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The paper "Grammar Friends" focuses on teaching English grammar through the use of subject pronouns and auxiliary verbs. It provides example sentences and exercises to help learners understand affirmative and negative forms, along with forming questions. Various activities are included to reinforce the learners' grasp of grammar including matching, writing sentences, and negative imperatives.
SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics, 2004
This paper describes question markers in Ào within the Minimalist framework. They are N sé , S é, pà…rín and pàrin. N zé and S é occur in pre-subject positions, pàrin occurs at the sentence-final position while pà…rín, has its first part occurring after the subject while the other part, occurs at the sentence-final position. The structure of pà…rín poses problem for the Extended Endocentricity Principle. Pà…rín may be portrayed as a double head-word of a projection, thus violating the EEP However, we analyse pà…rín as a single-head. The work also discusses the co-occurrence of yes/no question markers.
2015
Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Answers are derived by ellipsis 1.2 Answer by particle or verb 1.3 How to answer negative questions 1.4 Some terminological details 1.4.1 Questions, answers, rejoinders 1.4.2 On ungrammatical answers 1.5 On the data Chapter 2: The syntax of questions 2.1 The meaning of questions 2.2 Alternative questions and disjunction 2.3 Wh-questions 2.4 Chinese disjunctive yes-no questions 2.5 Yes-no questions in Finnish 2.6 On focus in questions 2.7 Yes-no questions in English 2.8 Negative questions 2.9 Yes-no questions in Thai 2.9.1 Introduction: Final question particles 2.9.2 Questions with Type 1 particles 2.9.3 Questions with Type 2 particles 2.10 Conclusions Chapter 3: The syntax of answers 3.1 Introduction: Answers are full sentences 3.2 Identity and ellipsis 3.3 On disconfirming the negative alternative proposition of a negative question 3.4 Alternatives to answer particles 3.5 Verb-echo answers 3.6 Verb-echo answers across the languages of the world 3.7 The syntax of verb-echo answers: The significance of inflections 3.8 Pro-drop and VP-ellipsis or big ellipsis? 3.9 Testing for pro-drop: the indefinite subject test 3.10 Another parameter: one verb or a string of verbs? 3.11 A case study: Welsh 3.12 The structure of Finnish answers 3.12.1 Some basic facts. The syntax of clauses in Finnish 3.12.2 The structure of answers to yes-no questions in Finnish 3.12.3 Deriving verb-echo answers in Finnish without remnant movement 3.12.4 Affirmative particles in Finnish 3.13 The structure of answers in Thai 3.13.1 General properties of questions and answers 3.13.2 The derivation of answers in Thai 3.13.3. Questions and answers with Type 2 particles 3.14 Answering questions with coordination 3.15 Conclusions Chapter 4: How to answer negative questions 4.1 The two systems for answering negative questions 4.2 The global distribution of the two systems 4.3 The English answering system 4.4 Negation in the polarity-based system 4.5 Swedish: a language without low negation 4.6 Finnish: another language without low negation 4.7 Thai and the (in-)significance of low negation 4.8 Answering questions with high negation 4.8.1 Positive and negative bias 4.8.2 Tag questions 4.8.3 Positive-bias negative questions 4.9 Chinese negative questions and their answers 4.10 Japanese positive-bias negative questions 4.11 Another type of biased questions 4.12 Other accounts of positive bias questions 4.13 Conclusions and some typological implications Chapter 5: Some further issues 5.1 Yes and no as rejoinders expressing agreement or disagreement with statements 5.2 Answering yes-no questions with narrow focus 5.2.1 Some cross-linguistic observations 5.2.2 The derivation of narrow-focus questions and their answers in Finnish 5.2.3 Negative answers to narrow-focus questions Chapter 6: Conclusions References 'Can I put the milk in the fridge?' A: Voit (panna). can.2SG put 'Yes (you can).' deviant. This is indicated by *. Informants sometimes point out that it can convey that meaning if it has emphatic enough intonation, typically rendered as high pitch, with a longer than usual vowel. This is noteworthy, but does not nullify the observation that, when pronounced with more or less neutral intonation, it clearly has a different status than the perfectly well formed and natural 'long answer ' (b). This is a fact, among many other facts, that we want the theory of syntax to explain (and one which happens to be particularly interesting in the sense that it reveals properties of the syntax of ellipsis and polarity which are not obvious to the eye, as will be discussed in Chapter 4). The observation about the effect of intonation should ideally be explained as well, though. My suggestion is that it can have the effect of marking polarity reversal, making a high pitched, lengthened yes equivalent to Swedish jo in (19A2), in the right context. Another device which appears to have this effect in English is prefixing the answer with oh, so that (21) as a response to the question in (20) will convey that John does want coffee. (21) Oh yes. My suggestion is that the contribution of oh is to mark polarity reversal, making this answer similar to jo in (20A2). See chapter 4.5. 5 A recurring issue when analysing answers to yes-no questions is that answers that are predicted by the syntactic theory to be ungrammatical, and are perceived as deviant by informants, are sometimes not judged to be deviant to the extent that the theory predicts. They may even go unnoticed in ordinary discourse. This is to be expected when dealing with expressions in discourse between two or more interlocutors. As mentioned, the form of the answer depends on the question, in principle. However, in practice, there are 'repair mechanisms' which allow a question to be reanalysed to fit an answer which actually violates some syntactic rule or principle, given the syntax of the question. It is obviously not always easy to distinguish such cases from cases where the theory just makes a false prediction. 1.5 On the data The data in this study of the syntax of yes and no come from a variety of sources. For the typological part the data come from the SSWL database, from the literature (primarily descriptive grammars), and from questionnaire-based fieldwork. Unfortunately, how to answer a yes-no question, or any kind of question, is only rarely mentioned in descriptive grammars. For example, out of about 60 PhD dissertations presenting a 5 See Wallage and van der Wurff (2013) on the history of polarity reversal in Old English. descriptive grammar of a language which I have consulted, 6 all except two written between 2000 and 2011, only 14 made any mention at all of answers to yes-no questions, and fewer than half of the 14 included more than a fleeting mention. The main reason is, presumably, that the authors do not think of the form of answers as grammatically significant information. In descriptions of more limited scope, such as, say, the grammatical descriptions in the Handbook of Australian languages (ed. by R.M.W. Dixon and Barry Blake), there is typically no more than a short paragraph devoted even to questions, of any kind, so the form of answers clearly has no place in the description. Another related reason for this dearth of information is the traditional emphasis on morphology in grammatical description. Interrogatives are typically treated in more detail in those languages where they exhibit more complex morphology, and where interrogatives are treated in detail, there is sometimes discussion, or at least some examples, of answers to questions. In many languages yes-no questions are signalled only by intonation, with no morphology at all, and the descriptions are correspondingly short. If there is hardly any mention even of questions, we do not expect to see any information on answers to questions. 7 A welcome exception to this generalization is the series of descriptive grammars edited by Bernard Comrie (published first by Croom Helm, later by Routledge). They all include, as part of the section on interrogatives, a subsection on answers, which sometimes is quite detailed. 8 Syntactic Structures of the World's Languages (SSWL, http://sswl.railsplayground.net/) is an online, searchable database which has been an important source of data for the present project. This database works as follows: Researchers can post questions on the database about a grammatical phenomenon that they are interested in. In due course these questions are answered by a set of language experts. At the time of writing (December 2014) SSWL has data from 251 6 The dissertations were made available to me courtesy of Martin Haspelmath. 7 According to Austin (1981) "[t]he topic of question formation has been little studied by linguists working on Australian languages" (Austin 1981: 151). This was prior to 1981, but it seems true for much work on these languages also after this date. I suspect part of the reason is that, at least in many cases, they do not have very complex morphology. 8 The grammars in this series follow a strict format. The sections on interrogatives are among the very first in the grammars, with a special section on leading questions (which, as we shall see, play an important part in the present book), and are followed by sections on answers to the different types of questions. Bernard Comrie (p.c.) has told me that he was interested in the syntax of answers at the time when he devised the format of this series, after reading about answers to yes-no questions in Welsh (a verb-echoing language), which exhibit some properties which distinguish them from (other) declarative sentences (as will be discussed in Chapter 3, mainly based on Jones 1999). One of the subsections on answers is titled 'Answers as distinct speech acts'. Only one or two of the authors of the various grammars have elaborated this particular idea, though. different languages, although the amount of data for each language can vary considerably. These data are then freely available, searchable and processable in various ways on the SSWL website. Together with Craig Sailor, and with much assistance from Hilda Koopman, the current manager of SSWL, we have posted a set of questions concerning yes-no questions and answers to them. At the time of writing, we have received at least a partial set of answers to our queries for 114 languages. One likely reason why we have not received, say, 251 complete sets of answers, is that some of our queries concern aspects of grammar which require native-like competence. The language experts contributing to the SSWL do not always have that level of competence in 'their' language. Another linguistic database is The World Atlas of Linguistic Structure (WALS; Haspelmath, Dryer, Gil and Comrie (eds.) 2011). This database has a much wider coverage than the SSWL (currently it has data from 2,679 languages). The data in WALS come from the literature, mainly descriptive grammars. It has...
This study claims that a binary [±Q] feature is not sufficient to account for all the question complementizers that occur in the right periphery in Korean utterances. In the literature on questions, constituent questions are distinguished from polar questions by the [WH] feature, and alternative questions are proposed to have a disjunction structure (Larson 1985, Schwarz 1999, Han & Romero 2004); polar alternative questions (PAQs) are considered to result from deletion of elements from a bi-clausal construction containing two full clauses with disjunctive coordinators (Quirk et al. 1985, Huddleston and Pullum 2002). The syntactic structure of Korean PAQs in main clauses (1) and embedded clauses (2) has not been fully discussed in the literature. This study provides an initial detailed investigation into the syntactic structure of Korean PAQs, also called A-not-A questions in reference to Chinese questions of the same name. The goal of this study is to develop a full analysis of Korean PAQs. I assume that a polar alternative interrogative morpheme [C, TYPE, INT, POLARITY (A-not-A)] is base-generated in the head of TypeP (in the sense of Cheng 1997; labelled IntP in Rizzi 2001) and A-ci an A-ci is the morphological realization of this abstract syntactic head; this syntactic head is realized by a different morpheme on the head of Force P. The uninterpretable POLARITY feature triggers movements of A; it is valued by interpretable features on the negative marker and on other elements in the structure. In other words, this polar alternative interrogative morpheme is spelled out as A-ci an A-ci in embedded clause (2), and as A-e an A-e, A-ni an A-ni, A-lay an A-lay, A-tay an A-tay, or A-kka an A-kka in main clauses. This presentation has two components. First, I argue that the Korean PAQ is a single clause. I propose that the formation of Korean PAQs does not involve the deletion of a coordinator or the presence of a null coordinator. Even though there are two predicates and two complementizers in this type of utterance, there are no overt coordinators or subordinators in this construction. The single-clause proposal receives empirical support from four facts: fixed constituent order of predicates (3), mandatory identity between the phonological forms of the two COMPs (4), inability of the negative auxiliary mal to act as a stand-alone predicate (5), and the prohibition against disjunction in embedded clauses (6). Second, based on the observation that only –nun-ci- occurs in embedded sentences and –nun is incompatible with main-clause complementizers such as -e, -ni, -lay, -kka, and –ta-ko, I propose that –nun (6a) is a realis non-finite COMP and l is an irrealis COMP. The interrogative morphemes –ci and –nun (or l) merge in TypeP. Unlike COMP –kes, the complementizer ci- is selected by the main verbs mut-‘ask’ and kwungkumha- ‘wonder’. The negative form of the verb molu-‘not know’ can take –ci as its COMP, but the affirmative al- ‘know’ takes –ci only if it merges with a WH-word. Whether or not pragmatic features such as illocutionary force and evidentiality are represented in the syntax is a growing debate in the literature. This study not only provides an initial detailed investigation into the syntactic structure of Korean PAQs, but will also contribute to proposals concerning the correlation between sentence type and force such as Rizzi (1997) and Zanuttini &Portner (2003). I argue that right peripherial elements such as ni, e, lay, ci, ko, and kka in Korean PAQs are best understood as complementizers within an extended CP system like the one proposed in Rizzi (1997). Data (1) ciwu-nun ca-ni an ca-ni ? Jiwoo-TOP sleep-COMP not sleep-COMP ‘Is Jiwoo asleep or not?’ (2) ciwu-ka ca-nun-ci an ca-nun-ci Jiwoo-NOM sleep-COMP not sleep-COMP kwungkumha-ta. wonder- COMP ‘(I) am wondering whether or not Jiwoo is asleep’. (3) a. ciwu-nun cip-ey iss-ni eps-ni? Jiwoo-TOP home-LOC be- COMP not.be- COMP ‘Is Jiwoo at home or not?’ b. *ciwu-nun cip-ey eps-ni iss-ni ? Jiwoo-TOP home-LOC not.be- COMP be- COMP *‘Isn’t Jiwoo at home or is?’ c. ciwu-nun cip-ey eps-ni? animyen iss-ni? Jiwoo-TOP home-LOC not.be- COMP if.not be- COMP ‘Isn’t Jiwoo at home? Or is she?’ (4) a. ciwu-nun cip-ey iss-ni eps-ni? b. ciwu-nun cip-ey iss-e eps-e? Jiwoo-TOP home-LOC be- COMP not.be- COMP ‘Is Jiwoo at home or not?’ * c. ciwu-nun cip-ey iss-ni eps-e? (5) a. wuli-nun cip-ey ka-l-kka mal-kka ? we-TOP home-LOC go-MOD-COMP MOD.not-COMP ‘Should or shouldn’t we go home? b. wuli-nun cip-ey ka-l-kka ? we-TOP home-LOC go-MOD-COMP ‘Should we go home? c. *wuli-nun cip-ey mal-kka ? we-TOP home-LOC MOD.not-COMP ‘Shouldn’t we go home? (6) a. nay chayk-i caymi.iss-nun-ci eps-nun-ci my book-NOM be.interesting-FIN-INT isn’t-FIN-INT mwul-ess-ta. ask-PST-COMP ‘pro asked whether or not my book is interesting.’ * b. nay chayk-i caymi.iss-nun-ci my book-NOM be.interesting-FIN-INT animyen eps-nun-ci mwul-ess-ta. if.not isn’t-FIN-INT ask-PST-COMP ‘pro asked whether or not my book is interesting.’ c. nay chayk-i caymi.iss-nun-ci my book-NOM be.interesting-FIN-INT animyen caymi.eps-nun-ci mwul-ess-ta. if.not not.be.interesting ask-PST-COMP ‘pro asked whether or not my book is interesting.’
Studies in African linguistics, 2007
This paper discusses the pronominal system of 09ual, which has five subsets of pronouns: personal, reflexive, interrogative, demonstrative, and indefinite. A noteworthy feature of the system is the distinction between inclusive and exclusive first person plural personal pronouns. Reflexivity is marked by a noun meaning 'self plus a possessive pronoun, the noun varying in form depending on the singularity or plurality of the antecedent. It is noted that tense/aspect markers in 09ual show limited agreement for person and number, and in some cases they do not have distinct forms to reflect the differences in the forms of pronouns occasioned by differences in person and number. Also noted is the fact that the basic word order in 09ual simple clauses is SVO, and that word order in NPs to a large extent is typologically consistent with the basic word order, as many of the pronouns that function as modifiers follow the noun they modify. * I am immensely grateful to Mr. Isaiah E9ighotu, a native speaker of the Adibaam [adibaam] dialect of 09ual, for providing the data needed for this paper, and for sharing his knowledge of 09ual with me. I am also grateful to David Odden and an anonymous SAL reviewer for their detailed and insightful comments, which have helped to improve the quality of this paper. I accept responsibility for any errors that remain. 3 Double oral vowels are analyzed in this work as single syllables consisting of two moras. The O~ual word eena 'you (pl.)', for instance, is analyzed as two syllables consisting of three moras e.e.na, while the word ezira 'we (incl.)' is analyzed as consisting of three syllables and three moras e.zi.ra. Mutaka & Tamanji (2000: 82) remark that "Although African languages are not known for a highly developed metrical structure, the notion of mora is still useful in accounting for example for the association of tone or the lengthening of a vowel." 4 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: I sg. = first person singular, I sgO = first person singular object, IsgS = first person singular subject, 2sg. = second person singular, 2sg0 = second person singular object, 2sgS = second person subject, 3sg. = third person singular, 3sgS = third person singular subject, I pI. = first person plural, I piS = first person plural subject, 2pl. = second person plural, 2plS = second person plural subject, 3pl. third person plural, 3plS = third person plural subject, ATR = advanced tongue root, C = consonant, CERT = certainty, DIST = distal demonstrative, EXCLlexcl. = exclusive, FOC = focus marker, FUT = future, INCLIincl.
2017
This thesis looks at the syntactic structure and pragmatic functions of A-not-A questions in spoken Cantonese and Mandarin Chinese, and in written Chinese. The data analysed in this study comes from three films produced in Hong Kong which have audio in Cantonese and Mandarin, plus Chinese and English subtitles. Four patterns of A-not-A questions are attested in my sample: A-not-A forms, A-not-AB forms, a-not-AB forms, a-not-A forms, where 'A' stands for the full form of the predicate, 'a' stands for the first syllable of a disyllabic predicate and 'B' stands for the complement. For all instances of disyllabic verbs (or adjectives, or adverbs) only the first syllable is pronounced in the affirmative and the full verb (or adjective, or adverb) in the negative counterpart. The patterns attested in this study can be captured in the modular approach proposed by J. Huang (2010) and R. Huang (2010).The forms of A-not-AB and a-not-AB questions are derived from a full...
2002
For this paper, we examined a corpus of 73 wh-questions and yes/no questions, both positive and negative, from natural discourse. We found that the locus of interrogation (the initial auxiliary in yes/no questions or the initial wh-word in whquestions) most frequently gets an L+H* pitch accent, especially in wh-questions and negative yes/no questions. Positive yes/no questions are more variable, and included 40% unstressed auxiliaries. Nuclear stress was primarily falling in wh-questions, as expected; but positive yes/no questions were almost twice as often falling or level as rising, contrary to expectation. Finally, the topic of the question turned out to be marked primarily with some version of an H* accent rather than an L+H* accent, and the focus with L+H* rather than some variant of H*, contrary to predictions in the literature.
American Sociological Review, 2003
Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 2007
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