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Review of "Valuing Deaf Worlds in Urban India" by Michele Friedner

2016, American Anthropologist

https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.12579

This engaging and skillful ethnography of young deaf people in Bangalore marks a critical contribution to disability studies as well as to scholarship on language ideologies and neoliberal India. The book's five chapters follow the linear development of young people from family to school to church to NGO and business worlds. However, the chapters are also arranged as a constellation of urban institutions and thus demonstrate how key concepts in deaf worlds circulate among them. The ethnography begins when Michele Friedner identifies another deaf woman on a crowded Bangalore bus using a phrase common among " deafs " in India: " deaf deaf same " (p. 2). This idiom and moment of recognition become a central concept in the book, which is indeed about " deaf worlds, " how they are created, the value that may be extracted from them, and how these worlds are inextricably linked to " normal " ones, another local idiom used throughout to great analytical effect. From the start, Friedner identifies sites, practices, and structures of feeling that are vital to " deaf development, " an idea that encapsulates the desire to be part of deaf worlds and to communicate among and between them. Being in and of these worlds and the moral imperatives of such a life are key to this rich text. Chapter 1 is compelling for the author's attempt to understand and reconceptualize the meaning of family for young, deaf Bangalurus. In short, as Friedner shows, family is an impediment to deaf kids in terms of the development of their deaf sociality. The families she gets to know , while well meaning, want their deaf children to be normal, and so they push them toward oral learning, which, it turns out, is a terrible way for deaf people to learn, resulting in " not-learning " or learning in a " half-half-half " way. Curiously, the most respected deaf schools in India also promote oral education, and Friedner takes us to Chennai, where those schools are located. Part of the problem is that oral education is not matched with the appropriate technologies and expertise to align each deaf person's disability with the proper hearing aid (or implant) and its monitoring. In addition, oralism not so subtly denigrates the use of sign language, which is the mother tongue of the deaf, although not recognized by the Indian state. As a result, deaf Indian kids don't learn much in school, which becomes a lifelong condition leading to normalized practices such as copying (first exams, later CVs), which in turn homogenizes deaf experience in the workplace. What deafs do gain in deaf schools are friends, real friends, because even though sign language is looked down upon by normals and even by most deaf educators in the Indian context (who are rarely deaf

Book Reviews American Anthropologist • Vol. 118, No. 2 • June 2016: pp. 427-8 Valuing Deaf Worlds in Urban India by Michele Friedner New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2015. 216 pp. DOI: 10.1111/aman.12579 Rashmi Sadana George Mason University This engaging and skillful ethnography of young deaf people in Bangalore marks a critical contribution to disability studies as well as to scholarship on language ideologies and neoliberal India. The book’s five chapters follow the linear development of young people from family to school to church to NGO and business worlds. However, the chapters are also arranged as a constellation of urban institutions and thus demonstrate how key concepts in deaf worlds circulate among them. The ethnography begins when Michele Friedner identifies another deaf woman on a crowded Bangalore bus using a phrase common among “deafs” in India: “deaf deaf same” (p. 2). This idiom and moment of recognition become a central concept in the book, which is indeed about “deaf worlds,” how they are created, the value that may be extracted from them, and how these worlds are inextricably linked to “normal” ones, another local idiom used throughout to great analytical effect. From the start, Friedner identifies sites, practices, and structures of feeling that are vital to “deaf development,” an idea that encapsulates the desire to be part of deaf worlds and to communicate among and between them. Being in and of these worlds and the moral imperatives of such a life are key to this rich text. Chapter 1 is compelling for the author’s attempt to understand and reconceptualize the meaning of family for young, deaf Bangalurus. In short, as Friedner shows, family is an impediment to deaf kids in terms of the development of their deaf sociality . The families she gets to know , while well meaning, want their deaf children to be normal, and so they push them toward oral learning, which, it turns out, is a ter- rible way for deaf people to learn, resulting in “not-learning” or learning in a “half-half-half” way. Curiously, the most re- spected deaf schools in India also promote oral education, and Friedner takes us to Chennai, where those schools are located. Part of the problem is that oral education is not matched with the appropriate technologies and expertise to align each deaf person’s disability with the proper hearing aid (or implant) and its monitoring. In addition, oralism not so subtly denigrates the use of sign language, which is the mother tongue of the deaf, although not recognized by the Indian state. As a result, deaf Indian kids don’t learn much in school, which becomes a life-long condition leading to normalized practices such as copying (first exams, later CVs), which in turn homogenizes deaf experience in the workplace. What deafs do gain in deaf schools are friends, real friends, because even though sign language is looked down upon by normals and even by most deaf educators in the Indian context (who are rarely deaf themselves), deaf kids start signing with one another the moment they enter a deaf context. Signing is almost subversive in Friedner’s telling, and the more I read this absorbing book, the more I realized that her use of the word friend was a deep reference to what is sorely lacking in many of these young people’s lives: communication with their families, members of whom almost never learn to sign. Chapter 2 explains how deaf Christian churches fill an important emotional gap for young deaf people and contains an interesting discussion about conversion, drawing on the work of Gauri Viswanathan, among others. Friedner analyzes three different church settings and denominations in order to show how deafs are encouraged to cultivate their unique orientations rather than paper over them. This kind of deaf development is in fact what it means to be saved, Friedner argues (p. 54). One of the many fascinating concepts in this book is “sign butter , ” which refers to the beautiful signing that young deafs encounter in churches. As for religious identity , it is more an issue for families than for Friedner’ s deaf friends. As one of them states, “At home I am Muslim, in school I am Christian” (p. 58). Chapters 3, 4, and 5 delve into the world of work, vocational training, NGOs, and multinational corporations to show the ways in which deaf workers become a source of value in neoliberal workplaces, from Phillip Morris to local business start-ups. These chapters offer a detailed view into the circulation of the knowledge and resources that go into producing the deaf worker and also enable deafs to produce themselves. It is a complicated scenario largely because of the not-learning that has occurred in earlier edu- cational settings. Friedner guides us through the benefits and structural inequalities at play, especially with regard to the desire and concept of “for life,” which has to do with stable employment but also, ideally, a job that would help other deafs develop; hence the term speaks not only to economic but also to social and moral registers. From home to the world, this book takes a nuanced view of classic questions of social stigma and value, while it also reorients the discourse on development in contemporary India.