Narrow Viewing: The Vocabulary in
Related Television Programs
MICHAEL P. H. RODGERS
Fukuoka University
Fukuoka, Japan
STUART WEBB
Victoria University of Wellington
Wellington, New Zealand
In this study, the scripts of 288 television episodes were analyzed to
determine the extent to which vocabulary reoccurs in related and
unrelated television programs, and the potential for incidental
vocabulary learning through watching one season (approximately 24
episodes) of television programs. The scripts consisted of 1,330,268
running words and had a total running time of 203 hours and
49 minutes with a mean running time of 42 minutes. The vocabulary
from a single season of six individual television programs (142
episodes) was compared with six sets of random television programs
(146 episodes). The results indicated that, when there are an
equivalent number of running words, related television programs are
likely to contain fewer word families than unrelated programs. The
findings also indicated that word families from the 4,000–14,000 levels
were more likely to reoccur in a complete season of a television
program than in random television programs. The percentage of lowfrequency word families encountered 10 or more times was higher, and
the percentage of word families encountered once was fewer in all six
programs than in the random television programs.
doi: 10.5054/tq.2011.268062
n the English as a foreign language (EFL) setting, there has long
been a challenge to provide learners with authentic input. The recent
growth of extensive reading programs has sought to remedy this by
having language learners consume a large quantity of books. These
reading programs do little, however, to satisfy the need for aural input
and, as a result, there has been recent research into authentic listening
in an effort to provide suitable sources of aural input to EFL learners.
Authentic aural texts as well as adapted and graded texts provide
learners with opportunities to improve listening skills, build vocabulary,
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TESOL QUARTERLY Vol. 45, No. 4, December 2011
689
and, like extensive reading programs, prove to be motivating for
language learners (Vandergrift, 2007).
A source of input that has the same authentic and motivating
properties as those in reading and listening programs is television.
Television, however, has not been widely researched as a source of input
for EFL learners, despite its indisputable worldwide popularity. In a
recent Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD, 2007) report on communications in its member countries,
the television viewing habits of the world’s most industrialized countries
were shown to be on the increase. In the United States, the leading
viewer of television, households watched an average of 8.18 hours a day,
whereas the lowest average daily viewing was found in Sweden at
2.43 hours a day per household (OECD, 2007). Adding in recorded
television and the recently popularized mediums of Internet and mobile
phone video, the amount of television watched increases, especially for
younger audiences (Holmes, 2008). It is safe to say that television is a
popular source of information and entertainment.
This study identifies the television programs for use in narrow viewing
and the books used in extensive reading as having the positive attribute of
authenticity. The television programs considered, though, are of a
scripted nature, which means that they are not made up of spontaneously
and naturally occurring dialogue, and the graded readers, often part of
extensive reading programs, have vocabulary loads modified to the level of
the reader. Because authentic language is often considered to be
language that is not artificial (Crawford, 2002) or where no concessions
are made to foreign speakers (Harmer, 2007), this may mean that both
television and graded readers might not be deemed authentic by some.
The television programs analyzed here, however, are not made with
foreign language speakers in mind but rather for English speaking U.S.
audiences. They are, in that way, authentically representative of the input
English speakers regularly come into contact with. The dialogue is also
modelled on natural authentic language, and its linguistic features have
been shown to share the same core features as natural conversation
(Quaglio, 2009). Graded readers also contain authentic lexical features
(Allan, 2009) and present authentic representations of the modality and
Television is described differently in American English and British English. A television
program (United States) or programme (United Kingdom) refers to something that people
watch on television, and is often, and in this case, part of a periodically recurring run of
episodes. A short succession of episodes, lasting usually less than a year, is referred to by
North Americans as a season and in the United Kingdom and some other parts of the world
as a series. Some confusion can occur because, for North Americans the term series refers to
all episodes of a particular program across time (Grey’s Anatomy is the name of the series,
and the episodes broadcast from fall 2009 to spring 2010 are part of the sixth season).
Because the television episodes analyzed in this study are of U.S. origin, the U.S. English
nomenclature is used throughout.
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medium of the books on which they are based. In essence, authenticity is a
multifaceted concept in which there are degrees of authenticity as well as
situational authenticity.
The statistics above reflect first language (L1) viewing of television,
but there are no data indicating the amount of time viewers watch
second language (L2) television. In the EFL environment, L2 television
may not be as accessible as in an English as a second language (ESL)
situation, where language learners have an abundant supply of L2
programs to choose from. However, with the rise of DVDs and their
ability to easily provide full seasons of television programs, the increasing
availability of satellite television and its abundance of English language
channels, and the recent innovation of Internet pay-per-view television,
inaccessibility should be becoming less of a factor for language learners
in EFL situations. This increased availability of English language
television could be a particularly valuable source of L2 input, particularly
in the EFL setting where aural input is not as readily accessible as in the
ESL context. In addition to providing sought after aural input, increased
access to input in the form of television may also be a motivating factor.
It has been found that EFL learners are motivated to study English using
films (Chapple & Curtis, 2000; Colwell & Ipince Braschi, 2006; King,
2002), and because foreign language television has become as
comparably available as foreign language films, it would stand to reason
that EFL learners would be similarly motivated to learn from television
programs.
Television may also be a source of incidental vocabulary learning if
learners acquire vocabulary from television in the same way they do from
reading. Extensive reading done by language learners as a supplement
to their language classes has been shown to lead to gains in vocabulary
(Horst, 2005; Schmitt, 2008; Waring & Nation, 2004). An extensive
reading program exposes learners to texts that are at a level which allows
learners to read and learn with ease. Texts are available at a variety of
levels suited to the ability levels of learners. Level appropriacy is
important for incidental vocabulary learning, eases possible frustration
that can result from too difficult a text, and allows for sufficient lexical
coverage to help deal with unknown vocabulary. Learners are given the
freedom to read at their pace and to select texts that they find engaging
and interesting. For an extensive reading program to be effective, it
needs to engage the learners’ attention and encourage reading in
quantities large enough to allow for repeated encounters of new
vocabulary. Vocabulary learning can only come about if the extensive
reading program is part of a substantial and sustained program. To
supplement incidental learning, explicit vocabulary teaching in a variety
of formats is recommended (Waring & Nation, 2004). Generally, in
these programs, learners are free to choose books suitable to their
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
691
language ability and are encouraged to read as many as possible (Horst,
2005). Should television episodes be used in a similar manner to books
in an extensive reading program, the episodes available to the learners
would need to satisfy the aforementioned requirements.
Although serial book series like J. K. Rowling’s seven books featuring
Harry Potter are common in children’s literature, novels like Clive
Cussler’s 20 books featuring Dirk Pitt are common in certain genres of
adult fiction, and serialized graded readers are available for extensive
reading, they do not occur with the frequency that serials do in
television. Television programs, by and large, do not appear in isolation
but as part of a series made up of seasons, which are in turn made up of
individual episodes. Television seasons vary in length and scope, but
normally there is a consistent story arc or arcs linking the episodes in a
season. Of course, television viewers do not always watch every episode of
a program in their intended order, often failing to watch some episodes
altogether. As part of a language program designed to expose language
learners to authentic aural input, it may be better to take a more
systematic approach to viewing. This approach may involve watching
complete seasons of television in sequential order. The serial nature of a
television series with its reoccurring characters, themes, and story lines
allows for a viewer to build familiarity with the program, in contrast to
watching random episodes of different television programs, each having
different plots and characters. Also, the reoccurring attributes of a series
may make certain vocabulary reoccur more frequently. Increased
exposure to this vocabulary throughout a television season could have
the potential to reduce vocabulary load and increase vocabulary
acquisition. With these ideas in mind, the aim of this study is to
determine the potential for vocabulary learning through watching
related and unrelated television dramas and to establish the lexical
composition of seasons of these television programs originally produced
for broadcast in the United States.
BACKGROUND
Research indicates that viewers can incidentally learn L1 and L2 words
through watching television. Rice and Woodsmall (1988) found that
children who watched a 12-minute cartoon with a narration which
included 20 unknown L1 target words had higher scores on a test
measuring knowledge of those items than children who watched the
cartoon with a narration which did not include the target words. Rice
and Woodsmall suggest that repeated encounters with target words in
the cartoon contributed to learning. Oetting, Rice, and Swank (1995)
replicated Rice and Woodsmall’s study with normally developed and
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specific-language-impaired children. The results supported the earlier
findings; both groups of learners demonstrated greater gains in
vocabulary knowledge on the test than a control group. The results
also showed that the oldest learners with normal language development
had significantly larger gains than the specific-language-impaired
learners. They attributed the amount of learning to the age and
aptitude of the learners. Together, the two studies indicate that young
viewers are able to learn unknown L1 words through watching television.
L2 studies have repeatedly found that viewers can incidentally learn
L2 words through watching L2 television programs (d’Ydewalle &
Pavakanun, 1997; d’Ydewalle & Van de Poel, 1999; Koolstra & Beentjes,
1999; Neuman & Koskinen, 1992; Pavakanun & d’Ydewalle, 1992).
Several useful findings have emerged from the L2 studies. First, research
indicates that watching L2 programs with subtitles leads to greater
incidental vocabulary learning than watching without subtitles
(d’Ydewalle & Pavakanun, 1995; Koolstra & Beentjes, 1999; Neuman &
Koskinen, 1992; Pavakanun & d’Ydewalle, 1992). Second, the extent to
which learners have watched L2 television programs may also have an
effect on vocabulary learning. Koolstra and Beentjes (1999) found that
learners who had previously watched more L2 television programs had
higher incidental vocabulary learning gains than those who watched
fewer L2 programs. Third, research indicates that incidental learning
gains through watching television may be as substantial as through
reading. Neuman and Koskinen (1992) found that watching television
with subtitles led to greater vocabulary learning than reading the script
of the program. Scores were also higher for viewers who watched the
program without subtitles than for those who read the transcripts;
however, the statistical comparison between the groups was not
reported. If incidental learning gains though watching television are as
significant as they are through reading, television may be a valuable
resource for language learning.
Taken as a whole, the L1 and L2 studies justify the use of L2 television
viewing in language learning. In an analysis of the vocabulary in 88
English language television programs, Webb and Rodgers (2009b) suggest
that a vocabulary size of 3,000 word families plus knowledge of proper
nouns and marginal words may be sufficient for comprehension. This
provides a target vocabulary size from which point it may be useful to learn
through watching television. This vocabulary size provided 95% coverage
of television programs. This benchmark for coverage was derived from
reviewing the reading and listening comprehension research, because
there are no L1 or L2 studies examining the relationship between
coverage and television comprehension. Studies have varied in their
estimates of adequate comprehension. For reading, the following
estimates have been made: 95% for reasonable comprehension of a text
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
693
(Laufer, 1989), 98% for reading for pleasure (Hirsh & Nation, 1992), 98%
for adequate unassisted reading comprehension (Hu & Nation, 2000),
and 98% for ideal comprehension of written text (Nation, 2006). For
listening, the following estimates have been made: below 95% for short
texts (Bonk, 2000), greater than 98% for spoken language (Nation, 2006),
and 99% for adequate comprehension when listening to graded readers
(Donkaewbua, 2007). Although 98% coverage of television was considered ideal in Webb and Rodgers’ (2009b) study, 95% coverage was
considered to be adequate for comprehension, on the basis of research
indicating that the combination of visual and aural input might make
comprehension of television programs easier than listening comprehension (Hanley, Herron, & Cole, 1995; Mueller, 1980).
Webb and Rodgers (2009b) also suggest that, if learners with a
vocabulary size of 3,000 word families plus knowledge of proper nouns
and marginal words watch an hour of television each day, it is likely to
result in significant incidental vocabulary learning. The findings are
useful, because they highlight an approach to incidental vocabulary
learning which is rarely discussed in the literature. Webb and Rodgers go
on to suggest that one way in which comprehension and vocabulary
learning may be increased is to watch programs in which topics and story
lines may be similar.
Corpus-driven research on narrow reading indicates that it may be
more effective to learn vocabulary in related text than in unrelated text.
Two studies looked at the vocabulary in related newspaper stories versus
unrelated stories. Hwang and Nation (1989) analyzed the vocabulary
load of running stories, that is a story and its subsequent follow-up
stories, versus unrelated stories from newspapers. The analysis was
performed on 20 sequences of four related stories and 20 groups of four
unrelated stories and looked at the effect that reading related stories
had on repetitions of words outside the 2,000 most frequent words.
Selecting related stories showed a major effect on repetitions outside the
2,000 most frequent words, which reduced the vocabulary load and
provided better conditions for acquiring low-frequency words. Similarly,
Schmitt and Carter (2000) analyzed the vocabulary from a series of nine
newspaper stories related to the death of Princess Diana and compared
it with the vocabulary in nine unrelated stories from the same
newspapers. Both sets of articles contained the same number of running
words (7,843). Schmitt and Carter found that the Diana-related stories
contained 156 fewer types and that words were repeated more often than
in the unrelated stories. The researchers concluded that the reading of
related stories lowers the lexical load for L2 learners, which could allow
for earlier contact with authentic reading materials.
Sutarsyah, Nation, and Kennedy (1994) compared the vocabulary in an
Economics text consisting of 295,294 running words and a corpus of 160
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selections from random academic texts. The 160 short academic texts were
each about 2,000 words long and together totalled 311,768 running words.
The results showed that there were 9,469 word types and 5,438 word
families which occurred in the Economics text, and 21,399 word types and
12,744 word families which occurred in the random academic texts. The
analysis also showed that there were more encounters with the most
frequently occurring words in the Economics text than in the random
texts. The findings indicated that readers are likely to need a larger
vocabulary size to understand random texts than texts about a single topic.
The results also indicated that there may be more encounters with
technical words in text focused on a single topic than in random texts.
In a study focusing on texts used in extensive reading, Gardner (2004)
analyzed the lexical differences between expository and narrative texts used
by fifth grade elementary students. Twenty-eight narrative and 28 expository
texts containing 1,443,336 tokens were analyzed. In addition to being
categorized by discourse mode, the texts were also divided into thematically
related and thematically unrelated. Although the bulk of the analysis
centered on the suitability of expository versus narrative texts for incidental
vocabulary learning in a reading program, Gardner maintains that choosing
theme-related texts can have a profound effect on the type of words learnt,
the number of encounters with words, and the amount of prior vocabulary
knowledge needed to learn new words during extensive reading.
The studies on narrow reading have important implications for
language learning. They indicate that texts which relate to the same
topic are likely to have a smaller vocabulary load than random texts,
because the number of different words encountered is likely to be less.
Thus, learners need to know fewer words to understand a single topic or
related topics than to understand unrelated topics. The research
indicates that teachers may wish to organize courses around particular
topics to reduce the vocabulary demands of learning and to allow
learners to focus their attention on skill development. The results also
provide some evidence that texts which focus on the same topic are
likely to have more encounters with the technical vocabulary of that
topic than in unrelated texts. This is an important finding, because
research has consistently shown that the more often unknown words are
encountered in context, the more likely they are to be learned (Horst,
Cobb, & Meara, 1998; Jenkins, Stein, & Wysocki, 1984; Rott, 1999; Saragi,
Nation, & Meister, 1978; Waring & Takaki, 2003; Webb, 2007). The
corpus-driven findings suggest that vocabulary is more likely to be
learned incidentally in written discourse which focuses on a single topic
rather than multiple topics.1
1
For a more detailed summary of the literature on learner comprehension, vocabulary
demands, vocabulary acquisition and retention, and the role of subtitles in television, see
Webb and Rodgers (2009b).
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695
The research presented above highlights three points. First, in both
L1 and L2 settings, vocabulary can be incidentally learned through
watching television. However, we do not know to what extent vocabulary
learning may occur through watching television. Second, narrow reading
studies indicate that reading texts with similar topics and story lines may
facilitate vocabulary learning and assist comprehension. Television
programs, in the form of serialized episodes comprising seasons, have
characteristics well suited to take advantage of these points. Previous
research, however, has not focused on the potential for vocabulary
learning through watching seasons of television. Third, although Webb
and Rodgers’ (2009b) study indicated that 3,000 word families may be
sufficient for comprehension of television programs, there is not any
research on viewing strategies that learners can use to help boost
comprehension. Comparing television programs with related and
unrelated content may indicate that fewer types and word families are
encountered in different episodes of the same program. This would
indicate that watching different episodes of the same program is an
effective strategy for increasing comprehension. Taking into consideration these three points, the aim of the present study is to investigate the
lexical composition of series of television programs and the potential for
vocabulary learning through watching television programs with related
and unrelated content. The scripts of 288 television programs (142 from
programs with related content and 146 random television programs)
were analyzed using RANGE (Nation & Heatley, 2002) to determine the
percentage of words (coverage) at each 1,000-word level using Nation’s
(2004, 2006) British National Corpus (BNC) word lists, and the number
of encounters with word families. The analysis may provide direction
towards an effective method of using television for language learning, by
demonstrating a method of reducing the lexical burden of understanding television programs and optimizing vocabulary learning.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The present study seeks to address the following four research
questions:
1.
2.
3.
4.
696
Are there fewer word types and families in related television programs
than in unrelated programs?
Does vocabulary reoccur more often in different episodes of the same
television program than in random television programs?
What is the potential for vocabulary learning through watching a full
season (approximately 24 episodes) of one television program or an
equivalent number of random television programs?
What is the vocabulary size necessary to reach 95% coverage of the
different television programs?
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METHOD
Materials
The scripts of 288 television episodes were downloaded from the
Internet and analyzed in this study. The episodes had a total running
time of 203 hours and 49 minutes and a mean running time of
42 minutes. The running time for all but seven of the programs was 1
hour including commercials; however, commercials were not included
in the analysis. All the television programs (for the purposes of this
study, the terms television program and television series are used
synonymously) used in the study were produced for broadcast on U.S.
television stations. It is important to note that Internet-available
television scripts do not always reflect dialogue with total accuracy.
However, the scripts should provide a reliable assessment of the
vocabulary in television programs.
To determine the extent to which vocabulary reoccurs within a
related program over time, 142 episodes from six different television
programs and 146 episodes from random television programs were
analyzed in the study. The six different television series were 24, Alias,
Crossing Jordan, CSI, Grey’s Anatomy, and House, and the episodes for
each of the programs comprised a single season. A season of a
television series consists of the number of episodes broadcast in the
same programming year, whereas an episode is a single instance of a
series. The programs were selected according to their availability,
running time, date when first aired, and place of origin. All of the
episodes from these programs first aired between 2001 and 2006 and
had an average running time of 43 minutes. The genre of all of these
programs was classified as drama. Although drama is a very broad
classification, it is the common way to categorize a series in which
episodes last 1 hour (including commercials).
The 146 randomly selected television episodes were used for
comparison with the episodes in the six programs. The random
television programs were also all of U.S. origin, originally aired between
1963 and 2009, and had running times of approximately 22 minutes
(broadcast as a 30-minute program including commercials) or 44 minutes (broadcast as a 60-minute program). Six sets of different random
television programs were created for comparison with the six series.
Programs from a wide range of genres were used in each set of
comparison programs, and no set contained multiple episodes of the
same program. It should be noted that this does not ensure that all of
the programs had completely unrelated content, because two shows
from the same genre may have been included. However, the degree of
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
697
overlap in content was likely to be considerably less than in the episodes
in one season of a single program.
Each set of random television programs was made up of the same
number of running words as one of the six seasons. To ensure that the
sets had the same number of running words as each of the six programs,
one program in each of the sets did not include all of its running words.
The sets of random television programs were created with an aim of
including as many running words as possible from the final program in
the set. Comparing related and unrelated programs with an equal
number of running words was necessary to determine the extent to
which vocabulary reoccurs in television programs.
All of the words which could not be heard in the programs, such as
stage directions, setting features, and speakers’ names, were removed
from the scripts. Only the spoken words from the programs were
analyzed. Contractions and hyphenated words were changed to conform
with the spellings used in Nation’s (2006) BNC word lists. Contractions
accounted for 0.39% of the tokens in the study (0.28% of the tokens in
the six programs and 0.49% of the tokens from the random television
programs). For example, shoulda, d’you, c’mere, and ‘nother were changed
to should have, do you, come here, and another, respectively. If the spellings
were not changed, these items would have been classified as being less
frequent than the most frequent 14,000 word families. However, it is
important to note that knowing the changed spellings does not ensure
that the original spellings will also be known. For example, learners may
know come here, and another but they might not recognize c’mere, and
‘nother. Webb and Rodgers (2009a, 2009b) suggest the percentage of
contractions may be a factor which may influence comprehension and
vocabulary learning from spoken discourse. However, at present there is
not any research which has investigated the effect that the percentage of
contractions may have on comprehension and incidental learning. The
relatively small percentage of items that were changed to conform to the
spellings in the BNC lists would suggest that the effects of contractions,
at least as indicated by the scripts, would be quite small.
Analysis
RANGE (Nation & Heatley, 2002) was used to analyze the modified
scripts. RANGE is a computer program which lists the words that occur
in a text according to their frequency. Nation’s 14 lists of 1,000-word lists
were used with the RANGE software to determine the 1,000-word level
(1,000–14,000) at which the words in the programs occurred. The 14
lists were based on the frequency and range of occurrence of words in
the BNC. The word families in the lists were categorized as Level 6
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according to Bauer and Nation’s (1993) classification of word families.
Level 6 word families include inflections (a variation in the form of a
word to express grammatical categories like the plural -s and past tense
-ed) and more than 80 derivational affixes (an affix that creates a new
word, for example pain becomes painful). All word stems were free
forms, not bound forms (free forms can stand alone, whereas bound
forms cannot occur as separate words on their own; for example, the
word reuse consists of the affix re- and the free form use, whereas the word
repeat contains the bound form peat which cannot stand on its own). Less
frequent words than the most frequent 14,000 word families were
classified by the RANGE program as Proper Nouns, Marginal Words
(interjections, exclamations, and hesitation procedures, for example, oh,
uh, mmm, and ah), and Not in the Lists. Although the proper nouns list has
over 13,000 entries, this will rarely account for all of the proper nouns in
an analysis of a corpus, and a large number of proper nouns will be
classified by RANGE as Not in the Lists (words less frequent than the most
frequent 14,000 word families). Proper nouns found in the Not in the
Lists were reclassified as proper nouns and added to the proper nouns
totals. The RANGE program and the word lists can be downloaded from
Paul Nation’s Web site (Nation, 2011). For more information about the
word lists, see Nation (2004, 2006).
It should be noted that several words such as bartender, blog, cheerleader,
donut, email, fiancé, merci, momma, roommate, and t-shirt, which were
classified as Not in the Lists, are likely to be known by learners with a
vocabulary size of 3,000 word families. Words like these being classified
as Not in the Lists can more than likely be seen as a function of the BNC
being made up primarily of formal written texts as well as consisting of a
relatively low percentage (10%) of spoken language (Nation, 2006). A
learner’s knowledge of these low-frequency words may be a result of
many factors; for example, if the English language learner’s first
language were Japanese, then the word bartender (bātendā) would be
known as an English loanword in Japanese (Kamiya, 1994). This suggests
that the coverage figures may be slightly conservative. Another reason
for potentially conservative coverage figures is that this study analyzes
American television and the BNC consists primarily of British text
(Nation, 2004). This is evident when looking at words such as bartender,
cheerleader, donut, and roommate, which were classified as Not in the Lists.
These words are likely to be more common in U.S. English than British
English and contrast with words that might be considered more typically
British such as bloke, fortnight, lorry, and rubbish and are in the 1,000- and
2,000- level BNC word lists. These words would likely occur at less
frequent levels in an American corpus. This suggests that coverage of
American television could be higher if it were measured with lists
developed from a U.S. corpus. Unfortunately, there currently are no
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
699
word frequency lists derived from a U.S. corpus using the same criteria
Nation (2006) used to create the BNC lists.
Because Webb and Rodgers (2009b) found that knowledge of the
most frequent 3,000 word families plus proper nouns and marginal
words provided 95% coverage of television programs, the low-frequency
vocabulary found in the 4,000- to 14,000-word lists, which may be
unknown to L2 learners, was examined to determine the potential for
incidental vocabulary learning. The number of times word families from
these word lists were encountered may provide some indication of
whether unknown vocabulary is more likely to reoccur in related
television programs than unrelated programs.
RESULTS
Table 1 shows the cumulative coverage of the complete corpus, the six
seasons combined, and the random television programs. The corpus
consisted of 1,330,268 tokens: 665,134 tokens were from the individual
programs and 665,134 tokens were from the random television
programs. The last two rows of the table show the number of word
types and word families. The combined seasons consisted of 19,256 word
types from 9,401 word families, and the random television programs
consisted of 20,212 types and 10,511 word families. The combined
seasons had approximately 5% fewer types and 12% fewer word families
than the random television programs. This difference indicates that the
vocabulary load of related television programs is likely to be lower than
watching random programs, because a greater number of different
words may be found in unrelated programs.
Table 1 also shows that a vocabulary size of 3,000 word families plus
proper nouns and marginal words provided over 95% coverage of all
programs, the combined six seasons, and the random television
programs. This finding supports Webb and Rodgers’ (2009b) earlier
findings indicating that a vocabulary size of the most frequent 3,000
word families plus proper nouns is sufficient to reach 95% coverage of
television programs.
Table 2 presents the cumulative coverage of the six individual seasons
and the random television programs with which they were matched, as
well as the number of tokens, types, and families in each. The number of
word types found in the individual programs and the matching random
television programs was inconsistent. Although Table 1 showed that
there were fewer word types found in the combined six seasons than in
the random television programs, Table 2 reveals that there were fewer
word types in three of the programs (24, Alias, Grey’s Anatomy) and more
word types in three of the programs (Crossing Jordan, CSI, House). The
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TABLE 1
Cumulative Coverage Including Proper Nouns and Marginal Words for All Television
Programs, Complete Seasons, and Random Matching Seasons
Word list
All programs
Six seasons combined
Random television
programs
1,000
2,000
3,000
4,000
5,000
6,000
7,000
8,000
9,000
10,000
11,000
12,000
13,000
14,000
Proper nouns
Marginal words
Not in the lists
Tokens
Types
Families
89.76
94.02
95.83a
96.89
97.52
97.96
98.22
98.45
98.62
98.78
98.91
99.03
99.10
99.16
2.62
0.71
0.85
1,330,268
28,290
13,592
89.16
93.56
95.45a
96.51
97.21
97.64
97.91
98.17
98.35
98.51
98.66
98.82
98.90
98.97
2.65
0.70
1.03
665,134
19,256
9,401
90.38
94.49
96.22a
97.27
97.83
98.27
98.53
98.73
98.90
99.05
99.16
99.24
99.29
99.33
2.60
0.73
0.67
665,134
20,212
10,511
Note. aReaching 95% coverage.
results for word families were more consistent. The final row of Table 2
shows that there were fewer word families for five of the six individual
programs than in the matching random television programs. Only
Crossing Jordan contained more word families than its matching random
television programs. Together the results suggest that watching different
episodes of the same television program is likely to reduce the
vocabulary load. However, this may vary from program to program.
Programs which have the same characters in every episode and contain a
story line which continues from episode to episode may be most likely to
have a lower vocabulary load. For example, we believe that 24 was the
program in which the characters and story line were most closely linked
from episode to episode in this study. It contained 42% fewer types and
40% fewer word families than its matching random television programs,
which was far less than any of the other programs. Table 3 shows the
differences with respect to word types and families for 24 and its
matching random television program, as well as for the other programs
and their matching random television programs.
Tables 4 and 5 show the number and percentage of encounters with
low-frequency words (word families from the 4,000- to 14,000-word lists)
which occurred in the six programs and the random matching
programs. The results were consistent between the six programs and
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
701
702
TABLE 2
Cumulative Coverage Including Proper Nouns and Marginal Words for All Six Programs and Random Matching Programs
Word list
24
RTP
matching
24
Alias
RTP
matching
Alias
Crossing
Jordan
RTP
matching
Crossing
Jordan
CSI
RTP
matching
CSI
Grey’s
Anatomy
RTP
matching
Grey’s
Anatomy
House
RTP
matching
House
TESOL QUARTERLY
1,000
92.80
90.48
90.59
90.28
89.02
90.55
86.95
90.59
90.10
90.29
86.33
90.14
94.61
94.58
94.34
93.40
94.64
92.35
94.53
93.99
94.40
91.21
94.44
2,000
96.64a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
96.10
96.02
95.31
96.30
94.66
96.20
95.89
96.13
93.73
96.30a
3,000
97.58
96.37
a
a
4,000
98.42
97.28
97.04
97.27
96.40
97.35
96.00
97.20
96.75
97.18
95.03
97.36
5,000
98.89
97.90
97.65
97.82
97.32
97.92
96.68
97.70
97.35
97.76
95.90
97.90
6,000
99.23
98.39
98.01
98.23
97.78
98.29
97.15
98.18
97.70
98.28
96.47
98.29
7,000
99.32
98.63
98.20
98.45
98.06
98.55
97.51
98.50
97.97
98.50
96.83
98.58
8,000
99.40
98.85
98.41
98.62
98.34
98.76
97.83
98.71
98.16
98.71
97.24
98.76
9,000
99.45
99.03
98.57
98.80
98.49
98.93
98.08
98.87
98.34
98.85
97.51
98.94
10,000
99.51
99.16
98.75
99.00
98.62
99.05
98.28
99.04
98.48
98.97
97.77
99.13
11,000
99.58
99.26
98.84
99.10
98.76
99.16
98.45
99.14
98.64
99.08
97.99
99.24
12,000
99.61
99.34
98.96
99.17
99.02
99.23
98.73
99.23
98.73
99.18
98.16
99.32
13,000
99.64
99.40
99.04
99.23
99.10
99.28
98.83
99.28
98.81
99.23
98.24
99.38
14,000
99.66
99.43
99.07
99.26
99.16
99.34
98.95
99.34
98.87
99.26
98.38
99.41
3.61
2.36
3.58
2.62
2.61
2.76
2.90
2.80
2.63
2.54
1.19
2.52
Proper
nouns
Marginal
0.27
0.67
0.56
0.78
0.65
0.80
0.84
0.83
1.27
0.70
0.44
0.61
words
Not in
0.36
0.56
0.93
0.75
0.84
0.67
1.04
0.66
1.15
0.74
1.63
0.60
the lists
Tokens
93,038
93,038
89,582
89,582
117,614
117,614
98,044
98,044
138,561
138,561
128,295
128,295
Types
3,936
6,766
6,154
6,830
7,807
7,731
7,752
7,253
7,139
8,733
8,622
8,334
Families
2,506
4,172
3,727
4,234
4,668
4,697
4,536
4,476
4,021
5,197
4,598
5,014
Note. aReaching 95% coverage. RTP 5 random television programs.
indicate that there is greater potential for incidental vocabulary learning
through watching different episodes of the same program than watching
random television programs. The percentage of word families encountered 10 or more times was higher in all six programs than in the
matching random television programs. Moreover, the percentage of
word families encountered once was less in all six programs than in the
matching random television programs. For example, in House 51% of
the word families were encountered once and 6% were encountered 10
or more times. In the random television programs matching House, 59%
of the word families were encountered once and 2% were encountered
10 or more times. It is important to note that the number of lowfrequency tokens varied between programs and the random television
programs, so it is necessary to look at the percentage of encounters
rather than the number of encounters in this comparison. The total
number of tokens and word families in encounters with 4,000- to 14,000level word families was less consistent than the overall token and word
family totals. Three out of the six programs had fewer tokens and word
families at these levels, with 24 having by far the greatest difference for
tokens (48.5% less) and word families (151.2% less). Table 6 presents
the differences, in both real terms and as a percentage, between the six
programs and the random matching programs for both families and
tokens in encounters with 4,000- to 14,000-level word families.
DISCUSSION
The present study expanded upon earlier corpus-driven research on
television programs (Webb & Rodgers, 2009b) and narrow reading
(Gardner, 2004; Hwang & Nation, 1989; Schmitt & Carter, 2000;
Sutarsyah et al. 1994) by contrasting the vocabulary in six television
programs with six sets of random television programs. This should
provide an accurate assessment of the extent to which vocabulary is likely
to reoccur within a program, unrelated programs, and the potential for
incidental vocabulary learning within those sets.
In answer to the first research question, the results indicate that
related television programs are likely to have a lower vocabulary load
than unrelated television programs. When the six programs were
combined, there were 11% fewer word families and 5% fewer word
types in the related programs than in the random television programs.
In five of the six television programs, the number of word families was
less than in the random television programs with which they were
matched. The number of word types was less consistent. There were
more types in three of the six programs than in the random matching
programs. Taken as a whole, the analysis indicated that related programs
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
703
704
TABLE 3
Difference Between Word Types and Word Families in All Six Programs and Random Matching Programs
Word list
24
Tokens
93,038
Types
3,936
Difference for 22,830
types
Difference for
242
types (%)
Families
2,506
Difference for 21,666
types
Difference for
240
families (%)
RTP
matching
24
93,038
6,766
Alias
89,582
6,154
2676
RTP
matching
Alias
89,582
6,830
3,727
2507
212
TESOL QUARTERLY
Note. RTP 5 random television programs.
117,614
7,807
+76
117,614
7,731
+1
210
4,172
Crossing
Jordan
RTP
matching
Crossing
Jordan
4,234
4,668
229
21
CSI
98,044
7,752
+499
RTP
matching
CSI
98,044
7,253
+7
4,697
4,536
+60
+1
Grey’s
Anatomy
138,561
7,139
21,594
RTP
matching
Grey’s
Anatomy
138,561
8,733
4,021
21,176
223
128,295
8,622
+288
128,295
8,334
+3
218
4,476
House
RTP
matching
House
5,197
4,598
2416
28
5,014
may use fewer word families than unrelated programs but may have a
greater number of encounters with members of those word families. The
findings support earlier research on narrow reading (Sutarsyah et al.,
1994), which found that related texts had fewer types and families than
unrelated texts. The difference between the number of word types and
families in the related and unrelated television programs was not nearly
as large as in Sutarsyah et al.’s (1994) study (over twice as many word
families and word types in the unrelated academic texts) or as large as in
Schmitt and Carter’s (2000) study (7.5% more word types in the
unrelated articles) of newspaper stories. This could be a function of the
type of discourse—spoken vs. written—or it could also indicate that the
vocabulary in television dramas does not vary as much as it does in
written text. A summary of the number of tokens, word types, word
families, and the differences between related and unrelated texts in the
three studies is given in Table 7.
The results provide evidence that it may be easier for learners to
understand the vocabulary in related programs than in unrelated
programs, because there are likely to be fewer word families encountered in related programs, and the word families that do occur are more
likely to reoccur, increasing the potential for vocabulary learning. This
provides some direction on how television may be more effectively used
for language learning. If learners do not have high comprehension of
television programs, it may be most effective to watch different episodes
of a single program rather than single episodes of different programs.
Watching different, or ideally successive, episodes of one program may
also be more effective, because it enables viewers to make cumulative
gains in background knowledge, which may increase their comprehension of subsequent episodes. For example, in the first episode of a
program learners will need to become familiar with characters’ names
and other key proper nouns, the relationships between the characters, as
well as the story line. In subsequent episodes, viewers will have greater
understanding of those variables. Background knowledge has consistently been found to have an influence on comprehension of written
text (Stahl, Hare, Sinatra, & Gregory, 1991; Stahl & Jacobson, 1986;
Stahl, Jacobson, Davis, & Davis, 1989).
In answer to the second research question, the results indicate that
there is greater potential for vocabulary learning through watching
related television programs than unrelated television programs. There
was a higher percentage of low-frequency (4,000- to 14,000-level) word
families encountered 10 or more times, and a smaller percentage of
word families encountered once in all six of the seasons than in the six
sets of random television programs. It is useful to look at the total
number of tokens and the word families that were encountered 10 or
more times in the 4,000- to 14,000-word lists to see where differences
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
705
706
TABLE 4
Number and Percentage of Encounters With 4,000- to 14,000-Level Word Families in a Season of 24, Alias, Crossing Jordan, and Random Matching
Programs
Number of
encounters
1
2
3–4
5–7
8–9
10+
Mean encounters for
10+
Total word families
Total tokens
RTP matching 24
24
Amount
280
136
61
43
8
27
32
%
50
25
11
8
1
5
555
1,926
TESOL QUARTERLY
Note. RTP 5 random television programs.
Amount
877
264
158
46
15
34
16
1,394
2,861
%
63
19
11
3
1
2
Alias
Amount
664
198
149
50
21
40
16
1,122
2,654
%
59
18
13
4
2
4
RTP matching
Alias
Crossing Jordan
Amount
Amount
857
255
160
40
14
38
17
1,364
2,902
%
63
19
12
3
1
3
985
304
241
92
19
57
25
1,698
4,539
%
58
18
14
5
1
3
RTP matching
Crossing Jordan
Amount
967
279
211
85
24
34
20
1,600
3,569
%
60
17
13
5
2
2
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
TABLE 5
Number and Percentage of Encounters With 4,000- to 14,000-Level Word Families in a Season of CSI, Grey’s Anatomy, House, and Random Matching
Programs
Number of
encounters
1
2
3–4
5–7
8–9
10+
Mean
encounters
for 10+
Total word
families
Total tokens
RTP matching CSI
CSI
Amount
910
282
220
115
32
63
17
%
Amount
56
17
14
7
2
4
945
268
157
66
16
32
17
%
64
18
11
4
1
2
Grey’s Anatomy
Amount
738
233
201
95
33
81
17
RTP matching
Grey’s Anatomy
%
Amount
%
53
17
15
7
2
6
1,049
369
236
128
23
45
18
57
20
13
7
1
2
RTP matching House
House
Amount
932
357
244
133
35
113
22
%
Amount
%
51
20
13
7
2
6
1,058
348
231
108
20
43
16
59
19
13
6
1
2
1,622
1,484
1,381
1,850
1,814
1,808
4,215
3,086
4,109
4,345
5,960
3,978
Note. RTP 5 random television programs.
707
708
TABLE 6
Difference Between Total Tokens and Word Families in Encounters With 4,000- to 14,000-Level Word Families in a Season of All Six Programs and
Random Matching Programs
24
Total tokens
Difference for
tokens
Difference for
tokens (%)
Total word
families
Difference for
families
Difference for
families (%)
1,926
2935
RTP
matching
24
2,861
248.5
555
Alias
2,654
2248
RTP
matching
Alias
2,902
1,122
4,539
+970
3,569
+21.4
29.3
1,394
Crossing
Jordan
RTP
matching
Crossing
Jordan
1,364
1,698
CSI
4,215
+1,129
RTP
matching
CSI
3,086
+26.8
1,600
1,622
Grey’s
Anatomy
4,109
2236
4,345
1,484
1,381
2242
+98
+138
2427
2151.2
221.6
+5.8
+8.5
234.0
House
5,960
+1615
RTP
matching
House
3,978
+33.3
25.7
2839
TESOL QUARTERLY
Note. RTP 5 random television programs.
RTP
matching
Grey’s
Anatomy
1,850
1,814
236
+0.3
1,808
occurred between the individual programs and the sets of random
television programs. For example, there were 5,960 low-frequency
running words in House, and 2,486 of these were from word families
which were encountered 10 or more times (113 6 22). The random
television programs set matched with House had only 3,978 lowfrequency running words, and 688 of these were from word families
encountered 10 or more times (43 6 16). Although it should be
expected that there would be fewer running words from word families
encountered 10 or more times in the random set because there were
fewer low-frequency running words, the difference between the two
(1,798 tokens) is surprising because it accounts for 91% of the 1982
(5,960–3,978) excess tokens in the 4,000- to14,000-word lists of House.
Thus, 91% of the excess low-frequency words in House were members of
word families which were encountered 10 or more times. The results
were similar for Crossing Jordan, which also had more low-frequency
words than the random set; 77% of the excess words in Crossing Jordan
were from word families which were encountered 10 or more times.
Results were not quite as high for the other program, which had more
low-frequency tokens than its matching set. Only 47% of the excess
words in CSI were from word families which were encountered 10 or
more times. However, there were also higher percentages of word
families encountered 5–7 times and 8–9 times in CSI. Together, the
results indicate that, if there were more low-frequency words in an
individual program, there was greater potential to learn those words.
TABLE 7
Comparison Between the Present Study and Earlier Research on Narrow Reading Including
Number of Tokens, Word Types, Word Families, and the Percent Difference Between Related
and Unrelated Texts
Present study
Tokens
Types
Difference
for types
Difference
for types
(%)
Families
Difference
for families
Difference
for families
(%)
Sutarsyah et al. (1994)
Related
texts
Unrelated
texts
Related
texts
Unrelated
texts
665,134
19,256
2956
665,134
20,212
295,294
9,469
211,930
311,768
21,399
25
9,401
21,110
211
256
10,511
5,438
27,306
Schmitt & Carter (2000)
Related
texts
7,843
2,068
2156
Unrelated
texts
7,843
2,224
27.5
12,744
a
a
257
Note. aNot reported.
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
709
In answer to the third research question, the results indicate that
there is potential for significant incidental vocabulary learning through
watching complete seasons of television programs in terms of both
breadth (how many words are known) and depth (how well words are
known) of vocabulary knowledge (Read, 2004). If we count the word
families which were encountered 10 or more times as potentially learned
items, then from 27 to 113 words may have been learned through
watching the episodes from the six programs. However, this may be a
conservative estimate. It is likely that viewers would make gains in partial
knowledge for most of the words encountered five or more times in the
programs. These gains from incidental vocabulary learning at different
encounter frequencies would serve to build up the viewers’ breadth and
depth of vocabulary knowledge. Moreover, they would also likely make
gains (strengthening certain aspects of vocabulary knowledge, such as
spoken form and collocation) for words, such as those in the 1,000- to
3,000-word lists, which they may have been able to demonstrate
knowledge of prior to viewing. Encountering known words in original
contexts is likely to increase knowledge of different aspects of knowledge
for those items.
The results also indicate that there may be substantial incidental
vocabulary learning through watching unrelated programs, if television
is watched regularly. Counting word families which were encountered 10
or more times as potentially learned items, then from 32 to 45 words may
have been learned through watching one of the six random sets of
programs. In one comparison between 24 and the random matching
television programs, there were more word families encountered 10 or
more times in the random television programs. Although this was due to
a greater number of low-frequency running words in the random
programs, television programs are not viewed based on the number or
frequency of running words. These results indicate that, in some cases, it
may be just as effective to learn vocabulary through watching unrelated
programs, and if learners watch L2 television programs regularly,
regardless of the content, they are likely to increase their vocabulary.
Overall, if vocabulary can be incidentally learned through watching L2
television programs in a similar fashion demonstrated in reading (Horst
et al., 1998), the results of this study point to the potential efficacy of
narrow viewing.
In answer to the fourth research question, the results indicate that a
vocabulary size of 3,000 word families plus knowledge of proper nouns
and marginal words is sufficient to reach 95% coverage of television
programs. The 1.3 million word corpus created for this study was more
than 5 times the size of the television corpus analyzed in Webb and
Rodgers’ (2009b) study. The cumulative coverage at the 3,000-word level
was 95.83% in this study, which was slightly higher than in the earlier
710
TESOL QUARTERLY
study (95.45%). It is also important to note that the results of the present
study also indicate that coverage is likely to vary considerably between
different programs. Although the mean coverage of 3,000 word families
plus proper nouns and marginal words for all of the programs in the
study is 95.83%, one of the six individual programs examined reached
95% coverage at the 2,000 word level, whereas two did not reach 95%
coverage until the 4,000-word level. Coverage of 24 at the 2,000-word
level was 96.64%. In contrast, coverage of House and CSI at the 4,000word level was 95.03% and 96.00%, respectively. This finding suggests
that it may be of considerable value to analyze the vocabulary in
programs to provide some guidance to teachers and learners on their
respective vocabulary loads. These results are significant because they
support the earlier findings of Webb and Rodgers (2009b) that
knowledge of 3,000 word families plus proper nouns and marginal
words will result in 95% lexical coverage of television programs. This
coverage level might be sufficient for adequate comprehension and for
incidental learning to occur. This finding supports the potentiality of
television, especially in a narrow viewing context, as a source of aural
input for language learners reaching or approaching this vocabulary
level.
Language learners and their teachers need to be made aware of the
implications the results of this study have for learners seeking to improve
their vocabulary and learn from authentic aural input. The higher rate
of occurrence of low-frequency words and fewer word families in related
television episodes means that a learner has more opportunities to gain
knowledge of these words. Language teachers and learners also need to
be made aware of the potential for increased comprehension from
watching related television programs. The lower vocabulary load in a
season of television versus unrelated episodes of different programs is
something that a language learner should consider when choosing to
learn from television. Add this to the gains in background knowledge a
viewer gets as he or she becomes more familiar with the setting,
character relationships, and the series’ main plot, and learners can
expect to have the potential to comprehend authentic television that
they might otherwise find overwhelming. Learners and teachers have
two ways of implementing a narrow viewing approach. The first is
through self-study, where television would be used in the same way books
are used in extensive reading programs. Language learners would have
access to full seasons of television in a range of titles and genres. This
wide range of titles would allow for various tastes and interests. This
study’s findings can also be implemented in the classroom as part of a
teacher-led course. In this situation, viewing of episodes of a single
television program would take place in the classroom accompanied by a
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
711
variety of explicit instructional activities related to the individual
episodes and the series as a whole.
There are a number of strategies and techniques that can be used to
improve comprehension and vocabulary acquisition prior to viewing,
while viewing, and postviewing. In the self-study situation, teachers
should take care to recommend that, upon finding a television program
that piques their interest, students should start at the beginning of
preferably the first season and work through it successively. This
instruction needs to come prior to students beginning the viewing
process, so as to guide their choices. The learners also need to be given
the opportunity to try watching a program and to choose a different one
if they don’t like it. They should be encouraged to watch the same
episode multiple times if they enjoyed it, especially early on in a season
or series, to solidify knowledge of the background of the story and the
relationships between the characters. Short background summaries
could be developed to guide learners to programs in which they might
be interested. The summaries of the television programs in simplified
English or, if the resources are intended for a homogeneous population,
in the L1, would increase the chance of a learner finding a program he
or she likes more quickly. Information concerning the relative lexical
load of the programs would also aid students in deciding on a suitable
television series.
Activities in the classroom prior to viewing should begin with a
rationale for using class time to watch television. Because there is a
perception that watching videos is a recreational exercise (Bird, 2005),
students need to be instructed about its potential benefits so they take
television viewing as seriously as they would any other classroom activity.
The students should be made aware that through watching successive
episodes of one program they can expect to learn the spoken form of
English, improve their L2 listening skills, learn about foreign culture,
and enjoy the process at the same time. The learners should be warned
that they may not understand everything at first, but that comprehension will improve in successive episodes. Prior to viewing, learners should
be taught about the background story of the series. Included in this
explanation can be details about the setting, the context of the story,
and how the story is culturally relevant. The main characters should also
be introduced before viewing starts, and should include brief descriptions of their relationships to one another. Before each episode, if
appropriate, new characters can also be introduced.
Preteaching low-frequency words from the television program is
another classroom-based activity that can aid comprehension. Webb
(2010a) found that knowledge of an episode’s 10 most frequently
occurring topic-related words from the 4,000- to14,000-word BNC lists
represented an increase in lexical coverage that may facilitate
712
TESOL QUARTERLY
comprehension. Because of the nature of television, teaching the
spoken form of the target words and their contextualized meanings
would have the greatest value. Because learners need to be able to
recognize the aural form and link it to meaning, language-focused
instruction should include opportunities for the learners to hear the
target words in a variety of contexts. The television series itself can be
used to preteach the target vocabulary. Short scenes from the episodes
that include examples of the target words can be used in a variety of
ways. One approach would be for the learners to view a scene and
identify which target words were used in the scene. This helps the
learners to recognize the spoken form of the words. Another approach
would be a cloze activity for which the learners are provided with
transcripts of a scene with the target vocabulary removed, and they fill in
the missing words as they listen to the dialogue. A dictation activity could
also teach the spoken form of the target words. Learners would listen to
isolated sentences from the episodes, transcribe them, and finally
highlight occurrences of target words. Before the teacher provides the
answers, it might take repeated listens for the learners to fully transcribe
the sentences. Viewing the scenes in conjunction with these activities
would also provide more context for the introduction of the television
series’ characters and background story.
Another approach that can promote comprehension is the use of
glossaries made up of the most frequently occurring topic-related words
from the 4,000- to14,000-word lists (Webb, 2010b). The information
presented in the glossaries can include L1 definitions, L2 definitions,
pictures, usage examples, and phonetic transcriptions. However, not all
words in the glossary need all this information included. Words such as
cortex from House (13 encounters in the season analyzed in this study),
directorate from Alias (48 encounters), or spatter from CSI (10 encounters)
may have limited use to language learners outside those in specialized
fields. Knowledge of these words can still help comprehension, so they
should be included in a glossary but with shorter, easily understood
definitions and notation explaining that they are words important to the
program but perhaps not so valuable in most English language settings.
Although still potentially useful in a classroom environment, the use of
glossaries lends itself better to the self-study situation. This is because to
use the glossary to its fullest it would be beneficial to pause the video to
consult the glossary when the need arises, something which would be
inconvenient in a classroom setting.
Comprehension questions based on the content of the individual
episodes can also be used to focus the students’ attention on key
plot ideas or details. These comprehension questions can be completed while viewing, postviewing, or a combination of both. Regular
breaks in the viewing would give the students time to answer more
VOCABULARY IN RELATED TELEVISION PROGRAMS
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detail-orientated questions that they may forget by the end of the
episode. Questions that deal with the broader ideas of the episode could
be completed postviewing when the entirety of the episode can be
considered. These comprehension questions work equally well in a
classroom setting as in a self-study situation. Postviewing activities could
also include exercises in which students summarize the episode they just
watched, or make predictions about the next episode or important story
arcs. These activities would serve to heighten a learner’s involvement
with the series. In teacher-led instruction not all viewing need be done in
class, and for homework the students could watch the successive episode
or finish watching episodes started in class.
CONCLUSION
Although it may be most effective for learners to watch different
episodes of the same television program rather than watching different
programs, it would be unreasonable to expect all learners to be motivated
to only watch episodes of one program. If television is to be used regularly,
following the approach taken in extensive reading, it may be most effective
for learners to select the programs which they watch. The large number of
complete seasons of television programs available on DVD makes it
relatively simple to provide access to a wide variety of series. Allowing
learners to find programs which they are interested in watching from a
range of programs, and guiding learners to watch all of the available
episodes of that program before moving on to a different program, may be
an effective approach to using television for language learning. This may
be most useful for learners who have some difficulty understanding L2
programs. If learners are at a level where they can easily understand L2
television programs, then the primary aim should be for them to
encounter as much L2 aural input as possible rather than specific input.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful
comments.
THE AUTHORS
Michael P. H. Rodgers is an instructor at the Fukuoka University Language
Education and Research Center in Fukuoka, Japan. His research interests are
vocabulary acquisition, media corpus studies, and language testing.
Stuart Webb is a senior lecturer and the Master of Arts programme director in the
School of Linguistics and Applied Language Studies at Victoria University of
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Wellington, New Zealand. His research interests include vocabulary studies and
extensive reading and listening.
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