The Multisensory Haggadah

AMS.COHEN UniversityofToronto THE MUL1JSENS0RY HAGGADAH* Beginning in the thirteenth century, European Jewish patrons began to quire illuminated manuscripts : bibles, the occasional commentary, and ·ous kinds of prayer books. 1 Among the most popular illustrated books was e haggadah, which contained the texts and sometimes the instructions for "therituals conducted at home on Passover evening. 2 Although these works ~ave been the subject of scholarly attention for over a century, 3 most analy* Eric Palazzo stimulated me to consider the illustrated medieval haggadah from the ,perspective of tl;_efive senses by inviting me to participate in the table-ronde on Le cinq Jens au Moyen Age (II) in Poitiers in May 2013. I am grateful to him, and I thank all the -;participantsfor their helpful comments and Sarah Guerin and Nicholas Herman for their support during my visit to Poitiers. Sarah Guerin and Jill Caskey were perceptive readers who improved the final version of this article (which was published originally in French , thanks to Blaise. Royer and Emmanuelle Roux); Linda Safran, even more than usual, was an inspiration from beginning to end. 1. See, in general, Joseph GUTMANN, Hebrew Manuscript Painting, New York, George Braziller, 1978; Bezalel NARKISS,Hebrew Illuminated Manuscripts in the British Isles.A CatalogueRaisonnf. 1he Spanish and PortugueseManuscripts, 2 vols., Jerusalem and "Christianity, Idolatry, London, Oxford University Press, 1982; Katrin KoGMAK-AFPEL, and the Qi.estion of Jewish Figural Painting in the Middle Ages," Speculum 84, 1, 2009, "Observations on the Biblical Miniatures in Spanish Haggadot," p. 73-107 ; Vivian lvlANN", Images4, 2011, p. 1-17. A useful introduction to Jewish book culture in medieval France Le livre dans la socitttjuive mtditvale de la France du nord, Paris, is Denis LEVY-WILLARD, Cerf, 2008. 2. The most important recent scholarly treatments are Katrin KoGMAN-AFPEL, Illuminated Haggadotfrom Medieval Spain: BiblicalImagery and the PassoverHoliday, University Park, PA, Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006, and Marc Michael EPSTEIN,1he Medieval Haggadah:Art, Narrative & ReligiousImagination, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2011. For a useful introduction and overview, see Joseph GUTMANN,"Haggadah Art," and in Passoverand Easter: 1he SymbolicStructuring if the Seasons,ed. Paul F. BRADSHA\i\/ Lawrence A. HoFFlVlAN, Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1999, p. 132-45. Also fundamental is Mendel METZGER,La Haggada Enluminte: Etude iconographiqueet stylistiquedes manuscritsenlumints et d!corts de la haggadah du XIIf au XVI' sii!cle,Leiden, E. J.Brill, 1973. 3. In 1898, Heinrich Miiller, Julius von Schlosser, and David Kaufmann WTote essays to accompany a partial facsimile of the Sarajevo Haggadah, Die Haggadahvon Sarajevo.Eine spanisch-jUdische BilderhandschriftdesMittelalters, Vienna, Alfred HOlder.-For a discussion 306 I LES CJNQSENS AU MOYEN AGE sis has focused either on tracing the pictorial and textual sources for the. h~ggadah illustrations or explicating their iconographic meaning, often w1thm the context of Jewish-Christian polemics. In this essay, however .\x I turn. instead to a consider~tion of the h~ggadah illustrations throughx'( the pnsm of the five senses m order to ennch our understanding of thec;J function of the pictures. Doing so not only provides a better appreciatiou 'iv of the role of the senses in the Passover evening celebration and of the · book used therein but also suggests consequences for our understandiug of such matters as orality, literacy, and visuality in medieval Europeau} culture more broadly. • Before analyzing the five senses in connection with the illustrated medie-i; val haggadah, it is important first to outline the nature of the Passover holiday of which it is a part. On the first night of the holiday, the fifteenth of the Hebrew month of Nissan (and, in the diaspora beyond the land of Israel, the second night as well), Jews gather to remember the Exodus from . Egypt. The roots of the holiday are laid out in several places in the Bible including Exodus 13:3, "And Moses said to the people : 'Remember thi; · day, in which you came out from Egypt, out of the house of bondage; for . by strength of hand the Lord brought you out from this place : no leavened • bread shall be eaten"' and Exodus 13:8, "And you shall tell thy son on that) day, saying, 'This is done because of what the Lord did for me when I went forth from Egypt."' Also mandated in the Bible is the eating of the unleavened matzah and a Passover, or Paschal, sacrifice called in Hebrew the korbanpesach. Details about the Paschal sacrifice are listed in Exodus 12 : each family should take either a sheep or goat without blemish, slaughter it toward evening of the fourteenth of Nissan, roast it, and eat the entire sacrifice before the morning of the fifteenth. From the time of the Exodus itself, which probably occurred in the thirteenth century BCE, until the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, when all animal sacrifices ceased, the Korban Pesachwas the main obligation of the holiday, which is called after it Pesach- Passover. 1 Although scholars still fiercely debate ?f this work, see Eva FROJMOVIC, "Buber in Basle, Schlosser in Sarajevo, Wischnitzer the Politics of Writing about Medieval Jewish Art," in Imagining the Se!fi Imagining the Other: VisualRepresentationandJewish-Christian Dynamics in theMiddle Ages and Early Modern Period, ed. Eva FROJMOVIC, Leiden, Brill, 2002, p. 1-32. 1. Literature on the Passover celebrations is vast. Good overviews can be found in Lawrence A. HoFFMAN,''The Passover Meal in Jewish Tradition," in Passoverand Easter: Origin and History to Modern Times, ed. Paul F. BRADSHAW and Lawrence A. HoFFMANr Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1999, p. 8-26, and Baruch M. BoKSER, 7he Originsefthe Seder. 7hePassoverRite and Early RabbinicJudaism, Berkeley, University of La P!ique]uive.Reflexionssur un message California Press, 1984. See also Paul Zn.BERMANN, universe!,Paris, L'Harmattan, 2010. 1n Weimar: ADAMS. COHEN I 307 precisely how it happened, the basic form of the seder - the Hebrew word for "order" that refers to the sequence of events as the evening ritual unfolds coalesced into the structure we know today in the aftermath of the destruction of the Temple. 1 Particulars of the early Rabbinic-period seder (ca. 10-500 CE) are detailed in, among other places, the Mishnah, the written compilation of the oral la¥,Tcodified in writing in approximately 200 CE. Over half of Pesachim, the tractate of the Mishnah devoted to the holiday, 'records information about the Paschal sacrifice and the laws of removing leavened foodstuffs, while the final chapter provides a rough outline of the seder that focuses on the consumption of matzah, maror (the bitter herb), four cups of wine, the recitation of celebratory Psalms (the Halle]), and the elaboration of the Exodus story. 2 During the early Middle Ages, the seder coalesced into the performance . of specific rituals and the recitation of fixed texts, including parts of the descriptive Mishnah just cited, that became ritualized components of the evening celebration ; these were codified in book called the haggadah. 3 As . indicated in part by the famous tenth-century prayer book of Saadia Gaon 1. Much of the scholarly literature about the history of the seder focuses on the differences between its nature before and after the destruction of the Temple and subsequent codification of the oral law in the Mishnah. See Judith H_AUPTtv!Ac"l\lN, "How Old is the Haggadah ?"Judaism 51, 1, 2002, 5 - 18, and Joshua KULP,"The Origins of the Seder and Haggadah," Currents in Biblical Research4.1, 2005, p. 109-34, -with older literature. There are several useful essays in My People'sPassoverHaggadah: Traditional Texts, Modern Commentaries,2 vols., ed. Lawrence A. HOFFMAN and David AF.Now,Woodstock, Vermont, · Jewish Lights Publishing, 2008. 2. Although any edition of the Mishnah may be consulted, especially helpful is Pinhas KEHATI, 1heMishnah: A New Translation with a Commentary,translated by Edward Levin, pt. 2, vol. 2, SederMoed: Pesachim,Shekalim, Yoma,Jerusalem, Eliner Library, Department for Torah Education and Culture in the Diaspora of the World Zionist Organization, 1994, esp. chap. 10, p. 158-75. 3. For important treatments of the seder and haggadah from a historical perspective, see Menachem KAsHER,IsraelPassoverHaggadah,New York, American Biblical Encyclopedia Pesab dorot: perafim be-to/dot !'el ha-Seder [The Passover Society, 1957; Joseph TA.BORY, Ritual Throughout the Generations], Tel Aviv, HakibbutzHarneuchad, 1996; Shmuel and Haggadat ljazal [Haggadah of the Sages], Jerusalem, Karta, 1998. Although Zev SAFRAI, Haggadah and it is devoted to printed editions, still fundamental is Yosef YERUSHAL:MI, History: a Panoramain FacsimileofFive Centuriesofthe Printed Haggadahfrom the Collections OfHarvard University and the Jewish 1heologicalSeminary ofAmerica, Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society, 1974 (repr. 1997, 2005). Three good modern editions of the haggadah with historical considerations are Jonathan SACKS,1he Chief Rabbi's Haggadah: Hebrew and English Text with New Essays and Commentary, London, HarperCollins 2003 ; Joseph TABORY,]PSCommentary on the Haggadah.HistoricalIntroduction, Translation, and Commentary,Philadelphia,Jewish Publication Society, 2008; Joshua KULP, 1he Schechter Haggadah: Art, History and Commentary, Jerusalem, The Schechter Institute of Jewish Studies, 2009. 308 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE and the twelfth-century Mahzor Vitry, a festival prayer book, 1 the haggadah seems first to have been included within the context of the larger prayer book and only emerged as an independent entity sometime in the thirteenth century; illustrated versions became increasingly popular in the fourteenth century and continued until the advent of printing and beyond. In the haggadah, the heart of the seder is the maggid section, the retelling of the Exodus story in a complicated concatenation of sixteen different texts that blend biblical citations, Psalms, songs, invocations, questions and answers. In fact, according to legal commentaries, a person is required at the seder not just to recount the story but even to ask himself or herself the series of questions if there is no one else to do so. The Exodus story on Passover, therefore, is not a text but an experience, the goal of which is summed up in this line from the maggid: ["In every generation one is requi-. red to see oneself as ifhe or she had gone out of Egypt ... For it was not our ancestors alone whom God redeemed but even us with them."] Much of the seder aims to increase this sense of identity between participants in the present and those in the past. Because the Israelites rushed to make provisions and had to eat unleavened matzah during the Exodus, contemporary Jews eat matzah at the seder. Because the Israelites were embittered by the Egyptian taskmasters, succeeding generations eats bitter herbs, in Europe commonly lettuce or horseradish. 2 The Israelites sang in praise of God after the parting of the Red Sea, and so the Halle! - Psalms of praise - is part of the seder. Jews of non-European descent even get up during maggid and walk around the table to reenact the Exodus physically. It is not only biblical events that are echoed in the seder. In the time of the Temple, Jews dipped their vegetables in water, so that became an essential part of the Passover evening ritual. Just as they reclined while 1. On Saadiah Gaon, see Henry l\1Ar.TER, Saadia Gaon: His Lift and Works,Philadelphia! Jewish Publication Society, 1921, esp. p. 146-49. For an edition of the prayer book, see Sidur Rav Sa'adyahga'on, ed. Israel DAVIDSON, Simcha ASSAF, and Issachar JOEL, Jerusalem, I:Ievrat Mekitse Hirdamim, 1970. Although its focus is elsewhere, see the comments on the siddur in the fascinating article by Mark COHEN and Sasson SoMEKH, "In the Court of Ya 0 qub Ibn Killis : A Fragment from the Cairo Genizah," Jewish Quarterly Review 80, 3-4, 1990, p. 283-314, which also refers to tenth-century Jewish ideas about the relationship of the senses and the intellect. For the Machzor Vitry, see Israel M. TA-SHMA,Ha-TefilaQ ha-Ashkenazit ha-lfedumah :peralfim be-ofyah uve-toldoteha [The Early Ashkenazic Prayer : Literary and Historical Aspects], Jerusalem, The Hebrew University Magnes Press, 2003-, esp. p. 26-29, and Justine IssERLES LEACACOS, Mahzor Vitry: itude d'un corpus de manuscrits hibreux ashkinazes de type liturgico-ligal du XIf au XIV' silJcle,These de doctorat, Univ. Geneve, 2012. 2. Arthur SCHAFFER, "The History of Horseradish as the Bitter Herb of Passover,» Gesher8, 1981, p. 217-37. ADAMS. COHEN I 309 eating as a sign of freedom (as did free Romans at their banquets), so too do Jews recline at the seder. And although a Paschal sacrifice could no longer . be brought to the Temple after it was destroyed, a shank bone is placed · on the ceremonial seder plate as a reminder of that central element of the ancient holiday ritual. Another important item on the plate is the charoset. According to the Mishnah, it was customary to dip the bitter maror into this mixture of fruit, spices, and wine whose meaning is explained in the Talmud, the great commentary on Jewish law compiled in late antiquity (Tractate Pesachim 116a). According to one sage, the charoset commemorates the apple trees under which, a homiletic tale relates, the Israelite women would give birth in safety away from the Egyptia\is. A second sage, ;however, maintained that the mixture should recall the clay used by the Israelite slaves to construct the Egyptian buildings. To accommodate both views, the ruling was that charoset should be tart to recall the apples and thick to evoke the clay. Another Talmudic opinion links, presumably on etymological grounds, the spices (tavlin, r'i:m) mentioned in the Mishna to the straw (teven, pn) used by the Israelites to make the mortar for their buildings ; one medieval commentator indicated that the spices should be ginger and cinnamon, which most resemble straw, while another instructed that wine be added to the mix to recall the spilled blood of the Israelite slaves. The desire to make the seder a ttuly experiential commemoration of the Exodus was achieved through the deployment of all five senses. Hearing is essential for such central components as recounting the story and singing the Halle! praises, but it is also stimulated by moments like the tinkling of water as the hands are ritually washed. Taste and smell are aroused by the various ritual foods, such as the matzah, maror, and charoset, all with historic and symbolic meanings, as well as by the festive meal also required at the seder. Touch is implicated in the handling of the different foods and ritual items and by the leaning that is required at many points in the evening (in many households this includes the use of pillows). Sight, finally, plays a vital role when the critical items of the seder - the Passover sacrifice represented by the shank bone, the matzah, and the maror - are either signaled (Pesach) or lifted up for the assembled to see (matzah, maror) during maggid. So important was this visual aspect of the seder that the Talmud (Pesachim 116b) records a long discussion about whether a blind person can fulfill the commandment of reciting the Exodus narrative. Since he or she cannot see the crucial objects, perhaps that person is discharged from the narrative obligation as well. Although this was not the eventual legal ruling, it does underscore how important it was for all the senses to contribute to the main task of enabling each seder participant, as the haggadah records, ["to see oneself [!'rot etatzmo, Ｌｾ＠ nN n1Ni'7J as ifhe or she had gone out of Egypt"]. ADAMS. COHEN I 311 310 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE '< It is important to note that a haggadah book, which records the structur~ and unfolding of the seder, is not actually obligatory for the evening ritual at' all (as opposed, for example, to a Torah scroll that is required for readingsev;· ral times each week). Indeed, the term "haggadah" reinforces the essential]: oral, not textual, nature of the seder experience. Its Hebrew root is "l'hagi - "to tell," derived from the Exodus 13:8 proofrext: "And thou shall tell son on that day." Whether or not a retelling of the Exodus story was part the pre- Mishnaic seder, a point of scholarly contention, by the time oft first known written haggadot (the Hebrew plural ofhaggadah) in the Mid Ages, most Jews likely celebrated the Passover seder without resorting to written haggadah text. Unlike today, when most seder participants follow proceedings with their own copy of the haggadah, during the early Mid Ages the seder experience was more oral and aural ; even after the introdu tion of the independent haggadah in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuri only one member of the household was likely to have such a book. Such ci cumstances force us to ask what role the written haggadah, and especially illustrated version, played in the medieval experience. To explore the function of the haggadah in the medieval seder, it is wo looking in some detail at two of the earliest illustrated haggadot, both which reveal a preoccupation with engaging the five senses. The first exam is the so-called Birds Head Haggadah, the earliest extant illustrated hag dah from Ashkenaz (central Europe, where Jews shared particular custom Possibly made in Mainz around 1300, the book owes its nickname to the u. ofbirds' heads in place of human ones, a phenomenon that has long attrac scholarly commentary. Most recently, Marc Epstein has offered an interp tation of the birds as griffins, a motif chosen by the Jewish patron and to articulate notions of Jewish superiority and singular attachment to G an idea rooted in the haggadah's twin visual and theological projects of municating the intertwined relationship of the historical, contemporary, an eschatological Passovers and of situating the Ashkenazic Jewish communi: alongside its Christian counterpart. 1 Yet as fascinating as this iconograpl.,"· approach is, it is tangential to my goal of exploring the mechanics of creatin~ and using, perhaps for the first tirne, an extensively illustrated haggadah and the implication of the five senses within the images. ·· As will become the norm in Ashkenazic haggadot, the pictures in Birds Head Haggadah are marginal decorations. Some illustrate the com. 1. M. EPSTEIN (op. cit.), with the older literature. For a facsimile edition, see IheBi Head Haggada efthe Beza/el National Art Museum in Jerusalem, edited by M. SPIT. with contributions by E. GOLDSCHMIDT, H. JAFFE, B. NARKISS, and an introduction by M. SCHAPIRO, Jerusalem,T arshishBooks for Beth David Salomons,1965. Themanuscript:; is now in Jerusalem, Israel Museum, MS 180/57. ,, ectly,like the Jews building for Pharaoh the cities of Pithom and Ramses, · e others are more general historical narratives, like the Crossing of the d Sea (fol. 21v, Fig. 1). Some pictures gloss and expand on the text, such .thepicture of the Sacrifice of Isaac near the phrase "And God heard their aning, and God remembered his covenant with Abraham, Isaac, and b" (Ex. 2:24) (fol. 15v, Fig. 2). Finally, several pictures represent current rteenth-century practices, like the mixing of charoset before the seder !. 2r, Fig. 3) and the preparation and baking of matzah (fols. 25v - 26r, . 4). Regardless of their other programmatic functions within the hagga, it is remarkable how many of these pictures cue the different senses. 'The matzah scene, for example, must be understood in light of contemrary polemics about the Eucharist, as Epstein has clearly shown. But the er of that polemic is enhanced through a reference to touch. The scene ens at the far right with a pointed illustration of the working of the dough a woman, while the three other figures all noticeably touch the matzah n the table. Furthermore, the adult male holds up to our gaze the pricking ensil, forcefully evoking the rough surface of handmade matzahs. At the left of the scene we see the actual baking of the matzah in the oven, which ely stimulates for anyone who has ever been involved in baking not only e sense of smell but also of sound. In order to prevent the dough from ing and becoming unacceptable leavened bread, matzah has to be made m start to finish in only eighteen minutes, which results in a frenetic - and isy - baking environment. Similarly, what makes so stark the relatively pie image of the slaughter of the ram (fol. 21r, Fig. 5), which represents e start of the historical Exodus, is the way it evokes touch, sound, and smell at once. The figure grasps the ram firmly by the horns, and one can almost I the pressure as the knife slides across the beast's throat, squelching its rified bleat. One also imagines that the smell of blood was evoked for e medieval Jewish viewer, who was more intimately acquainted with e tangibility of animal slaughter than are we. A second image of a lamb ing roasted would have conjured not only smell but also taste ; it should noted, too, that this bas-de-pageis paired with an image of the Israelites the desert gathering manna, the miraculous food that fed them for forty ars and whose taste was the subject of much rabbinic commentary. Several of the marginal images in the Birds Head haggadah represent ·sederrituals themselves, such as a man eating the karpasvegetable, another reclining, or a third washing his hands, where the water being poured into e basin can be seen and, in the imagination of a viewer familiar with the "tual, even heard and felt (fol. 28r, Fig. 6). Even scenes in the haggadah . at are not strictly about somatic experience reveal a connection to the nses. The very first narrative illustration is a pair of seated figures reprenting Jacob and Esau, who are mentioned in the haggadah text as the 312 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE ADAMS. COHEN I 313 children of Isaac with two distinct destinies. As recounted in Genesis the cause of their rupture was when Jacob stole his brother Esau's birthrl and blessing from Isaac. The climax of the story comes when Jacob b · food to his blind father, who, despite sensing that something is am· reassured by touching Jacob's fake hairy arms, exclaiming, "The voice is voice of Jacob, but the hands are the hands of Esau." To the extent · medieval Jewish commentaries dealt with the five senses, this was one 0 few lociclassici,as was the Binding (Sacrifice) oflsaac,_when, according homiletic text, Isaac lost his sight durmg that traumatic experience. i In medieval exegesis, sight was usually considered the most import of the senses, 2 and every picture in the haggadah implies the sense ofsf by virtue of the fact that it entails a viewer, a point to which I will re below. But there are some pictures that thematize this sense. For examp vignette at the beginning of the haggadah shows the breaking of the mi matzah, half of which is being hidden from sight under the tablecloth, ,. broken matzah will be used at the end of the meal as the afikoman (d sert), ensuring that matzah is the final taste in one's mouth (fol. 6v, Fig.'° Forty-six pages later, a picture shows the afikoman retrieved and reve (fol. 29v, Fig. 8). The figures are not actually shown in the process of ea it; rather, the young Jew holds it aloft, showing it to the head of the ho hold who looks at and points to it, compelling the book's viewer to upon it as well. In similar fashion, the gaze of the viewer is directed acr the margin of the final illustrated opening of the book, where not just but a whole crowd of Jews point to a vision of the rebuilt Jerusalem future messianic period. .<, 1. David KAuF.i\1ANN, Die Sinne, Beitriigezur Geschichteder Physiologieund Psycholog Mittelalter aushebriiischenund arabischenQuel/en,Jahresbericht der Landes-Rabbiners in Budapest fiir <las Schuljahr 1883-84, Budapest, 1884, esp. p. 10-15. On thew Jewish exegetes treat the five senses much like their Islamic and Christian counterp See, for example, the Kuzari, 5.12, a nvelfth-century philosophical treatise by Juda H Le Kuzari, apologie de la religion mtpriste, tradui sur le texte original arabe confront! a version hibrai'que et accompagnt d'une introduction et de notes par Charles Touati, Lou Paris, Peeters, 1994, p. 204-07 (part 5.12). 2. See, for example, Elizabeth SEARS,"The Iconography of Auditory Perception iri Early Middle Ages : On Psalm Illustration and Psalm Exegesis," in Ihe Second S Studies in Hearing and Musical judgement .from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century, Charles BURNETT, Michael FENDand Penelope Gome, London, Warburg Institute, 19P· 19-38, and the essays in Rethinking the Medieval Senses: Heritage, Fascinations, Fr, ed. Stephen N1cHOLS, Andreas KABLITZ, and Alison CALHOUN, Baltimore, Johns Ho University Press, 2008. Particularly interesting as an introduction to the subject is Ulrich GUMBRECHT, "Erudite Fascinations and Cultural Energies ; How Much CanKnow about the Medieval Senses?" p. 1-10. 7 m the perspective of the five senses, the most important image in the Head Haggadah is the representation of the Passover meal, which s a synthetic image of all the senses at work (fol. 26v, Fig. 9). This is appended to the beginning of the Halle!, suggesting that the figures the text are engaged, at least in part, in singing Psalms, including w Psalm 115, which includes the lines "They have mouths but cannot eyesbut cannot see. They have ears but cannot hear, noses but cannot '. They have hands but cannot feel, feet but cannot walk. No sound es from their throat." The participants hold aloft their wine-filled cups, aying them to each other and to us. From the left, one member brings e table the roasted lamb, evoking smell and taste. Even if, as Epstein s this image represents some eschatological Passover celebration, 1 the r: resonates with the sounds and smells of Passover feasts familiar to ·eval AshkenaziJews, or indeed to any viewer who has ever partaken of e festive meal. though its decorative program is very different, one of the earliest illusd haggadot from Spain has a similar feasting scene (fol. 65v, Fig. 10). is the famous Sarajevo Haggadah, probably made in Aragon in the third of the fourteenth century. 2 Unlike the Birds Head Haggadah, the scene here does appear in the text at the appropriate place for the meal, ere is no doubt that the picture represents contemporary Jews celebrathe seder. The head of the household leans on a pillow as he drinks a fwine, and several other figures raise their golden goblets. A decanter with wine and the pricked matzot (plural of matzah) are visible on able, and one woman is cutting food before it is served. Above, two oil ps indicate the light needed for the evening's ceremonies. Even if this somewhat idealized image, it nonetheless implicates the viewer in the ' ·ar sights, tastes, smells, and actions of the Passover seder. e feast scene is one of the very few illustrations set within the text of arajevo Haggadah. The others are grouped around the central symbols e seder, which in the haggadah are introduced by a short passage based 0 M. EPSTEIN (op. cit.), p. 107, and p. 287, n. 6. . . As in the case of the Birds Head Haggadah, scholars have yet to fix preasely the nance of the Sarajevo Haggadah. For an overview, vvith further literature, see OGMAN-APPEL, Illuminated Haggadot (op. cit.), esp. chap. 1. In addition to the 1898 na version, there are two modern facsimiles of the manuscript, now in the National um of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first, vvith an introductory text by Cecil ROTH, ublished in Belgrade by Izdavacki zavod "Jugoslavija," 1967; the second, with a brief entary by Eugen WEBER,was published in Belgrade by Prosveta and in Sarajevo vjetlost, 1983. There are different foliations for the manuscript. I have followed the ntion that uses continuous foliation throughout (as opposed to giving the full-page atory scenes regular folio numbers and then beginning again vvith lr* at the start of the wing text section of the book). 314 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE on the Mishnah (Pesachim 10:5): "Rabban Gamliel [mid-1~ c. CE] use to say, whoever does not mention three things on Passover has not fulfille . the [seder] obligation, and these are Pesach,matzah, and maror." Each <,f those three words is enlarged in an elaborated text panel. Because the sacrI>i fice had not been part of the, seder since the first century, the paschal lam!:,' hovers above its text panel like a shadowy ghost, a non-tangible reminder 0:1.;-, ,;, the lost ceremony (fol. 59v, Fig. 11). Matzah and maror, however, not on are situated squarely within their text panels, but they also are enlarged am!\ rendered in bold color. More to the point, these stylized ritual objects aii.• patently being held on each side, which echoes the act of raising the matzafu· and maror during the seder (fol. 60r, Fig. 11). <. The rest of the pictorial program is gathered in a series of frontispiec before the text of the haggadah, a format that becomes traditional in Sephardic (i.e., Iberian Jewish) haggadot of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 1 The cycle opens with an unusual facing-page spread devoted to Creation, which Katrin Kogman-Appel and Shulamith Laderman have analyzed in the context of philosophical arguments among medieva!C'. Jewish commentators about the nature of creation. 2 The series continueSc::-::: with various pictures drawn mostly from the books of Genesis and Exodus,·, twenty-eight in all, and concludes with two scenes from Deuteronomy h{. which Moses addresses the Israelites before his death. Three final pictures{ depict a page with the rebuilt Temple in Jerusalem, and two facing scenes;,, show contemporary Jews distributing charoset and matzah and then leaving; the synagogue on Passover eve (fols. 33v- 34r, Fig. 12). , Although the point of the biblical cycle is to situate both the Exodus itself and the seder commemoration in the wider context of sacred history, it is difficult to turn the pages and not have one's different senses engaged. • Eve eats the apple, Adam and Eve hear the voice of God, Noah's sons bang' and saw the wood to construct the ark according to their father's direc- ·· tions (fols. 3v - 4r, Fig. 13). Noah is drunk and disgraced after drinking too much wine ; Isaac touches Jacob, who is wrapped in hairy skins imitate his brother. Once in Egypt we see Potiphar' s wife grab the cloak of Joseph, who is then pushed into jail, while Pharaoh's dream is one of· three visions in the cycle. The ten plagues sent by God to make Pharaoh·· free the Hebrews provide many opportunities for engaging the senses. The first plague is blood, and the figure at the center of the composition holds up a vessel to underscore how the river became foul to the point that the 1. K. KoGMAN-APPEL, Illuminated Haggadot (op. cit.). 2. Katrin KoGMAN-APPEL and Shulamit LADERMAN, "The Sarajevo Haggadah: The Concept of Creatio ex Nihilo and the Hermeneutical School Behind It," Studies in Iconography25, 2004, p. 89-127. ADAMS. COHEN 1315 tians could not drink any water (Ex. 7:19-21). Plagues three and six e lice and boils, and the central figure in each scene touches his skin to dicate the grievous nature of the affliction. The picture of the plague of rkness makes clear the coutrast between the Egyptians, covered in and mobilized by darkness, and the Israelites, who have plenty of light by ich to see, as demonstrated by the fact that they are reading (fol. 26r, ig. 14). The Exodus cycle ends not with the Crossing of the Red Sea but ·th the Song of Miriam, who is shown leading the Israelite women in ng and dance as she strikes her timbrel. The final two pages drawn from the book of Exodus are replete with ferences to the senses (fols. 29v - 30r, Fig. 15). In the first, both images . e concerned with eating and drinking : the Israelites collect the manna ,hove, while below they gather water and dates at Elim (Ex. 15:27). Facing this, in a full-page illustration that signals the importance of the scene as he culmination of Exodus, is Moses receiving the Law on Mount Sinai. According to the text (Ex. 19:18), the mountain was covered in smoke and fire, and there was an increasingly loud sound of the shofar horn, which the rtist has rendered here. Indeed, many medieval commentators were struck the phrasing of Exodus 20:15, "And all the people saw the thunderings d the lightnings and the sound of the shofar and the mountain smoking"; they understood "seeing the sound" to refer to the utterly miraculous ·nature of the whole experience. 1 Finally, the biblical cycle in the Sarajevo Haggadah ends with one last pair of references to the senses, as Moses effects the transfer of authority to Joshua through the laying on of hands described in Deuteronomy 34: 9 (fol. 31v, Fig. 16). In the scene of his final discourse at the top of the page, the hands of Moses are enormous as he blesses the people; Joshua and the Israelites also gesture with their hands. Indeed, throughout the book's pictorial cycle figures gesture and speak in a veritable torrent of spoken dialogue whose biblical words would have been well known to the original users of the haggadah. The general systems of illustration established by the Ashkenazic Birds Head Haggadah and the Sephardic Sarajevo Haggadah are very different, but a major point of similarity is the inclusion of scenes of contemporary life and ritual. Although perhaps not as lively as the baking of matzah in 1. See, for example, the classic commentary ofRashi (Rabbi Shlomo Yitzhaki), 1040, 1104 (Troyes/V\Torms/Mainz) : '"Saw the thunderings': they saw what should be heard, which is impossible to see in another place. 'The thunderings': that issues out of the mouth of the Mighty One." Most standard Hebrew editions of the Pentateuch contain the commentary of Rashi. For an English translation, see Abraham BENISAIAH and Benjamin SHARF.MAN, 1he Pentateuch and Rashi's Comentary: a Linear Translation into English, New York, S.S. & R. Publishing Co., 1949-50, vol. 2, p. 219. For a general introduction, see the essays in Htritages de Rachi, ed. Rene-Samuel SIRAT,Paris, Eclat, 2006. 316 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE the Birds Head Haggadah, the images of the distribution of charoset and·.· matzah in the Sarajevo Haggadah also underscore the smells, tastes, and · even the touch and feel of these symbolically charged items (Fig. 12). 'Ihe facing page highlights a woman still in the synagogue who touches the Torah shrine in prayer, and a father who tenderly caresses his children perhaps in a gesture of blessing. One can imagine the sounds of the peopl~ leaving the synagogue on their way home to begin the seder, whose text begins on the very next page toward which they proceed. As this overview has demonstrated, the different senses are invoked in multiple ways in two of the earliest extant illustrated haggadot, forcing us to consider the mechanics and motivations for this wealth of sensory allusions. The most important factor is the nature of the seder as a whole, which emphasizes the experiential nature of an evening that is exceptional in the course of the Jewish year. By law, this is an event that should take place not in the sacralized space of the synagogue but rather in the home, with rituals that revolve around two poles. First, there are the physical aspects of the seder, including the preparation, handling, and consumption of specific foods with their attendant smells, tastes, and textures. Second, there are the verbal components : the articulation of questions and answers, the recounting of the Exodus story, and the singing of Psalms. This is the only time of the year when Halle!, normally included in every holiday service, is recited at night, and embedded in the seder at least since the time of the Mishnah is a series of four questions that draw out other ways this night is different from all other nights. Another section of the seder is a short legal and homiletic discussion from the Mishnah tractate on Blessings (Berachot 1:5) ; it deals with the inclusion in the evening prayer every weekday of the text of Deuteronomy 16:3, "So that yo~ remember the day of your exodus from Egypt all the days of your life." The point of this discussion is to remind us, during the seder, that although Jews are required to mention and remember the Exodus each and every day of the year, the activity on Passover night is different precisely because it is an experience. It is not a prayer or a sacrament, nor a theological or a philosophical matter, although it has aspects of all those religious elements. Indeed, the haggadah itself says, toward the beginning, "Even if we were all wise, all intelligent, all aged and all knowledgeable in the Torah, it is still a commandment upon us to tell of the coming out from Egypt." The goal of the seder, then, is not to know the story but to tell it in a way that makes it come alive. And it is precisely through the engagement of all five senses that the seder is transformed into an experience in which the past becomes most vivid in the present for each participant. Within the experiential nature of the seder, an illustrated haggadah would be particularly effective at helping the Exodus story come alive. Yet ADAMS. COHEN I 317 enerations of Jews before the year 1300 seem to have relied exclusively on ral means to evoke the Exodus, without any apparent need or desire to piere it. It would seem, therefore, that we should seek an explanation for the ntroduction of illustrated haggadot within the context of wider European ractices in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when there was a slow hift from an overwhelmingly oral society to one in which the written, ecorded word played an ever more important role. 1 Simultaneously, illuscftratedbooks became increasingly popular among the laity, whose increased ':interest in reading had two critical features. First, lay people adopted former 'monastic habits for their spiritual practices, creating and using a wider range Sfreligious works, such as the Bible, especially the Apocalypse and the Psalter (and ultimately the Book of Hours). 2 Second, there was an explosion of different kinds of literary works in the vernacular. Although romances and other courtly literature would always be popular, the aristocracy was particularly invested in the production and consumption of historical works. 3 Those who could afford it acquired illustrated versions of many of these texts, and · patronage is an important factor in considering the motivation for the creation ofluxurious decorated manuscripts. An illustrated Psalter or Weltchronik was a mark of prestige, and there can be little doubt that the patrons of the Birds Head and Sarajevo Haggadot wished to acquire an object that would increase their status in the community. But a desire for social status does not explain the content of books or the role of images and their interaction with texts and audiences in an increasingly literate society. As scholars have demonstrated, situating and manipulating the pictures in a book could produce a wide range of effects. To take but a few representative examples, images in an illustrated Apocalypse provided the viewer not only with raw material for his or her spiritual contemplations but also, in John, a paradigm who modeled the visionary experience. 4 In a work like 1. See the classic studies by M. T. CLANCHY, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066-1307, 3rded., Walden, MA, Wiley-Blackvvell, 2013, and Michael CAMILLE,"Seeing and Reading : Some Visual Implications of Medieval Literacy and Illiteracy," Art History 8, 1, 1985, p. 26-49. 2. See, most recently, Aden KUMLER, Translating Truth: Ambitious Images and Religious Knowledgein Late Medieval Franceand England, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2011. and Anne D. HEDEJ\1AN, Imagining the Past in 3. See, for example, Elizabeth MoRRJSON France:History in Manuscript Painting, 1250-1500, Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, 2010. 4. Suzanne LE'A'IS,"Beyond the Frame : Marginal Figures and Historiated Initials in the Getty Apocalypse," 1heJ Paul Getty Museum journal, 20, 1992, p. 53-76; Richard K. EMMERSON, "Visualizing the Visionary: John and his Apocalypse," in Looking Beyond: Visions,Dreams and Insights in Medieval Art & History, ed. Colum HouRIHANE,University Park, PA, Pennsylvania State University Press, for the Index of Christian Art, Princeton University, 2010, p. 148~76, esp. p. 155-57. 318 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE the Roman de la Rose or Richard of Fournival's Bestiaire. d'Amour, imagesi' amplified and explamed the metaphors of the text, prepanng and conditio: · · ning the viewer to understand the work through its combination of didacti~? and sensuous decoration. 1 The illuminations in the History of Saint Edwardi by Matthew Paris or the Miroir historialby Jean de Vignay helped negotiate' contemporary social structures by modeling ideal behavior or forging connections between the past and the present through, for example, details of dress}. Similarly, the artists of manuscripts of the Cantigas de Santa Maria did noi, simply illustrate the text but creatively responded to it so that viewers could: more effectively collapse the differences between the sometimes exotic source of the tales and their own local context. 3 And, of course, the images in all •. these books serve to fix the material in the viewer's memory. ,;ff, The Sarajevo and Birds Head Haggadot share many of these charactetis-,·· tics, above all the desire to assist the viewer in making the past more vivi4' in the present. A picture of the Crossing of the Red Sea allows "the eyes to see what the ears hear," as Matthew Paris put it (Fig. 1). The Sacrific¢iC of Isaac, on the other hand, provides an interpretive gloss on the text' that pointedly reminds the viewer of God's special promise to an affiicted.· Jewish community (Fig. 2). At the same time, vignettes of people washini 1 hands at the seder or disturbing ritual food items before the holiday, model proper behavior (Figs. 6, 12). Yet while these haggadot are simil~t\ to the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century books just discussed, there are." important differences. Like the Getty Apocalypse or Miroir historial, the, haggadah is a book of sacred history that urges the reader to collapse t · distance between past and present. But it is also a ritual handbook with very specific function, written primarily in the sacred language of Hebrew-, Probably the best analogy is the Luttrell Psalter of ca. 1330, perhaps made in Lincolnshire, for Geoffrey Luttrell and his family (Fig. 17). 4 Like the; 1. See, for example, Helen Solterer, "Letter Writing and Picture Reading: Medie Textuality and the Bestiaire d'Amour,"Word & Image, 5, 1, 1989, p. 131-47; Elizabe~h'.\ SEARS, "Sensory Perception and its Metaphors in the Time of Richard de Fournival,"ini Medicineand theFive Senses,ed. William F. BYNUMand Roy PORTER, Cambridge and NeV{ York, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 17-20; Helen SoLTERER, "Seeing, Hearing:; Tasting Woman: Medieval Senses of Reading," Comparative Literature 46, 2, 19941, ADAMS. COHEN I 319 ·ustrated haggadot, the Luttrell Psalter combines a functional sacred text, ages of biblical history, and scenes of contemporary life that include a ous picture of feasting. As Michael Camille and others have shown, e pictures in the Luttrell Psalter are not simply a record of daily life but careful construction of an idealized worldview. Nonetheless, in a scene ke that of the feast, it is possible to appreciate both the unusual record of 'ealia,which provides a glimpse into fourteenth-century daily life, and the histicated manipulation of the image to echo the Last Supper, which hances the status of the patron. The picture of Luttrell, his family, and advisers feasting appears in nnection with Psalm 113 (according to the Vulgate), a juxtaposition that as engendered conflicting interpretations. Michelle Brown, on the one cl,understood this as a way to connect the Luttrell family with the pro·se of God's bounty, but Camille preferred to see the picture as a warning ·nst overindulgence. 1 In either case, it is important to note the verses the beginning of the Psalm, which also appear in the Halle! of the hagga: "They have mouths but cannot speak, eyes but cannot see. They have 8 but cannot hear, noses but cannot smell ... " The text and the pictures us combine to alert us to the vital role that the senses play, both as a mponent of the depicted activity of the Luttrell, themselves and as a ay for the book's subsequent users to reimagine the scene. This is an apt monstration of Lucy Freeman Sandler's characterization of the book as ~ne in which pictures were meant "to provide a heightened experience of reading, through the discovery of all the riches both apparent and concealed the words."2 This statement about the Luttrell Psalter applies almost perfectly to e illustrated haggadot, but with some important modifications based the fact that we have such a clear idea of how they were used, at least two nights of the year. At the seder, the images clearly served difent functions. On the simplest level, a picture might be a visual cue for certain action, like washing the hands at a prescribed moment (Fig. 6). t might even allow a particular user, such as the head of the house, to )e what is about to happen next more quickly than by reading the ins"ttuctions. A parent might open to a picture of the plagues to interest the p. 129-145. 2. The literature on Matthew Paris is extensive. For a recent consideration of pictorial' strategies in a single manuscript, Cambridge University Library, MS Ee.3.59, see Ji Harrison Clements, "The Construction of Qgeenship in the Illustrated Estoire de Sein.f Aedward le Rei," Gesta, 52, 1, 2013, p. 21-42. For a typical Miroir Historial manuscript;:; Paris,Bibl. del'Arsenal,MS 5080, seeMoRRISONandHEDEMAN(op. cit.), p. 147-52 [no. 17}". 3. Pamela PATTON, Art ofEstrangement:Redefiningfews in ReconquestSpain, Universit}5 Park, PA, Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012, esp. chap. 5. 4. British Library, Add. MS 42130. Michael CAMILLE, Mirror in Parchment:theLut salterand theMaking ofMedieval England, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1998 ; eLuttrellPsalter: a Facsimile,commentary by Michelle BROWN,London, British Library, 06. A version of Brown's commentary is more easily accessible in EADEM,7he Worldof eLuttrellPsalter, London, British Library, 2006. 1. M. BROWN,World of the Luttrell Psalter (op. cit.), p. 37-45; M. C.A.IvllLLE, Mirror in archment(op.cit.), p. 84-93. 2. "The Word in the Text and the Image in the Margin: the Case of the Luttrell salter,"journal if the WaltersArt Gallery54, 1996, p. 87-97, esp. p. 97. 320 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE children, expound upon some point, or stimulate discussion (Fig. 1 But above all, the pictures are embedded in a book that, by definiti is part of a ritual designed not just to make the past present but also collapse actively the difference between past and present. The insiste; with which the illuminations engage not only sight but also sound, srn.e taste, and touch remind the seder participant throughout the evening"'. the overarching requirement to relive the Exodus. Unlike Sandler's interpretation of the Luttrell Psalter, however, the trated haggadah was not meant "to provide a heightened sense of readi for the experience of the seder was not predicated on reading the book. Ev, though the haggadah pictures are intimately connected to the text, th essential function is not predicated on reading those texts. What ultima justifies their inclusion must be that they are able to do something that text alone cannot do, and this, I would argue, is their ability to evoke the fi senses more effectively than texts alone. It was precisely through multisens stimulation that seder participants could feel more dramatically that th themselves had experienced the Exodus. The Sarajevo manuscript makes abundantly clear, for the first half of the book contains the haggadah and second half the prayers for the Passover service (that is, not the seder, b the customary holiday prayers usually recited in synagogue), and it is o the haggadah section that received any decoration at all. In other wor illuminations only made sense as part of the fully somatic experience oft multisensory seder, not the more constrained activities of synagogue wors · In a similar manner, the extensive cycle of biblical images collected at front of the Sarajevo Haggadah suggests a function beyond that of the sed.. itself. Although these pictures certainly would have enhanced the seder, such· cycle would also lend itself to contemplation at other times, and this could.b·" said about the other images as well. One might argue, for example, that wh' the picture of the roasting lamb would have stimulated a person's sense ol, smell and taste, this would seem less important when roasted meat is actual!~· present (Fig. 5). Such images are probably more effective as a sensory stimuh1t in the absenceof the pictured referents, and we should consider other oppor; tunities when the illustrated haggadah might be used. The Talmud (Pesachin\. 6a) discusses how preparations for the holiday, with its stringencies again°'t leaven that demand careful cleaning, must begin in advance : "And what is the purpose of these thirty days? We learn in a Baraita [a non-Mishnai{ oral tradition] : 'We inquire into and expound upon the laws of Passover for.. thirty days before Passover. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says two weeks."'( 1. Talmud Bavli: the Gemara: the ClassicVilna Edition, with an Annotated, Interpreti1/ei Elucidation, as an Aid to Talmud Study, ed. Hersh GoLDWURM, Brooklyn, NY, Mesoral(:: · Publications, 1990, vol. 9, p. 6a3 • ADAMS. COHEN I 321 ough both authorities have reasons for. their view, the .thirty-day coincides with the end of the Punm holiday, and at least m modern rience it is customary to turn one's attention to Passover as soon as revious holiday concludes a month before. In either case, however, .e~ the practical needs to begin cleaning out leaven and P;epa_ring the tiple ritual objects needed for the seder_and.the Talmuds. lilJU~ct10n egin intellectual discourse about the holiday m advance, 1t 1s logical to elude that the Birds Head and Sarajevo haggadot were taken off the If in the weeks preceding Passover so the illustrations could serve not ·t as a mnemotechnique for the ancient past but also as a multisensory ulus to the smells, tastes, and sounds of personal seders past and the coming next. 1 The reminder is less about instructing one in the details what to do - after all, one doesn't learn from the pictures in the hagat how to make charoset (Figs. 3, 12) - than it is about triggering the cial, once-a-year experience of preparing, eating, and thinking with d through charoset. 2 It also stands to reason that someone who had ha remarkable object as an illustrated haggadah would want to handle more than two nights of the year. On these occasions outside the seder elf, the suite of pictures serves as an effective proxy and prompt for the ' 'vities of the celebration. And during the seder, the images would act instruct, confirm, and above all heighten the sensory experiences being -created. 3 What makes the pictures of the earliest illustrated haggadot so ective is the way they animate the viewer's experience by repeatedly actiating all five senses. In this regard, they offer instructive comparisons to 1. Modern scientists continue to explain the Proustian importance of taste and smell the formation and recall of memory. See, for example, Luis NUNEZ-JARAMILLO, Leticia REz-Luco, et al., "Taste memory formation : latest advances and challenges," haviouralBrain Research207, 2010, p. 232-248, and Rachel S. HERZ,James ELIASSEN, al, "Neuroimaging evidence for the emotional potency of odor-evoked memory," europsychologia 42, 2004, 371-78, both with further literature. 2. It is worth recalling in this regard the formulation by Mary CARRUTHERS, 1he Craft of ought:Meditation, Rhetoric,and the Making oJimages,400-1200, Cambridge: Cam~ridge niversity Press, 1998, p. 118: ''The first question one should ask of such an image 1s not at does it mean ?' but 'What is it good for ?"' 3. The size and layout of the two haggadot suggests the ease with which they could be asilyseen or even passed around the table. The Birds Head Haggadah is a slim volume of orty-seven folios (originally 50), measuring approximately 270 x 185 mm (trimmed); the ext area is approximately 176 x 108 mm. The Sarajevo manuscript, which has a Passover rayer book section after the haggadah, is longer and heavier at 142 folios, and measures ~pproximately223 by 165 mm, but it, too, fits comfortably in the hand(s). The generous margins and the large, easily readable script of the two manuscripts both increase the :v:isibility of their contents. 0 ADAM S. COHEN 1323 322 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE contemporaneous Christian practices. Among his many contributions the subject, Eric Palazzo has demonstrated the ways that Christians n gated their ambivalence about the senses in ritual and art and has sho how the senses and arts could assist in the apprehension of the divine.' in Christian practice, Jewish participants in the seder used the five se to create a bridge to transform the physical and bodily into somet more sublime and spiritual, but what is being enacted in the seder is• a theological problem per se but a historical one. Although ultimately performance of the seder on Passover was understood to be a demons tion of the fulfillment of a mutual promise between the Jews and God,l pictures of the first illustrated haggadot suggest that the people who tis these remarkable books did so not primarily to access God but as a to erase the distance between the past and present. In the end, we sho · consider whether it was the very ability of pictures to stimulate the sen " more effectively than texts that was a key motivation for creating such wo as the Birds Head and Sarajevo Haggadot in the first place. Fig. 1: Birds Head Haggadah, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, MS 180/57, fol. 21v: Red Sea. Fig.2: Birds Head Haggadah, Jerusalem,Israel Museum, MS 180/57,fol. 15v: Sacrificeofisaac. 1. See, above all, "Art, Liturgy, and the Five Senses in the Early Middle Age&' Viator 41, 1, 2010, p. 25-56, and "Les cinq sens au Moyen Age: etat de la question perspectives de recherche," Cahiers de civilisation miditvale 55, 2012, p. 339-66, further literature. 2. M. EPSTEIN (op. cit.), passim. 324 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE ADAM S. COHEN 1325 · Fig. 4: Birds Head Haggadah, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, MS 180/57, fols.25v-26r: Matzah baking. Fig. 5: Birds Head Haggadah, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, MS 180/57, fol. 21r: Sacrifice of the Lamb. Fig. 3: Birds Head Haggadah,Jerusalem, Israel Museum, fol. 2r: Charoset. ........ ｾＭＢＡｉｬ＠ ,:::t' ADAMS. COHEN I 327 326 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE Fig. 6: Birds Head Haggada Jerusalem,Israel Museum ' MS 180/57, fol. 28r: Washi hands. Fig. 7: Birds Head Haggadah, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, MS 180/57, fol. 6v: Breaking the Middle Matzah. ig. 8: Birds Head aggadah,Jerusalem, Israel useum, MS 180/57, [. 29v:The Afikomen. Fig. 9: Birds Head Haggadah, Jerusalem,Israel Museum, MS 180/57, fol. 26v: Festive Meal. 328 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE ADAMS. COHEN I 329 Fig. 10: Sarajevo Haggadah ... Sarajevo,National Museum) of Bosnia and Herzegovina Festival Meal, fol. 65v. Fig. 11: Sarajevo Haggadah, Sarajevo, National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, fols. 59v-60r: Pesach and Matzah. ' Fig. 13: Sarajevo Haggadah, Sarajevo, National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, fols. 3v-4r: Genesis scenes. ADAMS. COHEN I 331 330 I LES CINQSENS AU MOYEN AGE Fig. 16: Sarajevo Haggadah, Fig. 14: Sarajevo Haggadah, Sarajevo, National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, fol. 31 v: Deuteronomy scenes. Sarajevo, National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, fol. 26r: Plague of Darkness. Fig. 15: Sarajevo Haggadah, Sarajevo, National Museum of Bosnia and Fig. 17: Luttrell Psalter, London, British Library, MS Add. 42130, pp. 29-30: Herzegovina, fols. 29v-30r: Exodus scenes. Feast scene.