is thus designed to equip the LD with accurate literacy statistics
acquired through test-based surveys, while the Lit/NFE-MIS
provides updated data on literacy and non-formal education
programmes through programme mapping and nation-wide
monitoring. Both systems are crucial for any further promotion of
literacy in the county: it is impossible to manage and plan effective
literacy intervention without a clear idea of what goes on in the Þeld
and where the needs are.
3.
Development of capability in programme delivery and
monitoring (sub-national level). The primary focus of sub-national
CD efforts is to ensure a stable organizational-level frame, by
setting up provincial literacy centres (PLCs) and district literacy
centres (DLCs). Although literacy directorates have recently been
established under the provincial and district education directorates
as a result of the MoE’s restructuring process, poor facilities
severely constrain them from carrying out even their most basic
responsibilities. PLCs and DLCs are thus to be enhanced, to function
not only as the Þeld ofÞces for ELA implementation, but also as
provincial and district strategic bases for literacy delivery, where
ELA programme personnel and MoE provincial and district literacy
personnel work together on a daily basis. Joint ELA implementation
and monitoring serves as hands-on training for the MoE’s literacy
personnel, and organizational and human capacities are intended to
develop to the point where quality literacy delivery can be sustained
after the completion of the ELA programme.
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8.4 Analysis of impact
Since the prolonged conßict has severely broken down continuous transfer
and accumulation of knowledge and skills within the LD, one of the most
pressing tasks is to develop technical capacities among individuals, as
well as between and within organizations. However, as Fitzbein (1997,
cited by Barakat and Chard, 2003) pointed out over a decade ago,
capacity ‘is the combination of skills and professionalism that determine
staff quality, but their ineffective use because of inhibiting conditions and
lack of resources can also result in apparent lack of personal capacity’
(Fitzbein, 1997: 1031). Similarly, as noted in Chapter 2, Davies (2009)
suggests that CD needs to be addressed in three dimensions, namely the
organizational, institutional culture, and enabling environment/political
context dimensions; De Grauwe (2009) suggests four dimensions
(individual, organizational, public administration, and contextual). There
is a growing realization that CD needs to be viewed far more holistically,
rather than focusing exclusively on the personal knowledge, abilities,
and motivations of personnel (Barakat and Chard, 2003).
From having witnessed even highly motivated and competent
ofÞcials in Afghanistan sit idly in poorly furnished ofÞces due to lack
of personal connections and adequate Þnancial/material resources,
it becomes apparent that effective use of technical capacities and
professionalism of individuals is heavily conditioned by the immediate
work environment and the larger context. In other words, the lack of
the ‘enabling environment/political context’ described by Davies (2009)
explains the ‘apparent lack of personal capacity’ in large parts of the LD,
much in line with Fitzbein’s warnings raised a decade ago.
For these reasons, the ELA approach to CD has been not only to
address its technical aspects (such as organizing training of trainers,
establishing a task force for curriculum review and revision, and collecting
statistical data), but also to translate this into an enabling environment
where LD personnel can use their enhanced capacities in practice to
create positive change. In spite of Afghanistan’s high illiteracy rates,
the LD receives a very small portion of the MoE budget: 2 per cent of
the core budget, 1 per cent of the development budget. A severe lack of
facilities such as ofÞce space and equipment, as well as communication
and transportation, particularly outside the capital, means that even
when human capacity is successfully developed its transformation into
changed organizational practice is far from automatic. This inadequate
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programme budget has demotivated literacy personnel. Because of the
poor conditions within the MoE, they feel that they do not get the chance
to use the new technical capacities they acquired through costly and
time-consuming training with international aid agencies. In this regard,
the construction of PLCs and DLCs and the provision of basic equipment
under the ELA would improve the infrastructural environment for
literacy ofÞcials. Moreover, joint implementation and monitoring of the
ELA literacy programme in the 100 districts under their initiative would
greatly increase their opportunities to use their professional skills in the
real Þeld settings where those skills are intended to be used. Having the
opportunity to use their skills would surely lead to further reßection on
their current capabilities and encourage personal motivation to improve.
Yet while the ELA attempts to develop capacities as well as provide
opportunities for using these new skills, the lack of sustainable resources
is still likely to be a serious obstacle to LD personnel’s ability to engage and
commit. Exacerbating this situation is the substantial salary gap between
civil servants and programme personnel employed by international aid
agencies.89 This gap affects the LD’s initiatives and has created a highly
counterproductive ‘incentive culture’ among government personnel,
where engagement in and commitment to the externally funded training
and activities is conditioned by good lunches and generous allowances.
Under such conditions, CD in actual programme implementation
continues to falter, even though on paper capacity has been developed.
Continuous resource mobilization that can provide at least a decent salary
and decent working environment becomes one of the key issues, one with
no immediate solution given the international trend towards decreasing
investment in adult literacy education. To address this problem, UNESCO
has been attempting through ELA and other literacy programming to
develop the organizational capacities of the LD as a department in a
wider sense (technical skills, professionalism, motivation, etc.) that can
help convince donors that the LD is worth investing in.
De Grauwe (2009) has argued that improving public administration
is one of the four key dimensions the CD needs to address. Dysfunctional
administrative and Þnancial government mechanisms, particularly at
provincial and district level, also create a severe obstacle for effective
CD, giving LD personnel no opportunities to act and negatively affecting
motivation and drive to do so.
89.
Editor’s note: An issue that was also raised in Chapters 4 and 5.
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With this in mind, UNESCO signed an Implementation Partnership
Agreement with the MoE and the MoF in April 2009 as one way to
afÞrm this more encompassing vision. The agreement aims to integrate
the administrative and Þnancial aspects of ELA Þeld implementation
into the overall government system. Under this agreement, the Þeld
implementation budget, including Þeld staff salary and Þeld operation
costs, is disbursed through existing government channels. This should
eventually strengthen ownership of the programme within the Ministry, as
well as improving Þnancial and administrative aspects of literacy delivery.
The Agreement does, to some extent, appear to have enhanced
Ministry ownership of the ELA, but at the same time complex bureaucratic
processes have resulted in severe delays in Þeld-level activities. Delays
in disbursement of Þeld operational budgets have stalled activities such
as implementation of the literacy classes, literacy facilitator training,
and so on, and delays in salary payment of Þeld staff and facilitators
have reduced their motivation and commitment to the programme. In
this way, substantial, insoluble tensions have emerged between the twin
goals of delivering effective literacy programmes and building capacity,
two activities traditionally seen as complementary.
Faced with this intractable dilemma, UNESCO Kabul and the
Ministry have conducted a thorough evaluation of the activities under the
partnership agreement. Although challenges remain serious, substantial
improvements and ßexibility in some of the administrative procedures
have also been identiÞed. As of 2010, UNESCO Kabul is using a new
modality of the partnership with the Ministry, in which activities that
have improved under the previous agreement, such as human resource
management of ELA Þeld personnel and joint Þeld monitoring, are
continued with a view to further improvement, while other activities are
temporarily outsourced to external partners such as NGOs. The good
practices of external partners will be incorporated in future partnerships
with the Ministry.
8.5 Reßections and lessons learned
Whilst UNESCO’s intention is to inßuence the governmental
administrative structure in literacy delivery through joint Þnancial
and administrative management of ELA, an evaluator who appraised
the approach in 2009 concluded that ‘it is totally beyond the scope
and ability of a literacy programme such as ELA to try to reform the
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National–Provincial budgeting mechanisms of the Afghan Government’,
since ‘in reality, there is no single system available to the programme
through these channels, and those that do exist are far too cumbersome
and bureaucratic to allow effective support to a programme such as
ELA’. He further maintained that ‘in this case, focus on some aspects of
CD defeats the fundamental purpose of a programme. Care must also be
taken to ensure that the areas in which capacity building is attempted are
within the frame of inßuence of the programme’ (Reynolds, 2009). As
already noted, these insights from the external evaluation suggest that
efforts to enhance capacity can be in stark opposition to the purpose of
the programme. Here one is faced with a difÞcult decision: to sacriÞce
a degree of capacity to deliver a programme in a timely fashion, or to
sacriÞce a degree of the original programme goals to try to work towards
CD.
As Rubin (2002) points out, modern efforts at nation-building in
Afghanistan can be understood as attempts to incorporate the numerous
Afghan cultures and societies into a single entity through the formation
of a strong state. However, the modern history of Afghanistan shows that
the state has never succeeded in extending its authority to sub-national
level, where tribal kinship and warlords continue to reign. Under the
current new state-building efforts, signiÞcant procedural standardization
has already been achieved at the national level, but administrative and
Þnancial systems still vary greatly at sub-national level and are ‘often
heavily dependent on informal patronage networks’ (Reynolds, 2009).
The dilemma is how to balance actual literacy goals with system
reform efforts. It is probably too ambitious to address organizational
and human aspects of capacity with such a small budget in domains
where ineffectiveness is deeply rooted, while at the same time delivering
a programme in the Þeld. Yet without sustained, robust capacity, any
substantial gains in literacy that the programme might make can easily
be pushed aside with the next change of government. In this way,
literacy in Afghanistan can be considered a classic case of conßict
between programme delivery and sustainable CD – a typical but highly
problematic challenge, that of developing government capacity over the
long term while implementing and delivering social services such as
literacy education in the conÞnes of Þxed short-term budgets and Þxed
time-frames. In a rapidly changing social and political environment
framed by the immediate need to provide social services to a war-ravaged
population (which ultimately contributes greatly to nation-building
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efforts), no easy solutions to this dilemma are immediately apparent.
Although there may be little alternative to trying to achieve both goals
simultaneously, it is critical to recognize that they are not always
complementary and may require hard choices in the near future about
where to place greater priority and thus resources.
One overarching concern is that the current somewhat state-centric
or top-down approach to nation-building, if not crafted very carefully,
might exacerbate rather than mitigate conßict between the state and
still largely rural Afghan society, even if administrative and procedural
systems are established at the sub-national level.
The history of nation-building in Afghanistan shows that its approach
was always top-down, whether under the royal government, communist
government, or Taliban regime (although it is not clear that the Taliban
were very concerned with nation-building), and social services such as
education have always been an important tool for instilling ideologies
such as modernism, Pashtunism, communism, or Islamic fundamentalism
among the population. As Rubin (2002) pointed out, in its nation-building
process and its dependence on external resources (including ‘foreign’
ideologies as well as foreign funding), this top-down approach led to
the state seeming not only illegitimate to its people but also increasingly
distant from them. As a result, Afghanistan has lost many other potential
means for the state and the population to interact. SigniÞcant numbers
of the population experience their day-to-day interaction with the state
in the form of direct violence or other forms of predatory activity, as is
evidenced in UN surveys of corruption (UNODC, 2010) or in CARE’s
research on attacks on schools, where community members perceived
the police and armed forces as at best largely irrelevant to security (Glad,
2009). Several analysts point out that a main reason for the success of
the current insurgency is not the strength of the Taliban, but simply that
the current state has so little to offer.90 Here, education has a key role to
play in making the state relevant to its citizens and helping to establish
a social contract of mutual rights and responsibilities between them.
90.
Such analysts include especially civil society and advocacy organizations, whose
organizational mandates permit them to ‘speak truth to power’ (for instance
Oxfam, the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC),
Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU), or Afghanistan Analysts
Network (AAN). However, comments by leading power Þgures such as the US
ambassador to Afghanistan Karl W. Eikenberry’s leaked conÞdential memo to the
US State Department (2009) point in the same direction.
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This would be a key element in bringing the Afghan state to be able to
raise funds through taxation and thus gradually become independent of
foreign inßuence.
In a war-torn nation such as Afghanistan, a functional state is a
prerequisite for nation-building. After all, numerous anti-government
elements have vested interests in preventing a uniÞed Afghan nation
from emerging, as it would undermine their power base. As Giustozzi
(2010) points out, nation-building is only possible through the use of
cultural-ideological and armed force, as the history of state formation
in Europe shows. Certainly, a uniÞed Afghan nation will be forged not
only by state institutions but also by religion, popular movements, civil
society, and a functioning market allowing for peaceful exchanges inside
and outside the country. But fundamentally, an Afghan nation needs a
state to come into existence, and vice versa. A key CD objective in a
post-conßict context is therefore to contribute to strengthening state
functionality in a sustainable manner.
In the meantime, quick delivery of social services to a war-torn
society may greatly contribute to nation-building, in that it increases
government visibility among rural communities. However, it is equally
important to identify Afghans’ diverse needs and aspirations, which need
to be incorporated in whatever social services the state decides to deliver.
The approach here is necessarily bottom-up. CD efforts should encourage
and train Afghan society to actively participate in the nation-building
process; capacity developers (and nation-builders) in post-conßict
contexts need to think hard about where to situate themselves in the
multiple complexities they face.
Ideally, there should be no trade-off between quick, effective
delivery and sustainable CD. On the ground, however, agencies usually
tend to establish ad hoc systems and institutions that parallel the state
in order to quickly deliver programme outputs in the Þeld. The ideal
approach helps create a functional government, a crucial prerequisite
for nation-building. The actual approach helps create a more active,
educated society. The dire situation of the Afghan population, reeling
from three decades of conßict, makes this latter approach the more
appealing one. Yet it cannot be overlooked that a functioning state and
an active society are both prerequisites for nation-building. Nor can it
be overlooked that national and international efforts are essentially the
latest version of nation-building, a project that Afghanistan has never
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succeeded at in the past. So while keeping in mind what appears to be
an irreconcilable dilemma for the foreseeable future, aid agencies must
resort to compromises that can serve both goals. There can be no single
ideal solution, nor a static one: aid agencies must use their resources
and inßuence to maintain a balance between the two goals until major
structural reforms in the wider government and international arena take
root and hopefully push Afghanistan beyond this dilemma – something
that may well take a decade or more.
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Chapter 9
Afghanistan towards inclusive education:
Reaching the goals of EFA
Marina Patrier and Celina Jensen
Promoters of an inclusive and child-friendly environment in schools
have had many achievements over the past few years. Most importantly,
the Minister of Education, Farooq Wardak, has embraced inclusive
education (IE) as a goal to which Afghanistan is strongly committed.
In his message to the 48th session of the International Conference on
Education, he stated that ‘the Constitution and the Education Law of
Afghanistan guarantee all children the right to education regardless of
their gender, their abilities and disabilities, as well as their backgrounds
and circumstances’ (Wardak, 2008: 1).
9.1 Capacity development needs of the MoE
The number of students in Afghanistan’s General Education schools has
increased from 2.3 million in 2002 to 6.2 million (36 per cent female)
in 2008. Despite the progress made over the past few years, half of the
school-age children are estimated to be out of school. In addition to
the children who are excluded from education, many are vulnerable to
marginalization and exclusion within the education system.
One of the long-term goals of the MoE’s new draft NESP-II
(2010–2014) is to ensure that all schools in Afghanistan become
inclusive and child-friendly (MoE, 2010a: 21). All children, regardless
of their abilities, disabilities, backgrounds, or circumstances, should
therefore be welcomed in their neighbourhood schools. In line with
this goal, UNESCO has been supporting the MoE to implement IE so
that all children have equal access to quality education, with a special
focus on girls, children affected by conßict and war, children affected by
drugs, children from ethnic, language, or social and religious minorities,
children from poor economic backgrounds, children with disabilities,
children in conßict with the law, children living on the street, nomadic
(Kuchi) children, children suffering from neglect, abandonment, or
abuse, children living far from schools, and working children.
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The Þrst NESP (2006–2010) acknowledged a commitment to
provide quality education for all children. However, the importance of
establishing inclusive and child-friendly education was not mentioned
speciÞcally, nor was the importance of mainstreaming IE into all
education programmes to effectively address the diversity of children’s
needs and abilities.
In 2007, the MoE started implementing the Inclusive Education
Pilot Schools Project with the support and collaboration of UNESCO,
UNICEF, and the Mine Action Coordination Centre of Afghanistan
(MACCA), based on provisions in the Afghan Constitution, the Afghan
Education Law, the World Declaration on EFA (1990), and the Dakar
Framework for Action (2000), as well as the Afghan MDGs.
At the policy level, the concept of IE was largely unknown prior
to the implementation of this project. Knowledge relevant to IE was
for the most part nonexistent. There were no resource persons available
within the MoE with specialized knowledge of the educational needs of
children vulnerable to exclusion from, and within, the education system.
As a result, how IE could help solve some of the challenges to quality
education provision was little understood. Another problem was that IE
required communication and cooperation between many ministerial units
and departments, but there was little dialogue between the ministerial
counterparts who needed to work together.
The long-term goal of IE was to reach the EFA goals in Afghanistan,
but there was a general lack of understanding of how the education
system needed to change to address all the diverse needs within schools.
It was important to raise awareness of the idea that the system should
adapt to children’s different needs, rather than the children having to
adapt to the system. In short, there was an all-round need for greater
awareness, knowledge, and sensitization on the issue of IE, but achieving
this level of awareness was difÞcult because of the overwhelming needs
of Afghanistan’s education system as a whole.
For quality education to materialize, it is equally important to
acknowledge the need for CD at the teacher education level. Only 24 per
cent of teachers have an education of grade 14 or above, according to
2008 Þgures (MoE, 2010a: 40). Neither IE as a concept nor teaching
methodologies that promote an inclusive, learning-friendly environment
(ILFE) in schools are taught to future teachers. As a result, UNESCO
works with the MoE’s Teacher Training Department to include IE
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training in the curriculum. The disregard for IE in Afghanistan up until
recently stems from old teaching methodologies in which teachers teach
all children in the same way without actively engaging them in the
teaching–learning process or addressing their individual needs. The low
overall education levels of the teachers themselves also play a role.
Children learn in different ways because of their diversity of
experiences, environments, abilities, and personalities. Teachers need
to use a variety of teaching methods and activities to meet all these
different learning needs. Embracing student diversity is not an easy
task, but teachers can achieve this goal by recognizing the strengths and
weaknesses of each child and planning lessons accordingly; by using
teaching strategies such as participatory learning and subject integration
(e.g. using art as a means to learn language and mathematics) and by
adapting the curriculum to Þt the abilities and background of each child.
It is important for all teachers in Afghanistan to understand what an ILFE
is and how it can be created in each school and in each classroom. In
addition to learning how to manage an inclusive classroom, teachers
need to understand the importance of involving parents and community
members in schools. They also need to understand the various barriers
that exclude children in school and how to address those barriers, so that
all children have equal access to education.
9.2 Description of capacity development activities
CD at the policy level is critical to making long-term change in the
education system; it can take the form, for example, of awareness-raising
about ILFEs. A major challenge is the lack of coordination within the
MoE and among development partners. Another critical obstacle is the
shortage of teachers trained in IE, as well as the shortage of learning
materials for students with special educational needs, according to the
draft NESP-II (MoE, 2010a: 31). To address these three issues, UNESCO
has been supporting the MoE to provide better access to quality education
for all children through Þve main interventions.
Since 2007, UNESCO, UNICEF, and MACCA have supported
the MoE in establishing pilot schools for IE in Kabul, focusing on CD
for master trainers as well as training of teachers, school principals,
and parents. The training of teachers focused on learning how to teach
children with diverse abilities and backgrounds,91 how to manage
91.
Editor’s note: This includes different types of disability, not just physical but also
mental.
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classrooms so that all children feel welcome and participate actively, and
how all children can beneÞt from the learning process. Parents learned
different techniques for supporting children with disabilities at home,
such as sign language, orientation, and mobility, as well as active daily
living skills, such as grooming, bathing, or toileting.
Results improved progressively during the projects’ second phase
in 2008, involving 12 pilot schools with a total enrolment of 90 students
with special education needs. At present, the number of IE pilot schools
has increased to 29, including more than 400 students with special
educational needs. In total, 250 teachers and 350 parents have received
training in IE. In addition, the principals, headmasters, and deputies of
these schools have also received IE awareness training, which has also
improved the quality of education for the thousands of other children in
these pilot schools.
Three different areas of Kabul with different ethnic and
socio-economic compositions were chosen for the pilot implementation.
Schools in these areas were identiÞed and teachers and school principals
were approached and introduced to the programme. Local mosques
announced the project to community members and encouraged them to
bring their children to the schools. Teacher training took place during four
afternoons every month for nine months, and parents received training
two afternoons every month for nine months. The school principals and
headmasters were also included in the sessions.
Ultimately, the teacher training aims to improve the skills of teachers
and their knowledge of IE so that they recognize barriers to education
and can actively seek ways to remove them. Parents receive information
on the rights of all children to education. In 2010, children with speech
impairments, hearing impairment, developmental impairment, epilepsy,
disabling health conditions, and visual impairment, along with other
groups mentioned at the start of this section who are vulnerable to
exclusion from and within the education system, attend the pilot schools.92
In March 2008, an Inclusive Education Coordination Working
Group (IECWG), co-chaired by MoE and UNESCO, was established
with the fourfold objective of supporting the MoE:
92.
Source: UNESCO monitoring visits to the schools and interviews with parents and
teachers. Case stories are documented in Enabling Education Network Asia (2008,
2009) and an IE booklet (UNESCO Kabul OfÞce, 2010).
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1.
2.
3.
4.
to create a shared conceptual understanding of IE;
to advocate for advancing the IE agenda in Afghanistan;
to improve coordination and collaboration among IE stakeholders,
existing working groups, and related line departments to align them
with the EFA Goals and the NESP;
to review existing and proposed policies, strategies, and guidelines
in order to make recommendations for ensuring that they become
inclusive.
The Working Group consists of local and international NGOs
working on IE, as well as UN agencies. It reports to the Human
Resource Development Board (HRDB), which brings together four
different ministries, donors, and some NGOs and UN agencies. It has
proven to be an effective coordination mechanism as well as a platform
for knowledge sharing and CD. Since its inception, members have
beneÞted from UNESCO training on child rights and on inclusive and
child-friendly education. This training has been extended to develop
the member organizations’ staff capacity, for instance on the use of the
ILFE toolkit. NGOs such as the IRC and the Swedish Committee for
Afghanistan (SCA) are now using the toolkit for their teacher training
programmes in the provinces. Save the Children have provided support
to train the master trainers in child rights issues. The Working Group
has developed a comprehensive list of resource personnel available to
support MoE programmes as well as partner organizations to maximize
the use of existing human resources. It is also a means to share knowledge,
experience, and successful practices. In addition, UNESCO’s technical
support has led to improved practices in some IECWG member
organizations, such as the Afghan National Association of the Blind
(AAB), the Afghan Association of the Deaf, and SERVE Afghanistan, a
humanitarian NGO. For instance, AAB will establish youth groups in the
association, thus involving more young people in its future organizational
development.
With the support of UNESCO, the MoE developed a National Report
on Education in preparation for the 48th session of the International
Conference on Education (ICE), which focused on IE and was organized
by the UNESCO International Bureau for Education in Geneva in
November 2008. In this report, and in his message to the ICE, the Minister
of Education pledged Afghanistan’s commitment to the establishment
of inclusive and child-friendly pilot schools, in addition to a number of
other goals targeting IE (MoE, 2008: 4; Wardak, 2008).
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As a follow-up to the ICE, UNESCO and IECWG members
supported the MoE in conducting an Inclusive Education Needs and
Rights Assessment for Afghanistan. The assessment aimed at informing
policy by developing a road map to move IE forward in Afghanistan.
The MoE aims to implement IE throughout the country in the
2010–2014 period, since IE is essential to reaching the EFA goals.
Based on this road map, UNESCO and the MoE initiated a project
called Afghanistan towards Inclusive Education (2009–2010), funded by
Sida. In accordance with the principle of the right to EFA, the IE project
aims to promote quality basic education for all children in Afghanistan,
particularly for those who are most vulnerable to exclusion from and
within the education system, and to ensure that all children enrolled in
the education system participate actively in the learning process. It also
aims to change attitudes of teachers and school authorities, developing
their understanding of how to meet individual children’s learning needs
as well as the importance of including all children in the learning process.
The project has two speciÞc objectives: improving policy development
and coordination for education in general and IE in particular, and
strengthening MoE capacities to create inclusive, learning-friendly
environments in schools.
To date, the project – which builds on the pilot schools project – has
several notable achievements, including the promotion of IE in 29 pilot
schools in Kabul (also supported by UNICEF and MACCA); training
parents to better address the needs of their children; training teachers and
school principals on inclusive and child-friendly teaching methodologies;
the development and publication of the Embracing Diversity Toolkit,
which serves as a teaching guide for teachers; and support to students
and teachers at Kabul Education University.
As part of the project, in 2010 the MoE with the support of
UNESCO organized a High Level Roundtable and a National Conference
on Inclusive and Child-Friendly Education. This led to three main
achievements: the adoption of an IE deÞnition for Afghanistan; the
adoption of the Afghanistan Declaration on Inclusive and Child-Friendly
Education; and a new tashkeel for the MoE adopted by the Parliament,
which is supportive of the nation-wide implementation of inclusive and
child-friendly education. IE was also included in the draft Interim Plan
to the EFA-FTI (MoE, 2010b) as a crosscutting issue.
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9.3 Impact, lessons learned, and reßections
The Inclusive Pilot Schools project has gone through three phases and has
shown impressive CD achievements since its 2007 inception. Following
a bottom-up approach, the project did not have a detailed long-term
strategic plan, but rather innovated along the way, in response to the
needs of the MoE and the education system as well as inputs from master
trainers, parents, and children. It was difÞcult from the outset to create a
set plan and guidelines for IE, since it was a new concept, but this is now
being developed based on the experience of the three pilot test years.
While the MoE was involved in the project from the beginning, it
initially showed little interest in IE; nor did teachers and school authorities.
Interest among key government stakeholders grew over three years as
the project showed signiÞcant progress, through increased enrolment and
retention of children who used to be out of school, and thereby became
more visible.93 The most evident result is that the IE project has expanded
from the initial 3 schools in 2007 to 29 schools in 2010. This expansion
was not initiated by UN agencies but has been the choice of the MoE – a
clear indicator of government ofÞcials’ increased understanding of IE
and its importance in the provision of quality education.
Initially, most teachers involved in the process were sceptical
about the beneÞts of IE and its impact on improving education quality.
By working Þrst with teachers and conducting a series of training, the
concept and importance of IE became more widespread, as graduates
trained further teachers in their schools and advocated for the importance
of IE to school authorities and eventually to government ofÞcials.
UNESCO supports the training of master trainers and teachers, and
works closely with them. More than 200 teachers have been trained.
Teaching methodologies have improved through the creation of the IE
toolkit and by increasing communication among teachers, students, and
parents. Teachers have become more open to new ideas, even ideas that
at Þrst seemed challenging and difÞcult to understand or accept. Teacher
attitude changes towards groups of children vulnerable to exclusion
(children with HIV and AIDS, children with developmental impairments,
etc.) were measured using pre- and post-training questionnaires.
93.
Source: author interviews with teachers, school inspectors, principals, and
headmasters.
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Many MoE ofÞcials have now come on board – an important
achievement. They now understand the concept of IE and encourage the
development of a policy for it; as such, MoE government ofÞcials have
become much more active partners in promoting IE in schools and teacher
training programmes. For instance, the Teacher Education Department
has expressed its support for a component on IE in its teacher training
programme, so that all new teachers will be trained in the concept as well
as in teaching methodology to ensure that all children actively participate
in the education process. In addition, the Working Group on Inclusive
Education, consisting of UN agencies, NGOs, and the MoE, has been
established to coordinate all IE activities.
The Teacher Training Department has also come on board. Its Þrst
staff training on IE was held in April 2010, and there is potential to
reach across the country so that teachers from all provinces and districts
become aware of IE and its importance in ensuring quality education
across Afghanistan.
Finally, district education ofÞcers in the pilot school districts have
also become aware of the pilot schools, and have supported IE. The
master trainers carry out their training tasks in addition to their regular
teaching jobs. The district education ofÞcers have been ßexible about
the number of hours the master trainers allocate to their regular jobs, so
that they can spend more time assisting teachers in other schools to make
them more inclusive. This was approved by the MoE’s head of section
for IE.
IE initiatives in Afghanistan have had a great impact on the Afghan
education system, a policy-level change evident in the difference between
NESP-I and NESP-II. Structurally, the MoE’s new IE unit is a Þrm step
forward. IE has become a vital tool for achieving the EFA goals. There is
also greater awareness among teachers, parents, school authorities, and
government ofÞcials: parents and other community members have become
more active in their support of the educational and committee activities
of the IE pilot schools. By government regulation, schools in Afghanistan
are supposed to have seven committees to address and campaign for issues
of health and sanitation, the environment, and community involvement
in school activities, among other topics. However, in most schools they
are inactive. As a positive outcome of the IE project, these committees
have become active in some of the 29 IE pilot schools. Parents and other
community members now come to the school more often, asking teachers
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how to support their children educationally. Their increased involvement
has led to heightened awareness.
The impact of IE has not been felt on the schools and the education
system alone; it has also extended to individual families regardless of
their background, their circumstances, or the disabilities or special needs
of their children.94 The families and parents of the 400 children who
are now in school due to the project are also its indirect beneÞciaries.
In addition, teachers who have received training in IE go on to train
other teachers in their schools, thereby changing the overall mindset
positively.95
The mindset of parents has changed as well. They have become
more proud of their children; they do not look only at their disabilities
but have learned to value their abilities (Enabling Education Network
Asia, 2008, 2009). At the outset of the project, many parents expressed
concern that their children with disabilities would be bullied; in 2010,
parents were meeting with master trainers twice a month and there had
not been a single report of bullying of these children in any of the pilot
schools. It can be assumed that the inclusion of these children in the
schools and in regular classrooms has created empathy among other
students, resulting in a more child-friendly atmosphere and one that is
more conducive to learning.
Overall, these achievements owe their success to the approach taken
initially in implementing this project. It started as a grassroots project
with a bottom-up approach that sought to train teachers and parents within
communities. Due to the overwhelming needs of the education sector in
Afghanistan as a whole, it was decided not to develop a concrete strategic
plan, but to work with and include teachers, parents, and government
ofÞcials in every one of the project’s steps, slowly introducing the concept
and incorporating the ideas, opinions, and concerns of all those involved.
Ultimately, the project has been successful because it allowed time for
perceptions to change and encouraged all those involved to design the
process and deÞne the goals together. It did not push too far or too hard
at the beginning, but made space for change and for the perceptions of
94.
95.
For an example, see the case story ‘Now they respect me’ about a deaf boy who
became able to communicate with his family after he and his older brother received
IE training (Enabling Education Network Asia, 2008: 17).
Source: weekly UNESCO visits to the pilot schools for the last two years; attitude
changes observed during training.
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those involved to change. The achievement therefore is marked by strong
project ownership and a successful process of inclusion, in addition to
reaching the project’s targets.
CD and awareness-raising activities have also made a real impact
at the policy level. In 2009, UNESCO supported the MoE in drafting
NESP-II (MoE, 2010a). This led to the recognition of the importance
of IE, as reßected in NESP-II, which clearly emphasizes the MoE’s
commitment to promoting IE throughout Afghanistan. Furthermore, IE
is now a crosscutting issue in the Interim Plan to be submitted to the
FTI (MoE, 2010b), supporting the belief that Afghanistan will not reach
the EFA goals unless schools become inclusive and child-friendly. The
MoE also prepared a Country Report titled ‘Reaching the unreached and
decentralization’ (MoE, 2009b) with the support of UNESCO for the
second South Asia EFA Ministerial Forum in December 2009.
According to the new tashkeel, the MoE is planning to establish a
Unit on Inclusive and Child-Friendly Education under a new Department
for Equal Access to Quality Education for All. The impact here is double:
consensus is growing on the fact that EFA cannot be reached without
IE. The new unit will ensure sustainability, ownership, and leadership
of the different projects within the MoE and, more importantly, will
help institutionalize the IE efforts made so far. This new unit will focus,
among other priorities, on policies and regulations, human resource
development, data collection, and the expansion of the pilot schools.
There are several lessons to be learned from the implementation
of the Inclusive Pilot Schools project. First, a comprehensive baseline
survey was not conducted at the outset, making it difÞcult to measure
the exact project impact. Second, better-structured reporting should
have taken place throughout the project’s initial phases to ensure quality
assurance as well as better-structured training. Most of the training was
ad hoc, based on need and requests by the teachers, and therefore was
not consistently documented. Third, until recently the principals of
schools and the district education ofÞcers were not sufÞciently involved,
which created some friction between teachers and school management.
Fourth, until recently master trainers were not legally appointed by the
government. More efforts should have been made to formalize their role
as master trainers, which would have strengthened their authority within
the system.
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Lastly, the initial project phases were not sufÞciently anchored
within the different MoE levels. While some government ofÞcials were
involved from the beginning, considerable staff turnover later resulted in
project implementation difÞculties. The implementing agencies should
have worked more comprehensively with the different layers of the MoE
to ensure full and consistent involvement by all key MoE government
ofÞcials. As suggested by Barnett R. Rubin, the Afghan government
needs to receive both resources and assistance to develop its leadership
if it is to deliver tangible beneÞts in areas of international development
(Rubin, 2007). While the country has re-established basic government
institutions, they need to be considerably strengthened (Rubin, 2006).
Future projects promoting inclusive and child-friendly education in
Afghanistan will need to engage the MoE in order to build IE capacities
at all levels of the government. The establishment of a new unit on
Inclusive and Child-Friendly Education will most deÞnitely strengthen
this component.
It is critical to concentrate CD activities on civil servants, not on
people temporarily linked to a project. It is important to institutionalize
CD activities, which should be seen as a cycle with constant follow-up.
This task is the responsibility of all stakeholders. One-off training can
be a waste of time and money without proper follow-up and a strategy
for sustainability identiÞed and followed. Refresher training is always
needed, which is also a way to test the CD impact. To assess the impact, it
is important to discover whether the attitude of participants has changed.
Changing the way people work is one of the indicators of success of CD,
in addition to knowledge and skills.
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Chapter 10
Lessons learned
Morten Sigsgaard
10.1 Introduction
Chapter 4 detailed IIEP’s experiences in CD with the MoE’s DoPE.
Chapters 5–9 offered an account from the MoE’s own point of view, as
well as the experiences of a consortium of international NGOs (PACE-A),
a donor agency (the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs), and a UN
agency (UNESCO Kabul), all of whom have been involved in developing
capacity in other parts of the MoE.
This chapter traces common patterns in these case studies to draw
out lessons learned for CD agencies involved in Afghanistan’s education
sector.
10.2 Lessons learned about capacity development
with Afghanistan’s MoE
Building trusting relationships takes time, and is required for
high-level political backing
Earning trust, respect, and legitimacy – a subset of the capability to relate
and attract resources and support – is a necessary prerequisite for CD in
Afghanistan’s operational environment, which is characterized by trust
gaps due to high levels of corruption, insecurity, and political instability.
Sperling (2006) uses the concept of trust gaps to identify a number
of issues affecting education donors and recipient governments that may
prevent donor involvement. The trust gaps concern: (1) the recipient
government’s ability to manage and disburse funds, (2) governmental
diversion of funds to Þnance war, (3) the ability of the central government
to prevent fraud and abuse, (4) inequitable use of funding across regions
or across groups, (5) the use of education aid to teach hate or perpetuate
oppression, and (6) concerns about the government’s basic motives.
Waldman (2008) has documented that some donors in Afghanistan
face aid effectiveness issues that could put their own credibility in question.
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For example, regarding trust gap (2), it could be asked why some donor
governments invest 14 times more in the war than in reconstruction and
development, especially when 2008 saw US$25 billion committed but
only about US$15 billion spent, ‘an aid shortfall of some $10 billion,
equal to thirty times the annual education budget’ (Waldman, 2008: 1).
The NGOs in the PACE-A consortium had earned credibility
through 28 years of experience in delivering education in Afghanistan
and in Afghan refugee camps in Pakistan; in the 1990s, NGO education
was often all that existed. IIEP had to wait four years before its project
really started rolling. Those years were spent Þguring out jointly which
CD modalities made sense, training a number of planners, and getting to
know key individual MoE counterparts such as the Deputy Minister and
the director of planning.
This foundation of mutual trust was the basis that IIEP and PACE-A
needed to seize the political window of opportunity that opened when
Hanif Atmar became Minister in 2006. It enabled IIEP to convince Atmar
to join hands and take a leap of faith in trying out a more long-term and
participatory approach to planning, despite the risk of push-back from
central government. PACE-A, too, relied on Atmar’s personal support
for community education to get its policy modiÞcations through, and to
discipline less cooperative provincial education directors to get in line
with policy and treat PACE-A’s provincial liaison ofÞcers properly.
It helped that Minister Atmar possessed an outstanding capability
to commit and engage, including high aspirations for education,
perseverance, determination to see things through, and the ability
to instil conviction among the MoE staff around him. As mentioned
in Section 2.3, this capability is the driving energy for the other four
recognized capabilities; because Atmar communicated this energy to his
staff, the CD agencies could focus on developing other capabilities. From
a Ministry point of view, one senior MoE staff member commented that
it was the MoE that inßuenced the NGOs, preventing them from running
a parallel system competing with public education, and instead turning
CBE into a complementary and integrated part of the national education
system (personal communication, December, 2010).
When UNESCO Kabul enlisted the support of the current Minister
of Education, Farooq Wardak, for its IE programme, it was also able
to draw on credibility earned from leading literacy programmes, as
well as its presence in Kabul since 2002 (also a key factor for IIEP’s
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Lessons learned
success) and an institutional history of partnership with Afghanistan’s
MoE dating back to the 1960s. UNESCO Kabul attributes the success of
the programme to its experimental bottom-up approach, but has also put
much work into securing the needed top-level support of the Minister and
other high-level ofÞcials by partnering with the MoE to produce reports
for UNESCO’s 48th International Conference on Education in Geneva
2009, and organizing a high-level roundtable and a national conference
on IE in 2010.
Lobbying, awareness-raising, and building knowledge are all parts
of the advocacy work needed to generate mutual agreement on the end
goal, which leads to political support and the Ministry taking ownership.
PACE-A, IIEP, and UNESCO Kabul’s IE programme all emphasized
this. Joint review mechanisms, where TAs are held accountable not
just to their implementing agency but also to the MoE, form one way
of ensuring this alignment and ownership. Collaborative drafting and
signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the MoE and
the CD agency is another mechanism that ensures that counterparts are
literally on the same page.
The Ministers and the MoE, as well as IIEP, PACE-A, and UNESCO
Kabul (and also the Netherlands), have made sure to take advantage of
the political capital that education carries with it. Embracing CBE or IE
would count on the Minister’s track record in seeking to meet EFA goals.
Such political capital is necessary for pushing reform through, and it
would be irrational not to tap into it.
People come and go, but systems remain
The capability to carry out technical, service delivery, and logistical tasks
is often seen as the main capacity to be developed, because this is where
the measurable results stem from, as pointed out in Section 2.3. The
agencies in this book underline that this capability hinges on systems:
the title of Chapter 6, ‘People come and go but systems remain’, points
to the fact that political will, personal charisma, or strength of leadership
are dependent on personalities and therefore unreliable – especially in
a political reality that has seen no less than six ministers of education
during Hamid Karzai’s presidency (as of October 2010). Systems outlive
personalities.
Chapter 5 testiÞes to this: systems allow for planning based on
facts, can reduce corruption, and are key to actually enacting the MoE’s
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policies. These systems include the EMIS, school maps using GIS,
the Academic Supervision system for surveying teaching quality, the
Education Planning System with its simulation and projection models and
logframes, and the massive P&G system that includes ToRs, pay scales,
and staff evaluation procedures. The MoE notes that more remains to be
done, for example extending the systems to the sub-national levels, and
also that more systems are needed, such as a comprehensive monitoring
and evaluation system.
Systems, though, are no stronger than the staff who operate them.
There are limits to the structural contradictions systems can bridge – for
example, the P&G system, with its improvement of civil servant salaries,
still remains unable to compete with international agency salaries. Yet it
is telling that the MoE has some degree of faith that the P&G reform will
lead to a culture of competitiveness and self-improvement, to replace
cultures of nepotism, patronage, and passivity.
UNESCO Kabul reports similar challenges from the literacy
sub-sector. Systems such as Literacy Surveys (ALAS) and the EMIS for
Non-Formal Education (NFE-MIS) are in place; the next challenge is
staff retention, and here the key is decent salaries and working conditions,
and getting a chance to actually use the knowledge acquired through
agency-sponsored training courses in the local MoE context.
Establishing specialized national CD programmes is a logical
next step for the MoE in systematizing, regularizing, and nationalizing
current CD efforts. IIEP as well as the Netherlands support the EQUIP
programme through the Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund (ARTF).
The Dutch are establishing a National Agriculture Education Center
(NAEC) in Kabul, using an interesting ‘employment bond’ to retain staff
within the organization: this bond combines a one-year master’s course
in the Netherlands with a contract to stay at least Þve years in the service
of NAEC, plus a job guarantee from the MoE. IIEP is set to create a
national training programme in its upcoming cooperation with the MoE.
And the MoE itself aims to establish a number of national institutes for
CD, educational planning, and curriculum development, and academies
for teacher training in basic education, literacy, and TVET.
PACE-A and UNESCO Kabul’s literacy programme’s systematic
bottom-up mobilization of teachers and communities was another method
for becoming less reliant on individuals. Creating grassroots movements
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Lessons learned
for inclusive or community-based education is also a kind of system that
MoE structures can tap into and draw strength from.
Figure 1 (p. 33) highlights that CD agencies cannot just implement
their systems, but also need to take into account the institutional culture
dimension, which in some cases means dealing with unpleasant features
such as patronage and clientelism, lack of initiative, and the ‘allowance
culture’ (Section 2.2). The MoE has written at length about insufÞcient
staff motivation related to physical insecurity, political instability, or
sluggish Þnancial procedures. To the MoE, the third factor seemed as
hopeless as the Þrst two. Temporary acceptance or resignation over these
issues seemed like a rational responses. Meanwhile, the MoE hoped
that other issues, such as unclear ToRs, or underpaid staff, could Þnd
a technical solution – a space that CD work could meaningfully Þll at
the time. The MoE hoped that the P&G system would help create a
work culture based on initiative, self-improvement, clear ToRs, and CD
objectives. However, some of the larger contradictions, such as the TA
salary discrepancy, were still at issue, and the MoE had to accept that
changes were more up to donors and would take time. UNESCO Kabul
had similar experiences, noticing the existence of the ‘allowance culture’,
but also highlighting its own attempts to make its Literacy Programme is
worth investing in by the MoE.
PACE-A and the MoE both note that establishing systems and, for
PACE-A, placing TAs at provincial levels, can help to uncover patronage
and clientelism. Systems need to be supplemented with political pressure:
to get things done, the highest-level political support in the form of letters
signed by the Minister was necessary – and even that was not always
enough.
At the end of the day, the statement ‘People come and go but
systems remain’ has a double meaning. These systems are not only the
technocratic (and for any education administration, deeply necessary)
systems that CD agencies try to put in place. They are also the traditional
and embedded systems (such as those of patronage and loyalty to other
forms of social organization than the state), which agencies and the MoE
itself have to work with, as they will not change in a hurry.
Focus on processes, policy, and procedures, more than products
In assisting the MoE to develop the NESP-I, IIEP emphasized a focus on
process as much as products. The style of partnership could be termed
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‘accompaniment’, meaning both sitting down and planning together,
and IIEP always remaining available to discuss new policies before they
were tried.
PACE-A’s approach was based on working on policy and
procedures, combined with counselling individuals to take on their new
responsibilities. One of these policies was an Afghanization of the INEE
Minimum Standards for CBE in Afghanistan, a set of standards that for
instance the Netherlands help fund globally.
The aim for the CD agency should be to become redundant over
time, as both PACE-A and IIEP have stated. This implies letting go, as
IIEP did when the MoE suddenly developed a new draft of the NESP-II
on its own initiative. Of course, the products – the NESPs – had a number
of beneÞts, such as enabling donor coordination and creating coherence
within the sector. UNESCO Kabul’s literacy framework and PACE-A’s
CBE policy had similar effects. But what really mattered was the capacity
that the NESPs gave the impetus to develop. With time, the NESP-II
itself began addressing capacity explicitly, and it became obligatory for
every NESP-II programme to have a CD objective.
When the process is more important than the product, CD can begin
to take place through a broad variety of modalities, as both Chapter 4
and especially Chapter 7 document. This is a source of robustness: If one
modality were to be blocked, for instance for security reasons, then there
would always be alternatives.
Donors’ ßexibility and long-term commitment are invaluable
If time is required to develop trusting relationships, then CD agencies need
donors to remain ßexible and committed to funding long-term projects.
The success stories in this book are partly thanks to donors willing to
engage themselves for multi-year periods and ‘take responsible risks’, as
the Netherlands put it in their guiding policy principles. In doing so, these
donors have lived up to their commitment to the Paris principles, which
is laudable given the domestic pressures they face from parliaments and
taxpayers, to whom it is easier to sell short-term projects with tangible
impacts than long-term CD. In the Dutch case, the government in 2010
had to step down and call elections because of popular discontent with
Dutch military involvement in Afghanistan’s Uruzgan province.
USAID supported PACE-A over a Þve-year period. Understanding
that Atmar’s period in ofÞce was a unique window of opportunity,
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USAID permitted PACE-A to shift funds to development of MoE
capacity for CBE at central and sub-national levels, even though the new
CBE policy was still in draft form, and the strategies went well beyond
the parameters of the original project design (for example, they entailed
hiring 20 new advisors).
Sweden’s development agency (Sida) was very ßexible in
supporting a two-year set-up of UNESCO Kabul’s IE programme without
any long-term strategic plan, favouring instead bottom-up participatory
programme design with teachers, parents, and education ofÞcials. This
allowed perceptions to change and enabled an ongoing negotiation of
goals and content. It resulted in strong ownership and was central to the
programme’s success.
Norway (NORAD) supported IIEP for over three years. This
medium-term time horizon meant that IIEP did not need to spend time
on raising funds, which in the 2002-2005 period had limited IIEP’s
capability to commit and engage. NORAD permitted wide-ranging
changes in project design, such as suddenly hiring 10 new project staff
when the project needed it, and actively took part in discussions around
the project, thanks to having a highly committed education specialist in
charge of the portfolio.
Agency coordination and TAs: take ourselves as the starting
point?
Coordination mechanisms such as the HRDB and the use of the NESPs
as a coordination tool have been crucial in replacing individual donor
commitments with collective alignment and harmonization based on
policy dialogue. Coordination mechanisms seem like the only possible
way to harmonize TA salaries. As pointed out in Chapter 5, the widespread
use of TAs and their high salaries led to negative – albeit unintended
– consequences such as brain drain, jealousy, marginalization, and
demoralization on the part of the civil servants, who are supposed to
run the Ministry, but whose salaries are lower than the lowest TA salary,
even after the effects of the P&G reform.96 Three questions arise: How
can Afghanistan develop an education system that it can actually afford?
96.
Figures vary, but entry level civil servant salaries were US$60 a month before
the P&G reform and doubled to US$130 after the reform. Salaries for heads of
departments quadrupled from US$160 to US$650 a month. Meanwhile, the
lowest TA salary is usually around US$600 a month, but can be much higher. In
comparison, an Afghan driver for the UN can earn US$1000 a month.
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What might such an education system look like if it was designed to
be run mainly by civil servants? How can the MoE, donors, and CD
agencies make it highly attractive to become a civil servant?
The fact that donors are able to pay international advisors
US$20,000–40,000 per month (Waldman, 2008: 3), and can pay Afghan
TAs salaries seven times higher than those of civil servants (MoE,
2010c), as noted in Chapter 5, shows that there are donor funds available
to make a civil servant career more attractive. Whether Afghanistan will
be able to afford this wage bill on its own through taxation at some point
is less clear, as pointed out in Chapter 5; this principle of sustainability
is perhaps one reason why donors refrain from further bolstering civil
servant salaries. Yet it seems clear that donors could spend aid much
more effectively.
Given the MoE’s sluggish Þnancial procedures – noted in
Chapters 5, 6 and 8, and evidenced by its inability to spend more
than 44 per cent of its core development budget in 2009 – it would be
unreasonable to expect donors and CD agencies to simply get rid of the
TA job category.97 But the least donors and CD agencies can do is to
cooperate with the MoE on mapping and harmonizing TA salaries. The
MoE has a TA policy and a standard TA salary, which it has presented
to the donors at the HRDB. According to a senior MoE staff member,
the issue is that some donors have adopted their own salary standards
instead of approving and pushing for the MoE’s salary policy (personal
communication, MoE senior staff member, December 2010). Donors
and agencies cannot ignore the fact that their policies and practices
are a signiÞcant part of the challenging context that the MoE operates
in. An exercise for donors and agencies would be to translate the Þrst
OECD-DAC principle into ‘Take ourselves as the starting point’, and
apply the ‘do no harm’ principle to their own stafÞng policies. This
may run counter to some agencies’ rational self-interest: for example,
they may want to get the best staff by paying high salaries. However,
the question is whether donors can afford to look after their own best
interests only. In the long run, the MoE’s human resource issues can only
be solved if donors agree to take collective action. Donor coordination
on TA salaries would lead to greater aid effectiveness for donors and the
97.
As mentioned in Chapter 8, there are limits to the scope of what CD agencies
should expect to reform. In the case of the Afghan state’s Þnancial systems, the aim
of education agencies cannot be to ‘Þx’ them, but instead to work around them and
have other arms of donor agencies work in parallel for incremental change.
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Lessons learned
MoE alike, thus enabling them to deliver better education results for the
Afghan people.
The art of the possible: pragmatism goes a long way
PACE-A’s experience with CBE agency coordination from the Working
Group on CBE demonstrates that respectful, pragmatic compromises
across agencies are possible. The situation facing the Group was that
CBE provision was spread unevenly across the country: some provinces
were underserved while in other provinces several CBE organizations
were active delivering education programmes – for example, UNICEF,
BRAC, SCA, and Save the Children. Minister Atmar, in the name of
equity, asked if perhaps CBE organizations could geographically relocate
themselves and saturate the country more evenly. Organizations were
not prepared to leave provinces altogether, because they would have
had to sacriÞce longstanding working relations, but they were willing
to Þnd compromise where possible. Later, PACE-A held CBE forums
every month from December 2006 to April 2009, which led to further
compromises between NGOs, perhaps founded on a solid level of trust,
and because such compromises were necessary in the eyes of the MoE to
enhance the CBE outreach and hence increase equity. Perhaps this spirit
of cooperation and compromise could be an inspiration to donors in the
HRDB for dealing with the TA dilemmas?
Pragmatism, compromise, and tailoring systems to Afghan realities
were also necessary ingredients in both the MoE’s and PACE-A’s approach
to teacher training. Teachers are the largest group of MoE employees and
working with them is a test of the ability to scale up, a different challenge
from central-level planning exercises. Some PACE-A teachers delivered
teaching of an acceptable quality, as they had gone through informal
NGO training, despite never having gone beyond grade 9 in the formal
school system. PACE-A lobbied for their recognition and thus retained a
valuable human resource, which could have been disqualiÞed if abstract
policy criteria from Kabul had not been adapted to Þeld realities. The
MoE also had to resort to short-term INSET programmes, given the
impossibility of upgrading all its 159,000 teachers properly. It is better to
work with what you have got than to do nothing; as is often the case in
Afghanistan, the approach has got to be incremental.
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Begin with the basics – ofÞce space, language, computers
PACE-A, IIEP, and UNESCO Kabul found that being embedded in MoE
ofÞces was necessary for ensuring policy enactment, keeping abreast
of the latest developments in the MoE, and building trust and political
capital. They started out by helping refurbish the physical buildings
(PACE-A furnished the director of basic education’s ofÞce with a carpet)
and providing MoE staff with basic furniture and computers. UNESCO
Kabul simply built provincial or district literacy centres and invited MoE
staff to come and work there.
Language and cultural competencies were also central. IIEP offered
its staff a package of English lessons and computer skills (which is also
a ‘language’ that needs to be learned). Translation into Dari and Pashto
was central to government ownership of the NESP-I as well as the
CBE policy. The fact that NESP-II was initially drafted in Dari carried
symbolic signiÞcance, and MoE staff training in Iran, Jordan, and India
had the advantage of cultural and linguistic proximity. Conversely, the
MoE as well as the IIEP point out that international advisors who lack
Dari or Pashto skills and knowledge of Afghan culture and realities are
less efÞcient, as they need translators.
Starting with the basics made it possible to develop the capability
to commit and engage, something that cannot be taken for granted.
After having carpeted her ofÞce, given her a laptop with internet, and
taught her computer skills, PACE-A’s CBE advisor worked alongside the
MoE’s director for basic education and provided her with a monitoring
tool that made it easy for her to visit CBE schools and assess them. The
director quickly showed commitment. IIEP had similar experiences with
the director of the DoPE and other staffs.
Keep advancing the gender agenda
Women are drastically under-represented in Afghanistan’s education
sector: 26 per cent of all MoE employees are female. As noted in
Chapter 5, the stereotypical assumption is that women are not suitable
for planning and management positions, and that the public authorities
tend to collude with this belief. This keeps many women from even
trying to compete with men for high managerial positions and produces
a serious human resource issue.
Just as all aid agencies should ‘analyse all their activities for CD
opportunities that may exist within them’ (Bethke, 2009: 25), so should
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Lessons learned
all CD agencies analyse all their activities for opportunities to increase
gender equity and participation.
IIEP and the MoE, and probably several other agencies, have
experimented with positive discrimination (employing female applicants
wherever possible), Þnancial and practical incentives (ensuring
accommodation in separate dorms, hiring taxis for transport), and a
public information campaign to increase awareness of the positive
beneÞts of women’s education. Afghanistan’s education sector needs to
keep experimenting with these initiatives.
Decentralization and nation-building
Decentralization of education – how much, of which responsibilities –
is a key question in the larger nation-building scheme, as discussed in
Chapter 3. The agencies in this publication have run into this issue in
various ways.
The MoE has devolved recruitment of civil servants, decision-making
on spending allocated budgets, and local-level planning to its sub-national
ofÞces. It conÞrms, however, that control over the curriculum cannot just
be left entirely to provincial preferences; without central oversight, local
power holders would be likely to hijack the curriculum, resulting in a
fragmentation of the Afghan nation, each province with its own set of war
heroes, with unpredictable consequences for access and equity within the
provinces. National-level equity across provinces requires central control
too. This, however, has to be weighed against a realistic estimate of how
much control the centre can expect to exercise over the periphery.
PACE-A’s programme went in the opposite direction, centralizing
coordination and funding of an otherwise autonomous CBE system.
It succeeded in getting CBE schools registered within the mainstream
system, and in persuading the MoE to put CBE teachers on its payroll.
Still, much of the training and service delivery was kept in NGO hands to
avoid the MoE system’s worst drawbacks, such as Þnancial management.
PACE-A’s experience shows that not even Atmar’s ministerial decrees
were enough to get all provincial ofÞcers in line with CBE policy.
Compromise and negotiation seem to be necessary.
Drawing on Rubin (2002) and Samady (2001), Chapter 8 points
out that, historically, nation-building in its top-down, ideological form
has never succeeded in Afghanistan. Yet as indicated in the discussion
of Giustozzi in Chapter 3, imposing an ideology is not the only way to
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make a population feel allegiance to the state. Equitable, non-ideological
education provision is itself a way for the state to make itself relevant to
its citizens. In the very long run, this should contribute to building a social
contract, enable efÞcient taxation, and reduce the state of Afghanistan’s
dependence on foreign aid.
Perhaps a two-track curriculum, with a centrally deÞned and
non-negotiable base and a modiÞable superstructure to suit local
preferences, would be a solution. In any case, the challenge of monitoring
and enforcing these rules remains, particularly in insecure provinces.
It remains to be tested whether technological solutions such as school
monitoring using mobile phones, as has been tried successfully in
Southern Sudan,98 could play a role here.
Hope, faith, and trust: people matter
In drafting the CBE policy, ‘the Ministry needed to set ambitious goals for
itself. Minister Atmar made no apology for setting high goals but rather
viewed it as his duty and the right of all Afghan children to receive quality
education’, according to PACE-A. This idealistic ambition pervaded not
just CBE but NESP-I as a whole, as well as NESP-II, and has drawn ßak
for doing so, for instance during the 2010 review of the NESP-II for FTI
endorsement (Adam Smith International, 2010b). Planning, after all, has
to be realistic, otherwise it is a vision, not an operational plan. Hope is
not a strategy.
A parallel example is the INEE Minimum Standards for Education,
a global reference tool for education in emergencies, which is supported
by the Netherlands and has been adapted to the Afghan context by
PACE-A. Despite being called ‘minimum’, these are often rather high
standards compared with Þeld realities, which is why they also serve
as an advocacy tool (personal communication with international NGO
representative, 2009).
98.
The US consultancy company Academy for Educational Development has
pioneered the use of mobile phones in data gathering and monitoring in Southern
Sudan (AED, 2009). Teachers, parent–teacher association members, or others, can
use simple mobile phone questionnaires to report on the actual state of schools
to the central level ministry. The same reporting could be done for curriculum or
other aspects of the schools. This could circumvent layers of bureaucratic paper
reporting and could potentially lead to better links between the citizens and the
MoE and improved accountability. Technology will not be an easy Þx to the
problem of school governance, but the idea deserves to be tried.
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Lessons learned
In response, it could be argued that a national strategic plan is not
the same as a set of minimum standards. But that misses the point. In
Afghanistan’s political process, an ambitious national plan signalled a
will for drastic change, a statement of national self-conÞdence, as if to
say ‘The country may be devastated, but that is even more reason why
the education sector deserves the best.’ After the plan had been presented
in public, President Karzai ordered other line ministries to produce
similar plans. NESP-I was an expression of will directed towards donors,
education agencies in the sector, and the population, a refusal to accept
mediocrity. A national plan may inspire feelings of hope, dignity, or
conÞdence – invaluable resources in a context where everything is a
priority and everything a challenge.
Sustained Þnancial support is a must for achieving national
development objectives
This book has analysed the challenges of developing capacity in
Afghanistan’s MoE, challenges of a technical nature as well as at policy
level. However, beyond all this, it seems wise to recall the higher purpose
of this exercise: Why is it essential to invest in education in Afghanistan?
For many years to come, there will be a critical need for sustained
Þnancial support – from the international community as well as the
Government of Afghanistan – not just for the purpose of developing the
MoE’s capacity, but more importantly for enabling Afghanistan to achieve
its overall national development objectives, which is a precondition for
nation-building and socio-economic growth.
An education programme of a decent quality and relevance obviously
needs committed and well-trained staff working in proper systems in
order to deliver results across the country. However, adequate Þnancial
resources are also needed to run the education system and absorb the
remaining 42 per cent of out-of-school children.
One of the MoE’s recent accomplishments, as outlined in Chapter 4,
is its production of a revised national education sector plan, the NESP-II.
Perhaps the level of ambition outlined in the NESP-II is a good indication
of the fact that the Government of Afghanistan, as well as the international
community, still has a long way to go in developing the Þnancial and
human resources of the MoE and of Afghanistan as a whole.
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Chapter 11
Conclusion
Morten Sigsgaard
This chapter sums up the lessons learned, and points to future directions
for CD in Afghanistan’s education sector.
11.1 Future directions
The MoE’s educational planning process in 2010, under the leadership of
Minister Farooq Wardak, was marked by its attempt to join the EFA-FTI
and thus gain additional funding for its NESP-II. In early March 2010, the
MoE had an almost complete draft NESP-II ready (MoE, 2010a). This
draft, however, featured a huge US$8 billion budget. As a part of the FTI
accession process, an international consultant team from Adam Smith
International (ASI) produced an education sector analysis (ASI, 2010a)
and an assessment of the NESP-II (ASI, 2010b), which recommended
developing an Interim Plan with a more realistic budget and clearer
priorities. This Interim Plan was prepared with the assistance of an IIEP
consultant, among others, and by December 2010 existed in draft form
only (MoE, 2010b). This book has deliberately stuck to past events and
refrained from commenting on this FTI accession process, as it is still
ongoing. It can be noted, however, that the current draft Interim Plan
looks fairly realistic, partly because it features a more credible analysis
of the risks in Afghanistan’s context, partly because its budget seems
geared more towards actual implementation than the draft NESP-II was.
2010 was also a year where the much-debated governmental
reconciliation process with the Taliban and other insurgents caught the
news headlines, as it became apparent that the US and other international
armed forces will pull out most of their troops, with US President Obama
mentioning July 2011 as a deadline. It is uncertain whether the Taliban
will join the government and, if so, what will happen to the education
sector and the MoE. Would girls’ education still be permitted? Would the
attacks on education end? To what degree would international agencies
support a different government? Would the MoE be able to retain the
capacity that it has developed since 2002?
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Conclusion
Until these political issues become clearer, the MoE and its partner
agencies have lots of work to do, as Chapters 4–9 show. A task that
seems relevant, as described by the MoE in Section 5.6, is to further
efforts to strengthen the provincial levels by establishing specialized CD
institutes where larger numbers of national staff could be trained.
Given the potential risk of increasing conßict affecting the education
system, another highly relevant task would be to set up a M&E system
(as pointed out in Section 5.6, the MoE currently does not have one),
which should include indicators for conßict and disaster preparedness,
tailored to Afghanistan.99 These preparedness measures are increasingly
being integrated in educational planning risk zones around the world,
including in the Global Education Cluster (IIEP, forthcoming).
11.2 Summary of lessons learned
A number of lessons were learned about CD from this book’s case studies:
•
•
•
99.
Building trusting partnerships takes time and is required
for high-level political backing. Decade-long engagements in
Afghanistan have allowed agencies to gain credibility and develop
trusting partnerships with the MoE. The agencies needed this
base of trust and credibility in order to capitalize on windows of
opportunity. Political backing was also ensured through advocacy
and collaborative work.
People come and go, but systems remain. Service delivery and
enactment of the MoE’s many positive policies hinges on systems.
They enable planning based on facts, and can reduce corruption
and reduce reliance on individuals. Systems can include EMIS,
education surveys, and the P&G scheme; but can also be systematic
support of grassroots movements. The next step in this process of
systematization is to establish national CD programmes.
Donor ßexibility and long-term commitment are helpful.
The donors – the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, and the USA –
who supported the CD activities adhered to the Paris principles
by engaging over several years, showing ßexibility, and taking
‘responsible risks’. Examples of good donor support were the
acceptance of sudden changes in project design and of bottom-up
Such as the indicators for conßict preparedness exempliÞed in the FTI Progressive
Framework (EFA-FTI, 2008), or Save the Children UK’s Education and Fragility
Barometer (2007).
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Conclusion
•
•
•
•
•
•
participatory programme design rather than a long-term strategic
plan.
Donor coordination is needed for salary harmonization.
Coordination mechanisms such as the HRDB could be instrumental
to solving a major stafÞng challenge: the salary disparity between
the parallel systems of civil servants, funded by the MoE, and
national TAs, funded by donors. Agencies should collaborate with
the MoE to map and harmonize TA salaries. This would improve
aid effectiveness and lead to better results for donors and the MoE
alike.
Choose pragmatic and basic solutions. The partnerships often
began with the basic infrastructure, like supplying ofÞce space
or teaching English and computer literacy. (Conversely, MoE
planning in Dari led to increased Afghan ownership.) Pragmatic
compromises were key: underqualiÞed teachers were upgraded
through short in-service teacher training programmes, and not all
CBE teachers got on the MoE payroll immediately. ‘Good enough’
governance is better than none.
Gender is also a human resource issue. Only 26 per cent of all MoE
employees are female. Many women refrain from competing with
men for high managerial positions due to internalized stereotypes of
female inferiority. This is a serious human resource issue. Agencies
need to scan all activities for opportunities to increase gender
participation.
Nation-building should build on decent, non-ideological
education. Through equitable, non-ideological education provision,
the state might one day make itself relevant to its citizens and become
less dependent on foreign aid. Decentralization of education – how
much, of which responsibilities – is a key question in the larger
scheme of building an Afghan nation and state.
Put processes before products. Agency collaboration with the
MoE on policy documents such as the NESP, the Afghanized INEE
Minimum Standards for CBE, and national policies for CBE, IE,
and Literacy gave impetus to CD and enabled donor coordination.
In the process, the MoE gained self-conÞdence, a prerequisite of the
ability to commit and engage.
A plan is a statement of will and self-conÞdence. The policy
documents mentioned have been criticized for being unrealistic.
However, in Afghanistan’s political process, ambitious national
plans signal a will for drastic change, and may create hope and
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Conclusion
•
self-conÞdence – invaluable resources in a context where everything
is a priority and everything a challenge.
Sustained Þnancial support is a must for achieving national
development objectives. Investment in developing MoE capacity
is an investment in national capacity as a whole, which is a
precondition for nation-building and socio-economic growth. An
education programme of a decent quality and relevance obviously
needs committed and well-trained staff working in proper systems
in order to deliver results across the country. However, adequate
Þnancial resources are also needed to run the education system
and absorb the remaining 42 per cent of out-of-school children.
The level of ambition outlined in the NESP-II indicates that the
Government of Afghanistan as well as the international community
still have a long way to go in developing the MoE’s Þnancial and
human resources.
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CertiÞcation counts: recognizing the learning attainments of displaced
and refugee students
Edited by Jackie Kirk, 2009
Rapid response: programming for education needs in emergencies
Jonathan Penson and Kathryn Tomlinson, 2009
206
International Institute for Educational Planning
www.iiep.unesco.org
Donors’ engagement: supporting education in fragile and conßictaffected states
Laura Brannelly, Susy Ndaruhutse and Carole Rigaud, 2009
Opportunities for change: education innovation and reform
during and after conßict
Edited by Susan Nicolai, 2009
Education and fragility in Afghanistan – a situational analysis
(Web only)
Morten Sigsgaard, 2009
Education and fragility in Bosnia and Herzegovina
(Web only)
Clare Magill, 2010
INEE Synthesis Report: Understanding Education’s Role in Fragility
Synthesis of four situational analyses of education and fragility:
Afghanistan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cambodia, Liberia
(Web only), 2011
International Institute for Educational Planning
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IIEP publications and documents
More than 1,500 titles on all aspects of educational planning have been
published by the International Institute for Educational Planning. A
comprehensive catalogue is available in the following subject categories:
Educational planning and global issues
General studies – global/developmental issues
Administration and management of education
Decentralization – participation – distance education
– school mapping – teachers
Economics of education
Costs and Þnancing – employment – international cooperation
Quality of education
Evaluation – innovation – supervision
Different levels of formal education
Primary to higher education
Alternative strategies for education
Lifelong education – non-formal education – disadvantaged groups
– gender education
Copies of the Catalogue may be obtained on request from:
IIEP, Publications and Communications Unit
info@iiep.unesco.org
Titles of new publications and abstracts may be consulted online:
www.iiep.unesco.org
International Institute for Educational Planning
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The International Institute for Educational Planning
The International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) is an international centre for
advanced training and research in the Þeld of educational planning. It was established by
UNESCO in 1963 and is Þnanced by UNESCO and by voluntary contributions from Member
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USA.
Designated Members:
Christine Evans-Klock
Director, ILO Skills and Employability Department, Geneva, Switzerland.
Carlos Lopes
Assistant Secretary-General and Executive Director,
United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR), United Nations, New
York, USA.
Jamil Salmi
Education Sector Manager, the World Bank Institute, Washington DC, USA.
Guillermo Sunkel
Social Affairs OfÞcer (ECLAC), Social Development Division, Santiago, Chile.
Elected Members:
Aziza Bennani (Morocco)
Ambassador and Permanent Delegate of Morocco to UNESCO.
Nina YeÞmovna Borevskaya (Russia)
Chief Researcher and Project Head, Institute of Far Eastern Studies, Moscow.
Birger Fredriksen (Norway)
Consultant on Education Development for the World Bank.
Ricardo Henriques (Brazil)
Special Adviser of the President, National Economic and Social Development Bank.
Takyiwaa Manuh (Ghana)
Professor, Former Director to the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana.
Jean-Jacques Paul (France)
Professor of Economics of Education, Department of Economics and Business
Administration, University of Bourgogne, Dijon.
Zhang Xinsheng (China)
Vice-Minister of Education, China.
Inquiries about the Institute should be addressed to:
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International Institute for Educational Planning
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On the road
to resilience
Capacity development with
the Ministry of Education in
Afghanistan
The book
States affected by conflict are far from achieving the
Education for All goals, and ‘capacity development’ is
frequently proposed as the solution to their difficulties.
This book investigates the challenges that war-torn
Afghanistan faces in rebuilding its education sector.
Case studies of capacity development partnerships
between Afghanistan’s Ministry of Education and two
UN agencies, an NGO consortium, and an education donor, explore
efforts to strengthen the country’s education system. Based on the
case studies, a number of key lessons are highlighted, including
the importance of high-level political backing, taking time to build
trusting partnerships, focusing on institutional development, putting
process and procedures before products, and sustaining education
aid in order to achieve national development objectives.
The editor
Morten Sigsgaard is an Assistant Programme Specialist at IIEP,
where he works on capacity development with the Education Cluster
and has authored a study on Afghanistan for INEE’s Working Group
on Education and Fragility. From 2000 to 2005 he was a volunteer
project coordinator for ActionAid in South-East Europe, setting up
non-formal education, community, and advocacy projects with youth.
International Institute
for Educational Planning
ISBN: 978-92-803-1355-0