Radio As A Medium For The Teaching Of Hindi

DR KUMAR MAHABIR ANTHROPOLOGIST DEPARTMENT OF LIBERAL ARTS & COMMUNICATIONS COSTAATT (COMMUNITY COLLEGE) MT HOPE MEDICAL SCIENCES COMPLEX TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO RADIO AS A MEDIUM FOR THE TEACHING OF HINDI IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO Abstract - The world is swamped by a tidal wave of computer-assisted technologies in the teaching of foreign languages. Yet the simple traditional transistor radio remains accessible to all in every location as a medium of instruction when compared to videos, laserdiscs, hypertext cards, CDs, CD-ROMs and the Internet. Despite being one-way and passive, radio technology plays a major role as a limited language laboratory which uses the sole audio-lingual method of instruction to introduce vocabulary and pronunciation. This paper seeks to assess radio as a tool for the teaching of the Hindi language in Trinidad and Tobago. The establishment of five radio stations dedicated mainly to Hindi/Indian music has given rise to programs promulgating Hindi. The paper discusses the process of language attrition in Trinidad, the advent of the five radio stations, the need to learn Hindi, the potential of radio for language instruction, and the methods used to teach the language in this medium. Keywords - distance education; foreign language instruction; Hindu; Trinidad & Tobago. Address all correspondence to Dr Kumar Mahabir President, Association of Caribbean Anthropologists Swami Avenue, Don Miguel Road San Juan, Trinidad and Tobago West Indies Tel: (868) 675-7707. Tel/fax: (868) 674-6008. Cellular: (868) 756-4961 E-mail: mahab@tstt.net.tt COMPETENCIES OF HINDI IN TRINIDAD Hindi was introduced in this country with the arrival of indentured immigrants from India 157 years ago. It is the ancestral language of about 40 percent of the country's total population. It is today an important medium in the rediscovery of an essential part of the country's religious and cultural heritage. Presently, the form of Hindi that is known in Trinidad is the Bhojpuri Hindi, but the form of the language that is taught is Standard Hindi. However, the greater percentage of the Bhojpuri Hindi lexicon corresponds systematically to Standard Hindi. Bhojpuri Hindi is a language that survived in Trinidad ten thousand miles away from its roots in India across three generations, and is now dead, even decaying. An indication that a language is dying is when its ethnic community begins to use it for less and less of its in-group communication, and when the community itself ceases to use it as a native language (Mohan 1996). The language is dead, and decaying, when there is a shift to a new native language, and the old language is being used by people who have become foreigners to it. There are significant differences between the first and subsequent generations of Hindispeakers in Trinidad. In 1976, Mohan (1996:1) described the generational proficiency levels of Hindi-speakers, the most competent being the oldest members of the community: They were the poorest, oldest farmers and labourers, the ones left behind in the march of progress. The Bhojpuri they showed me, and which I wrote about, was not a language they used all the time, or even half of he time. And it was not a language the wider, younger Indian community knew at all. For them, the language had shrunk to a few stereotype words set in a matrix of Creole English. Bhojpuri Hindi had been sidelined in favour of Creole English. The youngest speakers of Hindi seemed, to varying degrees, to be struggling to translate their thoughts into an uncomfortable medium they knew less well than they had thought. Like Trinidad Spanish and Trinidad French Creole, Trinidad Bhojpuri/Hindi has moved from a language of the majority, to a language spoken only by elderly people at least 70 years old who are to be found in isolated rural communities individuals (Bhatia 1988; Chandoo 1989). For them, Hindi would be their mother tongue. Today, all the Hindi speakers in Trinidad are bilinguals in Hindi and Trinidad English. The younger thirdgeneration members of the Indian community are monolinguals, and some over middleage are semi-speakers of Hindi who use the language in a pidginised form. Both generations have suffered massive loss of lexical items and grammatical structures. Teenagers in the Indian community have only retained loan words to express names of food, cooking utensils, songs, places, ceremonies, and terms of kinship. Unless the present sociolinguistic trend is reversed, Hindi would become completely extinct because it is spoken only by a marginal number of elderly individuals. It is without doubt that Hindi is the second language of Trinidad and Tobago. It is entrenched in Trinidad English vocabulary; it is present in the language of all nationals regardless of race or ethnicity when they say words like roti, sari, dulahin and nani. It is a living language and it is used more frequently than French or Spanish - the two foreign languages taught in most secondary schools (Mahase 1996). Bhatia (1988:187) argues that the case of Hindi is particularly complex since Indians who admit to knowing "only a few words" are sometimes quite fluent in Hindi. All citizens of Trinidad are exposed to the language daily through conversations with elders at home, through sermons and songs by pundits and their choir, and through music on cassette and CD players, loudspeakers (“mikes”), cinema, videos, television, and radio. There are also Hindi/Indian cultural concerts and competitions, plays, and poetry performances. There are two television stations that broadcast eight Indian cultural programmes weekly, and five radio stations that air Indian music 24 hours a day, seven days a week. State-owned Trinidad and Tobago Television (TTT) broadcasts "Mastana Bahar" and/or "MTV India - Chit-OChat" on Saturdays, and "MTV India - Made in India" and "Indian Variety" on Sundays. And TV6 airs "Music Box" and "Om Namah Shivaya" on Saturdays, and "Sitarie" and "MTV India" on Sundays. In Trinidad, Hindi is spoken in areas like Caroni, Couva, Chaguanas and San Fernando with its large concentration of Hindus and Muslims. Bhatia (1988) observes that “approximately two thirds of the area of Trinidad can be characterised as „Hindi-speaking area,‟” adding that this is a conservative estimate for significant numbers of the Christian Indians also use it as a first or second language. He validates his observation by drawing support from a survey of the linguistic background of primary school children conducted by the local University (UWI) in 1969. This survey (Carrington et al. 1974) revealed that about 46 percent of children in primary school were exposed to Hindi at home In 1910, Bhojpuri Hindi was included in the curriculum in primary schools in Trinidad. By 1911, it was a compulsory subject in the 61 branches of the Canadian Mission School, and every teacher in the Teachers' Training College had to learn it (Mahase 1996:4). However, it was limited as a subject, in that it was used mainly to sing and to pray. Hindi is still taught today as a language, though in a limited way, in all primary and secondary schools controlled by the Sanathan Dharma Maha Sabha (SDMS). Bharatiya Vidya Sansthaan (BVS) has about 4,000 students in 25 centres. Hindi is also taught as in ten secondary Government schools under the supervision of the Hindi Nidhi Foundation of Trinidad and Tobago. It is also offered on a sporadic and voluntary basis in hundreds of temples. It has been taught at the Indian High Commission and the University of the West Indies in St Augustine since 1988. Some students have gone to India on scholarships to master the language. So important is Hindi to some Trinidadians, that the Hindi Foundation hosted the First Hindi Conference in the Western Hemisphere in 1996, and in the same year, it was again successful it hosting the Fifth World Hindi Conference. Trinidad identifies itself as a monolingual nation with English as its only official language. The failure to recognise other languages by the Government has resulted in serious linguistic neglect (Bhatia 1988). The survival of Hindi in Trinidad may be retained only in its lexical form, and it would persist only in so far as it is used in Trinidad Creole English (Chandoo 1989). There is the belief among all Indians that English is the language of social and educational development. THE ADVENT OF HINDI / INDIAN MUSIC STATIONS Since 1993, five Hindi/Indian music radio stations have been established in Trinidad - 103 FM, 91.1 FM, 106 FM, 90.5 FM, and 101.1 FM. The initiative to open the airwaves, and the media industry at large, was ushered under the new National Alliance for Reconstruction (NAR) government which came to power in 1986. Before the advent of these stations, Hindi was heard only on about ten Indian cultural programmes a week on the eight “national” radio stations. Before the advent, "about half of the entire population was … served a token one or two hours of daily programming - insufficient to reflect [the] deep religious and cultural strengths" of more than 50 percent of the population (Ahamad 1998:2). In 1994, one year after the inception of the first station, Radio 103 FM scored 20 percent of the total market audience of Trinidad and Tobago. The feedback from the listeners was that since 103 FM came on air, they no longer changed their dial; they stayed with the station for the entire period (Newsday 1994). The musical band wave not only created history and broke barriers, but also targeted a niche market left untouched for decades. For many Indians, the station filled a void in their lives. The Founder/Co-director said: "Before we set up the station, radio was dying. And since 103 FM came on stream, the listenership for not only 103 FM but radio, grew enormously” (Newsday 1997). Since then, four additional Hindi/Indian music radio stations have come on stream. In all these stations, Indians make up about 98 percent of the listenership, and non-Indians constitute about two percent. Some commentators (e.g. Mohammed 2002:3) have seen the establishment of five Indian radio station in such a short space of time as “an accomplishment and a landmark in the history of East Indians in Trinidad, considering the many obstacles and prejudices they faced in attempting to affirm themselves." Ahamad (1998:2) notes: “After 150 years of arrival of Indians to the island, and 50 years of music marginalisation on the national airways, the first Indian music station went on air.” The stations signaled a new dawn in the media for the Indian community, and they revived and strengthened an awareness of ethnic identity and pride in Indian history and culture. Radio WABC 103 FM is/was the first Hindi/Indian music station in Trinidad and Tobago and the Caribbean. It was founded by Marcel Mahabir and Dik Henderson and launched on July 5, 1993. It marked a historical change in radio programming in the country. It marks its anniversary every year with a free concert "Mela," the last drawing a crowd in excess of 20,000 fans. It also organises outdoor social activities and promotions like the Road Show, Car Rally and Treasure Hunt, Riverlime, and the Curry Duck Cooking Competition. It organises and hosts an annual Hall of Fame and Music Awards at the Central Bank Auditorium. The station boasts of playing an average of 65 percent local music. It is ranked by surveys as the most popular among the five stations. Extremely high profits in advertising in 103 FM, and the hunger for more Indian music on FM stereo led to the establishment of the second all-Hindi/Indian music station NBC 610 (rebranded NBN 91.1) and later, the third station, Sangeet 106 FM in the same year, 1995. The new idea in radio to focus on Indian culture brought about unprecendented success for the second new station. Radio 91.1 is part of the state-owned National Broadcasting Network (NBN) and has developed niche programmes by targeting a specific rather than a general audience/market. The station broadcasts a full mix of exclusively Indian music, but on special occasions, like Valentine Day, it plays some country and western songs. Sangeet 106 FM is owned by the conglomerate Ansa McAl Group of Companies and falls under the Trinidad Broadcasting Network. When it went on air in 1995, it became the third all-Indian music station in the country - 103 FM was the first and 91.1 was second. At the launch, the Chairman of the Network said, "We intend to reach the East Indian community as that segment of the market has been growing tremendously in the past several years" (Rampersad 2002). The stations plays much “hot” chutney music, among other genres of Indian music and does not host any talk-show. Every two months it hosts a free music extravaganza called Chutney Mela or some similar name. It is also the official radio carrier for Mere Desh cross-country road-show. The station received top ratings of its five counterparts in a September 2001 media poll. Radio 90.5 FM is/was the fourth Hindi/Indian music station to come on stream in 1996. It is owned by another conglomerate, CL Financial, and its Directors are Peter Ames, Harrilal Ramlakhan, and Kiran Maharaj. The station began playing both English and classical Indian music, but in 1997 its format changed to all-Indian music to capture a niche market. They play local and foreign Indian songs and music. The programmes are also aired in Canada. It organises charitable campaigns to distribute food, books, toys and medicine to the under-privileged. The station also organises and hosts a free twohour live concert twice a month with music provided by D' Rampersad Indian Art Orchestra and Trishul. The station draws wide cross-ethnic participation for its annual Easter Kite Flying Competition in Port of Spain. There is also a Cookout Contest. In keeping with its objective of establishing "family togetherness," it also organises a Family Day free concert annually, which in 1999 drew a crowd of about 10,000 participants at its Valpark Shopping Plaza home. It also co-sponsors the production of a children's colouring book which, in part, teaches Hindi vocabulary. Masala 101.1 FM was the fifth Indian-formatted music station and the seventeenth radio station to be launched in the country in January 2001. It was established by Mohan Jaikaran and Marcell Mahabir to satisfy the musical needs of the youths. Though the station has publicly announced that it does not want to be "wrongly stigmatised" as an "Indian radio station" (Beharry 2001:9), it broadcasts from a predominantly Indian business/residential area in Central Trinidad, its ownernership is Indian, its staff is largely Indian, and its listenership is overwhelmingly Indian. The station plays a diverse "World Beat" mix of high-energy music which includes chutney, bhangra, rock, soca, dub, reggae, pop and Latin. But the only type of non-English music that is played with regularity throughout the year, and is requested by its listeners most of the time, is Hindi/Indian music. The station presents Carnival bands, and organises and hosts beach parties just after Carnival. Like Radio 90.5, 103 and 106, it holds free concerts in open parks, and it broadcasts worldwide through the internet. Masala is also involved in social and community service-campaigns for donations of food and blood. Masala 101.1 and 103 are the only two independently-owned Indian radio stations. Besides playing Hindi/Indian songs and music, all the stations broadcast some form of scriptural renditions by pundits and imams. They also publicise birthday and anniversary greetings, make community announcements, read daily or weekly horoscopes, advise about health and sickness, and hosts a few phone-in talk shows. What unites all these stations is “their dedication to the promotion of Indian culture in Trinidad" through the airing of mainly Hindi film and local songs (Mohammed 2002:6). The advent of the stations is reported to have brought about a preservation and revival of Indian cultural traditions in Trinidad. Radio broadcasts brought about an increase in the number of Indian cultural programmes on television, and Indian movies in the cinemas. According to Ahamad (1998), it also "revived radio as a medium of communication" before which cassettes players, loudspeakers and juke boxes were used to air Hindi/Indian songs. Almost all the stations have an in-house Hindi reference resource in the person of someone who went to India to study the language and who is fluent in Hindi. One of the requirements in gaining employment in all these station is "some basic familiarity with Hindi” demonstrated by the pronunciation of certain words (Ali 2002; Bedi 2002; Maharaj, Kiran 2002). It is also an ongoing objective of all of the stations for the staff to lean Hindi. WHY LEARN/TEACH HINDI? Despite the racial and cultural diversity of the people of Trinidad and Tobago, relatively few individuals can boast of proficiency in a language other than English. This is partly the result of the absence of a second/foreign language requirement (for employment) in the school curriculum in the senior level of the secondary school system. Students in Forms One, Two and Three study Spanish and/or French as one of the compulsory subjects in the school syllabus. After Form Three, the number of students studying a foreign language drops dramatically. Except for Hindu and Muslim schools, the primary/elementary school system does not even expose children to a second language.2 Generally, interest in the study of foreign languages in schools has waned considerably because it is considered inconsequential and superfluous to "basic" education. Trinidad is among the few countries in the developing world where it is possible to complete secondary and tertiary education without a foreign language competence. In 1988, it was noted that enrollment in foreign language classes in secondary schools in the Caribbean was declining. One theory for this lack of interest is the shift in emphasis from humanities to science and technology which have more prestige and money (Paul 1995). State agencies and the private companies in Trinidad have dropped the requirement for a foreign language, but has retained Mathematics and English (and perhaps a Science subject) as compulsory to gain employment. This reduction in core requirements has resulted in fewer students electing to study a foreign language. In the United States, this same situation was described in a 1979 presidential commission report as "scandalous"and a "national disaster" (Gousie1998:54). Notwithstanding the popularity of adult foreign language learning, the drop-out rate in these type of classes is among the highest among all those who enroll in adult education programmes. Trinidad's main tourist and trade inter/dependence on United States, Canada and England has also contributed to the feeling that there is no need for foreign language competence. But even the United States is concerned that its monolingualism is contributing to an international trade gap which has a debilitating effect on the economy (Hamayan 1986). Its linguistic incompetence is also seen to be a threat to national security in the wake of the World Trade Center attack in 2001. It has realised that it is now facing a complex set of pressures for foreign language and cross-cultural communications competence for which it is "dangerously unprepared" (Gousie 1998:56). Attempts are, therefore, being made by educators and administrators to address the loss of interest in the study of foreign languages. English has taken a monopolistic role in education, and Hindi and other second languages have suffered in the process. But in spite of this shift in language, Hindi still serves its role as the ethnic language and the main channel for the preservation and transmission of Indian culture (Bhatia 1988). Proficiency in a foreign language, especially when combined with knowledge of skills in another professional area, is highly desirable in fields like librarianship, politics, government and education. In tourism and business, it is of greatest importance. Multinational firms recruit professionals to do/go on international assignments with foreign language proficiency. An applicant possessing a combination of language skills and professional qualifications has a competitive edge over non-bilingual individuals (Inman 1987). An increasing number of businesses are recognising that investment in learning other languages can bring significant economic and technological advantages. The need to emphasise the importance of a second or foreign language must be underscored. As societies become more diverse, more and more parents, educators, and students have to recognise the importance of learning another language and respecting other cultures. Learning a foreign language adds a new dimension to one‟s thinking, and it provides an opportunity for breaking through monlingual and monocultural bonds. It reveals to students that there are other ways of saying things, other values and other attitudes than those that they know (Rivers 1981). Research has shown that studying a foreign language can enhance problem-solving skills, creativity, and general cognitive development. Studies have found significant correlations between high verbal SAT scores and extended (four years of more) foreign language study (Schulz 1999). Hindi is the offspring of the ancient Sanskrit language written in Devangaari script. It is the national language of India and the second of the principal languages of the world (Culbert 2000). India is developing into a leading commercial and technological nation in the modern world, and knowledge of Hindi can facilitate and strengthen international trade with India. It is the medium of communication in 196 universities and 144 medical colleges in India alone. The language can bridge the communication gap in trade and culture between other Hindi-speakers in the Indian Diaspora like Surinam, Guyana, Martinique and Guadeloupe, and with about 35 countries in the world like Fiji, Mauritius and South Africa. Mahase (1996:1) states that in Trinidad: "About 60,000 to 80,000 speak Hindi in their daily routine; 12,500 are learning Hindi in a semi-formal and less structured manner; and 3,500 are proactively involved in leaning the language." It is heard daily on five radio stations, and is used in advertisements in the mass media. Hindi lexical terms are used by non-Indian singers in the calypso tents especially in reference to the sensual pleasure of food (e.g. bara, channa, masslaa) and kinship terms (e.g. nani, dulaha, marajhin). Hindi songs are blasted on microphones during Indian weddings, bazaars, parties, yagnas [public sermons] and at election campaigns. There are local publications in Hindi in which articles, essays, stories and poems are written in Devanagri script. Hindi is part of the historical and multicultural legacy of Trinidad and Tobago. It is a most vital part of the cultural heritage of Indo-Trinidadians A knowledge of the language is the key to enter vistas of their ancestral culture; it is a link to their past, and a means of invoking the spirits of their ancestors through slokas and chaupais. It has a place in the hearts of many citizens (Sharma 1989:36). Knowledge of the language would enable the speaker to see the influence of Hindi patterns in some structures of IndoTrinidadian speech, and the influence of Hindi loan-words in English lexicon (Singh 1988).3 Hindi is the entrenched language of the Hindu faith in its scriptures, bhajans, mantras, rituals, etc. Once can also read the original ancient Hindi texts in literature, philosophy and politics. Hindi can contribute towards the appreciation and revival of old songs, tales, riddles and games. It can perpetuate the rich oral tradition of Ramlila, Indar Sabha and Alha-Udal dance-dramas. Young Indians can enjoy being in the presence of Hindi speakers, and feel proud to know that their grandparents know the language (Chandoo 1989). Some people will take pride in their first or last Hindi names, and the names of places in Trinidad like Nepaul Street, Jogie Road, Hindustani Settlement, Katwaroo Trace, Kaloo Road and Barrackpore Village. Artistes and performers can render lines with feelings and emotions. There is the potential for employment as producers and presenters of Indian cultural programmes on television and radio. There would be the need for Hindi teachers in schools and translators as Hindi is promoted through songs in films, radio and television. Hindi also has the potential to unite the different ethnic groups in Trinidad and Tobago. Others will be able to understand and appreciate the language in its various expressions (Mahase 1996). TEACHING HINDI ON RADIO Today, the teaching of foreign languages is no longer restricted to the static classroom with a standard textbook as the main source of information. In this fast-paced world of technology, a wide range of new multimedia teaching tools is available. Even remote communities in tiny islands are swamped by the tidal wave of computer-assisted technologies including laserdiscs, hypertext cards, CDs, CD-ROMs and the Internet. Instruction through the Internet presents information through sound, music, graphics, images and animations. Publishers are now including multimedia tools in the inside jackets of textbooks. Interactive CDs are now available to help students with their pronunciation and vocabulary in the target language. But the existence of this new technology and the Internet presupposes the availability of these tools to all those who want to learn. A survey conducted last year in Trinidad and Tobago revealed that only 12.7 percent of households (approx 44,600 people) had a home computer (Newsday 2002:6). The “old” traditional transistor radio presents a new option for teaching foreign languages. It expands the range of instructional techniques in the same way that television, computers, and language laboratories have augmented the standard classroom. The radio is the least cumbersome and the least expensive electronic technology compared to video, teleconferencing and computer instruction. The strongest argument for radio as a distance education medium is its potential to provide instruction to learners who, because of distance, time, fees or convenience, do not have easy access to a classroom. Radio provides equal and ready access to individuals of all ages, sexes and classes, and especially those living in rural areas. Cheap and convenient access to the radio makes it possible for foreign language educators to bring the listening community to the classroom studio. Broadcast programmes help distant and rural people feel that they are part of a community of learners involved in the same subject. Since these programmes are heard by the general public, it can serve as a recruiting drive in itself. In the eyes of the general public, it helps to create the image of distance learning instruction. Of the five Indian-formatted radio stations, only 90.5 FM has a Hindi language programme, and Masala 101.1 is the station that did not have any. The others 91.1 FM, 103 FM and 106 FM had an instruction programme which was taken off the air with no plans of resumption. On Swar Milan 91.1, a local primary/elementary school teacher, Rajin Maharaj, was the producer and presenter. In 1998, the Hindi language programme on Sangeet 106 ran for eight months and was produced and presented by Savi Sieuserran, a trained teacher from Felicity (Primary) Hindu School. The programme was broadcasted once daily, Monday to Friday 5.30 to 6.00 in the evening with the objective of catching the family at home during dinner time (Ali 2002). On 103 FM, the name of the Hindi language programme was called “Hindi Seeken," and was produced and presented by Pandit Randir Maharaj. It ran for several years from 1995 on five-minute slots three times a day - 7.15am, 10.15.am and 4.30pm - morning, mid-morning and evening. Then its frequency dropped to twice a day, and finally, none at all (Saith 2002). Both Randir and Rajin sometimes co-hosted the programme with Professor V.R. Jagannathan, a visiting lecturer in Hindi at UWI, St Augustine radio 106, and then on 103. When Jagannathan left the country, Randhir hosted the show which was aired in five-minute slots on mornings and evenings in time to catch a mobile audience going to and from work and school (Maharaj, Randir 2002). The three-minute-long Hindi instruction programme on 90.5 runs daily at 9.30 and 10.30 am. A teacher using the radio for foreign-language instruction has to be trained in this medium and method; he has to use course designs and teaching methods that are adapted to this system. Like the teachers in most of the temples and other learning centers, the instructors in these radio programmes were local Trinidadians whose only qualification to teach Hindi was that they had achieved two or three years of part-time instruction (Maharaj, Rajin 2002). Some like Rajin Maharaj (91.1 FM and 103 FM) and Heidi Rambharose (90.5 FM) studied in India for a few months. Rajin and Savi (106 FM) are trained primary/elementary school teachers. The exception was Professor Jagannathan, who is a native Hindi speaker and was a visiting Hindi lecturer at the university in 19931996. For obvious reasons, he led discussions whenever he was present among coparticipants in the programmes. It is well known that adult foreign language learners constitute one of the most heterogenius groups in the field of foreign language education (Paul 1995). The largest of these groups consist of learners who have a "pure interest in languages" i.e. a desire to improve their personal self-development. Another (large) group consists of learners who want to acquire practical survival skills in the language for foreign travel. And the third growing group is composed of people who want to discover or re-discover their cultural or ethnic roots. There are inherent differences in the language learning ability of listeners, and differences in their age, social role and motivation. Professor Jagannathan, Rajin and Randhir Maharaj addressed this problem by asking listeners to assign themselves to different proficiency levels - beginneers, intermediate, and advanced that was offered when the programme was aired three days a week (Maharaj, Rajin 2002). It is obvious that teaching a foreign language over radio presents special instructional challenges. In all the radio programmes in Trinidad, the producers attempted to make the sessions interactive by allowing the instructor to talk to/teach other people live in the studio. The instruction format assumed the setting of a classroom in the studio with roles being performed by “students” like Nizaudeen Kadir, Manwantie Charran and Rajin Maharaj and Randir Maharaj. When Professor Jagannathan returned to India, Randir and Rajin assumed the role of instructors, and Rasheeda Musai, Jankie and Renuka Baldeosingh, and Deokie Harrylal role-played as students in the studio. In 90.5 FM, Kiran Maharaj and Heidi Rambharose performed the role as student and teacher respectively. The classroom setting created a flexible situation to practice route learning and repetition, and created a powerful dramatic effect. Sometimes, listening learners were allowed to phone-in, which, in itself, provided the distant student with oral practice, and gave the instructors some feedback on their efficiency. The introduction of phone-in or call-in technology in these programmes provided (limited) two-way interactive communication between teacher and learner which is crucial in foreign language instruction. Personalised individual instruction remains one of the key differences between tele- or technological-teaching and classroom instruction. Most the Hindi language programmes on radio emphasised vocabulary learning. Savi Sieuserran in Sangeet 106 FM and Heidi Rambharose in 90.5 FM taught vocabulary drawn from domestic and local current domains. They used kinship terms, current festivals, religious events, cooking utensils and daily meals as illustrations. Since mainly vocabulary was taught, learners were not expected to be proficient in Hindi. However, this approach provides a good introduction for more intensive study. Programmes produced by Professor Jagannathan, Randhir and Rajin went beyond vocabulary to teach grammar, conjugation and word gender. In all the programmes, stanzas of popular and current songs were translated, and the song-stanzas were used to illustrate the use of certain words or expressions. One should not be too hasty in dismissing the approach to emphasise vocabulary, particularly on Radio 90.5 (and previously on radio106). There is a large amount of experimental research showing the effectiveness of such an approach in getting students to learn a foreign language (Nation 1990). Vocabulary is an essential component of all languages, and perhaps the most important element in language learning. In direct vocabulary learning, students do exercises and activities that focus their attention on vocabulary. Such exercises include word-building, guessing words from contexts, learning words in lists, and vocabulary games. In programmes inspired by Professor Jagannathan, transitions were made from individual words to combinations of words in meaningful context of a sentence or a sense group. In all these programmes, minute attention to the nuances of the sounds was not explained to listeners. The ability to hear a sound or intonation pattern carefully and repetitively is necessary in order to be able to reproduce it. The teacher pronunciates the word or phrase and makes the student repeat it. When the teacher is satisfied that the student can identify the sound, he will give instruction to practice it. But the teacher must first give a brief explanation of the nature and function of the vocal organs. In vocabulary learning in a language laboratory, students are trained to listen to, and absorb the sounds of the target language spoken by the native speaker, and drilled in reproduction to the point of perfection. With the use of a recorder/player in a laboratory students have the facility to stop the tape, re-wind it and then listen to what is recorded. They work at their own pace and select materials freely. But the nature of the radio broadcasts does not allow the student this facility unless the programme is recorded at home. In foreign language instruction through satellite communication technology, programs are broadcasted from a central location, just as the radio station, but teaching assistants are present with the students to provide personal interactive learning. Professor Jagannathan printed the text of his Hindi lessons on radio in the Guardian newspaper to provide a structure for the language, to give support to learners, and to keep them on track. The texts served as a workbook which, when completed, was mailed in a self-addressed envelope to Jagannathan for evaluation (Maharaj, Rajin 2002). The written assignment also allowed learners to identify words and sounds, and to achieve listening as well as written competency. The cheap and accessible workbook units allowed the students to practice the language learned in the course, and make language learning an interactive two-way communication process. The programme managers of all the radio stations that have taken their Hindi language programme off the air (91.1, 103, 106) argue that “lack of sponsorship” is the reason. In the end, it is the bottom line that counts. There are expenses in paying producers and presenters/instructors, air time, tape, and other overhead productions costs (Bedi 2002). It is estimated that it costs about TT$5,000 a week to produce a programme three times a week (5-minute slots, 3 time a day) (Saith 2002). But programme managers themselves do not seem to be really interested in resuming these programmes. The Programme Director of Masala 101.1 believes that Hindi should not be given precedence over any other foreign language programme on her station because of the “mix” of music it plays (Gyan 2002). All the other programme directors of the Indian-formatted frequencies believe that Hindi instruction should resume on their stations. Radio 106, however, does not believe that this type of programming should be given priority, even for the competence of their presenters, because the station “sets out to entertain and inform, not really to propagate the Hindi language” (Ali 2002). Hindi language educators are convinced that the “lack of sponsorship” reason is invalid. They point out that not all programmes are sponsored 24 hours a day, seven days a week. They argue that the stations are more interested in "curry duck" and "river lime" drinking parties which draw huge crowds and increase audience ratings and market share. One instructor said, “They feel that they do not have a responsibility to educate their listening audience. They can give back something to the community on which they thrive and profit by sponsoring Hindi programmes "courtesy the management of radio …."Critics also feel that Islamic shareholding interests are resistant to the continuation of Hindi programmes, and have instead have lobbied for a menu of greetings/requests, and a platter of chutney music in its daily programming. The effect of radio technology depends on its use by an informed educator. There are strenghts to be capitalised and weaknesses to overcome. Despite its limitations, it can still be used as a step in support of the goals of foreign language pedagogy; it can serve as a stepping stone to enlisting in classroom instruction. The broadcast media of radio and television has been used for educational instruction for many years in North America, Honduras, Bolivia, Nicarigua and Kenya (Heinich et al. 1999), and there is ample evidence that they can be effective (Moore and Kearsley 1996). Radio can be rediscovered as a low-cost convenient medium of instruction. Studies done in Japan indicate that there were no statistically significant differences in student achievement between those taught in a classroom and those taught through distance education (Clifford 1990). It must be pointed out, however, that high proficiency levels were achieved only when workbook and other interactive mechanisms are used. NOTES 1. Chandoo (1989:42) states that “it cannot be denied that the disappearance of Hindi has been tied to the ethnic politics of the plural society” in Trinidad. 2. The continued use of the school curriculum in Trinidad is incompatible with its linguistic heritage. Carrington et al. (1974:14) argues: "The language arts syllabus in use in Trinidad and Tobago makes the erroneous assumption that the mother tongue of the learners is English, and for all practical purposes the population of Trinidad is treated as if it were English speaking. In addition, there is still measurably high usage of other languages.” 3. One example of how Hindi speech patterns has influenced the structures of IndoTrinidadian speech structure is to be found in the extremely interesting phonological process with respect to the vowels. Hospital, for example is pronounced [aspital], talk is pronunced as [tak], and boil is [bayl]. The broad [a] was eventually replaced by the value of the low back vowel [É]. The persistence of the broad low central vowel [a] could have been reinforced by the fact that it occurred frequently in Hindi. Singh (1988:34) illustrates some examples of sentence constructions used by Indo-Trinidadians that are noticeably different to those used by other Creole speakers (Singh 1988:34). 4. I have not seen the text to evaluate if it was illustrated, and if there were instructions on proper pronunciation of the words in the text. However, the idea to have an audio/text combination deserves commendation. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ahamad, Reyaz 1998 "Chairman's Message." Newsday. July 12. P. 2. Ali, Faz 2002 Personal Interview. Brand Manager Radio 106.1 FM. April 3, 2002. Port of Spain. Beharry, Prior 2001 "Name Change for Radio Masala." Newsday. December 13. P. 3. Bhatia, Jej. 1988 “Trinidad Hindi: Its Genesis and Generational Profile.” Language Transplanted: The Development of Overseas Hindi. Richard K. Barz and Jeff Siegel, eds. Pp. 178-196. Wiesbaden, Netherlands: Otto Harrassowitz. Carrington, L.D., Borely, C.B and Knight, H.E. 1974 “Linguistic Exposure of Trinidadian Creole.” Caribbean Journal of Education. 1(1):12-22. Chandoo, AnnMarie 1989 “East Indians' Influence in the Language of Trinidad with Special Emphasis on Lexicon. UWI, St Augustine: Caribbean Studies Project. Clifford, Ray 1990 "Foreign Languages and Distance Education." Washington DC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Languages and Linguistics. ED327066. Gousie, Laurent 1998 "New Methods and tools for teaching foreign languages." The Language Journal 25(9):54-57. Gyan, Nicole 2002 Personal Interview. Programme Manager of Radio Masala 101.1 F.M. May 14. Port-of Spain. Hamayan, Else 1986 "The Need for Foreign Language Competence in the United States." Washington DC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Languages and Linguistics. ED276304. Heinich, Robert et al. 1999 Instructional Media and Technologies for Learning. New Jersey: Printice Hall. Inman, Marianne E. 1987 "How Foreign Language Study Can Enhance Career Possibilities." Washington DC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Languages and Linguistics. ED289363. Kalaish, Bedi, 2002 Personal Interview. Programme Administrator of Swam Milan 91.1 F.M. April 10. Port of Spain. Maharaj, Kiran 2002 Personal Interview. Programme Director of Radio 90.5. April 10. Valsayn, Trinidad. Maharaj, Rajin 2002 Personal Interview. Hindi instructor with Radio 103 F.M. April 14. San Juan, Trinidad. Maharaj, Randhir 2002 Personal Interview. Hindi instructor with Radio 103 F.M. March 22. Chaguanas, Trinidad. Mahase, Radica 1996 "The Potential of Hindi as a Language of Study in the Curriculum in Trinidad." UWI, St Augustine: Caribbean Studies Project. Mohammed, Cindy Ann 2002 "Radio Stations and the Promotion of East Indian Culture in Trinidad." UWI, St Augustine: Caribbean Studies Project. Mohan, Peggy 1996 “Two Faces of Language Death. In Utility of the Popular Strota Literature: Holy books as the cultural Legacy in the daily life of emigrant Indians.” Pp. 1-14. Photocopied: UWI, St Augustine. Moore, Michael and Kearsley, Greg 1996 “Distance Education: A Systems View.” New York: Wadsworth Publishing Co. Nation, I.S.P. 1990 Teaching and Learning Vocabulary. Boston, Massachusetts: Heinle & Heinle Publishers. Newsday 1994 103 FM Anniversary Supplement. July 5. P 17. Newsday 1997 4th anniversary supplement. July 4. p.39 Newsday 2002 Survey shows few TT homes have computers. January 31. P. 6. Olgren, Christine H. 1997 "Teaching by Telephone." New Directions for Teaching and Learning. Vol 71. Pp. 59-66. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Paul, Gillian 1995 “The Challenges of Instruction for the Adult Language Learner." Proceedings of the 3rd Caribbean Language Conference. August 10-13, 1993. Pp. 67-78. Port of Spain: National Institute of Higher Education, Research, Science and Technology. 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