BIBLIOTHEK UND WISSENSCHAFT
46 · 2013
Bibliothek
und
Wissenschaft
Herausgegeben von
Claudia Fabian, Michael Knoche,
Monika Linder, Elmar Mittler,
Wolfgang Schmitz und Hellmut Vogeler
46 · 2013
Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden
Blockbücher
des 15. Jahrhunderts
Eine Experimentierphase im frühen Buchdruck
Beiträge der Fachtagung
in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München
am 16. und 17. Februar 2012
Herausgegeben von Bettina Wagner
Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft
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Redaktionsschluss ist jeweils der 31. März eines Jahres.
Prof. Dr. Elmar Mittler, c/o SUB Göttingen, Papendiek 14, 37073 Göttingen,
E-Mail: mittler@uni-goettingen.de
Dr. Claudia Fabian, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Ludwigstr. 16, 80539 München,
E-mail: claudia.fabian@bsb-muenchen.de
Dr. Michael Knoche, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, Postfach 2012, 99401 Weimar,
E-Mail: michael.knoche@klassik-stiftung.de
Dr. Monika Linder, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Postfach 330014, 14191 Berlin,
E-Mail: ml@dainst.de
Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Schmitz, Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek, Universitätsstraße 33, 50931 Köln,
E-Mail: schmitz@ub.uni-koeln.de
Prof. Hellmut Vogeler, Drosselweg 7, 69214 Eppelheim,
E-Mail: auceps@gmx.de
Harrassowitz Verlag, 65174 Wiesbaden, Fax: 0611/530999, E-Mail: verlag@harrassowitz.de
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Schriftführender Herausgeber: Elmar Mittler
© Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2013
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Satz: Bärbel Kröger, Göttingen
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Printed in Germany
ISSN 0067-8236
ISBN 978-3-447-10052-6
Abstracts
Peter Meinlschmidt, Carmen Kämmerer, Volker Märgner, Bettina Wagner: Der Einsatz von
Infrarot-Technik zur Dokumentation von Wasserzeichen aus Blockbüchern
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 13–33.
Durch eine neue Technik ist es möglich geworden, Wasserzeichen in Papieren von historischen
Dokumenten mittels einer Infrarotkamera in ähnlich einfacher Weise photographisch aufzunehmen,
wie es heute bei der Digitalisierung von Handschriften und gedruckten Büchern der Fall ist. Die
Möglichkeiten dieser Infrarot-Technik werden in dem Beitrag an Hand verschiedener historischer
Papiere, insbesondere auch von Blockbüchern, vorgestellt. Perspektiven für eine mögliche zukünftige Unterstützung der Erkennung und Charakterisierung von Wasserzeichen durch die Nutzung
moderner Bildverarbeitung und Mustererkennung werden kurz beschrieben.
A new technology has made it possible to document watermarks in papers of historical documents
with an infrared camera in the same procedure used today for the digitization of manuscripts and
early printed books. The potential of this infrared-technology is explained in the paper in respect to
various historical papers, particularly papers used in blockbooks. Perspectives for a potential future
support of the recognition and characterization of watermarks through using modern methods for
image processing and pattern recognition are briely described.
Paul Needham: The Paper Stocks of Blockbooks. Allan Stevenson and Beyond
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 35–58.
In den 1960er Jahren machte der amerikanische Forscher Allan H. Stevenson (1903–1970) erhebliche Fortschritte bei der Analyse der Papiere von Blockbüchern im Hinblick auf die Datierung
der Drucke. Krankheit hinderte ihn daran, seine Forschungen abzuschließen; die unfertigen und
unredigierten Texte einer Reihe von Vorträgen, die er über das Thema gehalten hatte, wurden
lange nach seinem Tod in unbefriedigender Weise veröfentlicht. In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat
jedoch unser Wissen über die Papiere von Blockbüchern beträchtlich zugenommen, was uns dem
Ziel Stevensons näher gebracht hat, nämlich einer Übersicht über alle Wasserzeichen, die in allen
erhaltenen Exemplaren von Blockbüchern vorkommen. Die Grundlagen dieser Materialsammlung
sind die Abbildungen von Wasserzeichen im Inkunabelkatalog der Bibliothèque nationale de
France (CIBN) und das Internetprojekt ›Digitalisierung und Erschließung der Blockbücher aus
bayerischen Sammlungen‹. Wenn diese Quellensammlungen zusammengeführt und um Belege
ergänzt würden, die in kleineren Studien (darunter eine bahnbrechende Studie von Nigel F. Palmer)
publiziert oder noch unveröfentlicht sind (wie zum Beispiel die Sammlung von Betaradiographien
des Blockbuchbestands der Pierpont Morgan Library, New York), könnte das Ziel erreicht werden,
Stevensons Vision eines bedeutenden wissenschaftlichen Projekts zu verwirklichen.
In the 1960s the American scholar Allan H. Stevenson (1903–1970) made major advances in the use
of paper-stock evidence for dating European blockbooks. Because of illness, he was unable to complete
his researches; an unedited and uninished series of four lectures he presented on blockbooks were
inadequately published long after his death. However, in recent decades our knowledge of the paper
stocks of blockbooks has greatly expanded, bringing us nearer to what Stevenson hoped to compile, a
corpus of all the watermarks used in all copies of all blockbooks. The chief foundation stones of this
expansion are the watermark reproductions of the incunable catalogue of the Bibliothèque nationale
de France (CIBN), and the online digital project, Blockbooks in Bavarian Collections. By merging
these, and adding to them the reproductions contained in smaller studies both published (including a
pathbreaking study by Nigel F. Palmer) and unpublished (a collection of radiogaphs from the Pierpont Morgan Library’s blockbook holdings), we could come close to realizing a signiicant scholarly
project of which Stevenson was the prophet.
2
Abstracts
Ad Stijnman: The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 59–80.
Über Druckfarben in Blockbüchern ist nur wenig bekannt. Der Aufsatz fasst die verfügbare Dokumentation zusammen und präsentiert eine naturwissenschaftliche Untersuchung der Druckfarbe
von Blockbuchblättern. Die Ergebnisse werden anschließend in einer Erörterung der Herstellung
des ›Speculum humanae salvationis‹ (Niederlande [Utrecht?], um 1466–1467) mit seinen zweifarbigen Drucken angewandt.
Little is known concerning printing inks in blockbooks. The paper summarises the available documentation and presents a scientiic examination of the printing ink of a blockbook sheet. The results are
next applied to a discussion on the production of the ›Speculum humanae salvationis‹ (Netherlands
[Utrecht?], c. 1466–1467) with its bicoloured impressions.
Andrew Honey: »The Binding was the Ancient Legitimate One«. Looking for Early Binding
Evidence in Blockbooks
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 81–110.
Blockbücher sind ein Buchtyp, bei dem Anhaltspunkte für die ursprünglichen kodikologischen
Zusammenhänge und den Lagenaufbau großteils verloren sind. Der Aufsatz stellt die Ergebnisse
neuerer Untersuchungen zu den frühen Bindemethoden vor, die anhand von drei Blockbüchern der
Bodleian Library Oxford sowie zwei weiteren Exemplaren der New York Public Library gewonnen
wurden. Diese Beispiele vertreten die beiden gängigsten kodikologischen Typen von Blockbüchern
und zeigen Spuren früher Einbände, die eine Langstichstruktur aufwiesen. Vorschläge werden
skizziert, auf welche Weise derartige Belege dokumentiert werden sollten, um so weitere ähnliche
Blockbücher zu identiizieren.
Blockbooks are a class of book where the evidence of their original assembly and codicological
presentation is now largely lost. The paper presents recent research into evidence of early binding
methods from three blockbooks at the Bodleian Library Oxford with additional evidence from two
blockbooks at the New York Public Library. These examples, from the two most common codicological
types of blockbook, all have evidence of early bindings using a longstitch structure. Suggestions for
recording types of evidence which will be useful for identifying further blockbooks with evidence of
early bindings are outlined.
Rahel Bacher: Besonderheiten der Blockbuchherstellung. Vergleichbarkeit unterschiedlicher
Drucktechniken und Produktionsphasen innerhalb einzelner Ausgaben
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 111–130.
An der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München wird seit 2009 aus Mitteln der DFG das Projekt
›Digitalisierung und Erschließung der Blockbücher aus bayerischen Sammlungen‹ durchgeführt.
Die Studie stellt dar, welche Erkenntnisse dieses Projekt über die bloße Beschreibung der eingeschlossenen Exemplare und Ausgaben hinaus für die gesamte Frühdruckforschung erbringen kann.
Exemplarisch dargestellt werden zu diesem Zweck die Ergebnisse, welche sich zur Vergleichbarkeit
unterschiedlicher Drucktechniken (Reiber- und Pressendruck) herausarbeiten ließen, und die anhand
verschiedener Kriterien fassbaren Produktionszyklen innerhalb einzelner Blockbuchausgaben.
With support from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), the Bavarian State Library has
been leading a project for the ›Digitization and Descriptive Cataloguing of blockbooks from Bavarian
collections‹ since 2009. The study outlines the kinds of information that were gained both concerning
individual copies and editions of blockbooks and the wider ield of research on early printed books.
As a speciic area of interest, the article focusses on the analysis of diferent printing methods used
(rubbing and use of the printing press) and on the distinction of production cycles within a given
edition.
Abstracts
3
Oliver Duntze: Die Blockbuchausgaben der ›Ars minor‹ des Aelius Donatus
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 131–159.
Der Artikel gibt einen Überblick über die derzeit bekannten Blockbuchausgaben der ›Ars minor‹
des Aelius Donatus. Eine Besonderheit dieser Gruppe von Blockbüchern ist die Tatsache, dass sie
häuig als Kopien von typographischen Drucken hergestellt wurden und die Schrift ihrer Vorlagen
so exakt nachbilden, dass sich die Drucktypen und damit die Drucker der Vorlagen identiizieren
lassen. Ihre Datierung ist damit vergleichsweise spät anzusetzen, z. T. erst in den 1490er Jahren.
In diesen Fällen wird untersucht, ob sich die direkten Vorlagen noch nachweisen lassen und
inwieweit sie Rückschlüsse auf Entstehungszeit und -ort der Blockbücher zulassen. Zudem ist
zu fragen, warum die Blockbuchdrucker den Aufwand in Kauf nahmen, einen in Einzellettern
gesetzten Text als Holzschnitt zu kopieren, statt ihn mit deutlich geringerem Aufwand typographisch nachzusetzen und nachzudrucken.
The article gives an overview over the currently known blockbook editions of the ›Ars minor‹ by
Aelius Donatus. In several cases, blockbooks from this group were copied from typographic editions
and reproduce the types of their exemplars so exactly that the types and thus the printers of the
exemplars can be identiied. Thus, the blockbooks must have been produced at a comparatively late
stage, i. e. in the last decade of the ifteenth century. The study attempts to trace the direct exemplars
and draws conclusions as to the date and place of origin of the blockbooks. Furthermore, the question
is raised of why the producer of blockbooks chose the time-consuming method of copying a text set
in moveable types in woodcuts rather than reprinting it typographically.
Richard L. Kremer: Hans Sporer’s Xylographic Practices. A Census of Regiomontanus’s
Blockbook Calendar
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 161–187.
Ziel dieser Arbeit ist die Untersuchung der xylographischen Praxis des Hans Sporer, der im Nürnberg der 1470er Jahre als Formschneider und nach 1485 als typographischer Drucker in Bamberg
wirkte und einer der wenigen Hersteller von Blockbüchern war, der seine Drucke mittels Kolophonen irmierte bzw. datierte. Drei von Sporers xylographischen Ausgaben sind Nachdrucke älterer
Blockbücher. Sein 31-blättriger xylographischer Kalender reproduziert den von Regiomontanus 1474
typographisch gedruckten Kalender. Vierzehn Exemplare des Sporer-Kalenders in drei Zuständen
sind bekannt. Anhand der Analyse der Einträge früherer Benutzer, des Papiers, Kolorits, von Abnutzungserscheinungen der Blöcke, ihrer Gestaltung bzw. Umgestaltung und der Lagenstruktur zieht
dieser Artikel Schlussfolgerungen in Bezug auf die Herkunft und den Gebrauch dieser Blockbücher,
ihre Datierung sowie einige einzigartige Merkmale der xylographischen Praxis Sporers.
The paper investigates the xylographic practices of Hans Sporer, woodcutter in Nuremberg in the
1470s and after 1485 typographic printer in Bamberg, who was one of the few early producers of
blockbooks to identify and date much of his work in colophons. Three of his xylographic imprints
replicate earlier blockbooks; his 31-folio calendar derives from Regiomontanus’s 1474 typographic
edition. Fourteen copies of Sporer’s calendar, in three issues, are extant. By analyzing their early
user marks, paper, coloration, block deterioration, block design and redesign, and quire structure, the
article ofers conclusions about the early provenance and use of these blockbooks, the dates of their
printing, and some unique features of Sporer’s xylographic practices.
Frank Fürbeth: Der Blockbuch-Druck des ›Buchs von der hand‹. Aspekte der Bild- und
Texteinrichtung
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 189–214.
Das ›Buch von der hand‹ nimmt unter den Blockbüchern in mehrfacher Hinsicht eine Sonderstellung ein: weil hier von der Entstehung und dem Autor des Textes berichtet wird, weil sich
der Drucker, Jörg Schapf in Augsburg, nennt, und weil durch den Vergleich mit den beiden zeitgenössischen handschriftlichen Textzeugen die Bearbeitungstendenzen des Druckes recht genau
4
Abstracts
bestimmt werden können. Während die Zuschreibung des ›Buchs von der hand‹ an den Münchener
Arzt und Übersetzer Johannes Hartlieb wohl eher aus buchmarkttechnischen Gründen ingiert
ist und deshalb nicht weiter behandelt wird, geht es im Aufsatz einerseits um die Einordnung
des Blockbuchs in die Augsburger Druckgeschichte um 1488/90, was durch einen Vergleich der
Illustrationen und des Papierumschlags mit zeitgleichen Drucken von Anton Sorg, Erhart Ratdolt
und Hans Schönsperger geleistet wird. Andererseits wird die Texteinrichtung unter Aspekten der
Übersetzung und der Layout-Erfordernisse der Holzschnitt-Technik untersucht.
In many respects, the ›Book of chiromancy‹ is an unusual case among ifteenth-century blockbooks: it
contains information about the origin and the author of the text; the printer, Jörg Schapf in Augsburg,
names himself; and it is possible to determine the tendencies of textual revision rather accurately
by collating the texts of the two contemporary manuscripts. While the authorship of the Munich
physician and translator Johannes Hartlieb is probably a iction created for reasons of marketing
and will not be discussed further, the blockbook can be placed in the context of Augsburg printing
around 1488/90 on the basis of a comparison of the woodcut illustrations and the decorated paper
wrappers with editions printed by Anton Sorg, Erhart Ratdolt and Hans Schönsperger. In addition,
the arrangement of the text is examined with regard to both the translation and the requirements of
layout caused by xylographic printing.
Susanne Rischpler: Gedruckt und gezeichnet. Das Blockbuch der ›Ars memorandi‹ und seine
handschriftlichen Zeugen
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 215–254.
Die ›Ars memorandi‹, ein mnemotechnisches Hilfsmittel, das die Evangelien in doppelseitigen TextBild-Kombinationen zum Memorieren aufbereitet, wurde vor allem durch die Blockbuch-Version des
15. Jahrhunderts bekannt. Parallel dazu gab es auch skriptographische Fassungen mit handschriftlichem Text und Federzeichnungen. Im Aufsatz werden drei dieser Fassungen vorgestellt und ihre
Beziehungen zur Blockbuch-Version aufgezeigt. Anhand dieser Beispiele lässt sich demonstrieren,
dass Blockbücher in der spätmittelalterlichen Buchproduktion kein isoliertes Phänomen darstellen,
sondern stets mit der Tradition der handschriftlichen (und typographischen) Werküberlieferung
verbunden sind. Dabei ergeben sich Hinweise, dass das Konzept der ›Ars memorandi‹ im monastischen Kontext der benediktinischen Reformbewegungen entstanden sein könnte.
The ›Ars memorandi‹, a mnemonic tool for memorizing the Gospels with the help of double-page
text-picture combinations, was spread primarily in the ifteenth-century blockbook version. In that
period, scriptographic copies existed also, which contained handwritten texts and pen drawings. In
this article, three manuscript copies of the work are presented, and their relations with the blockbook
version are discussed. These examples demonstrate that blockbooks are not an isolated phenomenon
in the book production of the late Middle Ages, but are always connected with the contemporary
handwritten (and typographic) tradition. Furthermore, evidence is presented which supports the
assumption that the concept of the ›Ars memorandi‹ originated within the monastic context of the
Benedictine reform movements.
Almut Breitenbach: Text in Bewegung. Die ›Septimania poenalis‹ und ihre handschriftliche
Überlieferung
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 255–286.
Das Blockbuch ›Septimania poenalis‹ – eine Tugend-, Andachts- und Gebetsübung für jeden Tag
der Woche – aus dem Sammelband Cpg 438 der Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg ist von der
Forschung bisher kaum beachtet worden. Da Text und Bild nur knappe Anweisungen vermitteln und das Blockbuch zudem fragmentarisch erhalten ist, bietet es auf den ersten Blick wenig
Anknüpfungspunkte für eine Einordnung. Zieht man jedoch die mit fünfzehn Textzeugen vergleichsweise breite handschriftliche Vor- und Parallelüberlieferung dieser Übung hinzu, die bisher
noch nicht in den Blick der Forschung gerückt ist, bietet sich ein detailreicher, aussagekräftiger
Kontext dar, der etwa die Entstehung und Lokalisierung des Blockbuchs, die Gestaltung von
Abstracts
5
Text und Bild, die Andachtsübung selbst ebenso wie mögliche Formen ihrer Aneignung durch
die Rezipienten zu erhellen vermag. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt das Blockbuch und die bisher
bekannte handschriftliche Überlieferung dieser Andachtsübung vor und skizziert erste Ergebnisse
und weitere Forschungsmöglichkeiten, die sich aus der Betrachtung der ›Septimania poenalis‹ vor
dem Hintergrund der Handschriften gewinnen lassen.
The blockbook ›Septimania poenalis‹ (Heidelberg, University Library, Cpg 438), a spiritual exercise
for every day of the week, has been largely neglected by scholars so far. As the blockbook survives
in a fragmentary copy, and the text and images contain rather short and concise instructions, the
book ofers hardly any clues for deeper contextualization. When examining the surprisingly broad
transmission of this exercise in at least ifteen manuscripts, which has not yet attracted the attention
of scholars, a rich and signiicant context emerges which sheds light on the origin and localization
of the blockbook, on the composition of the text and images, on the spiritual exercise itself as well
as on possible historical forms of practising and adopting it. The article presents the blockbook and
gives an overview over the transmission of the exercise in manuscripts. In addition, irst results and
possibilities for further research are outlined, which arise when the blockbook is investigated against
the backdrop of the manuscripts.
Sabine Griese: Das ›Zeitglöcklein‹-Blockbuch. Strategien der Gebetsandacht im Kontext
franziskanischer Gelehrsamkeit
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 287–310.
Das sogenannte ›Zeitglöcklein‹-Blockbuch (dessen einziges Exemplar in der Staatsbibliothek
Bamberg erhalten ist) entfaltet in Text und Bild ein auf die 24 Stunden des Tages angelegtes
Tagzeiten-Gebet in der Volkssprache. Der Bildzyklus ist auf die Passion Christi (Abendmahl bis
Grablegung Christi) und auf acht Gebetszeiten hin verteilt (von Komplet bis Non). Die Bilder
bieten Meditationsgrundlagen (Vmb … betracht), zu beten ist das Vaterunser. Das Blockbuch ist
in einen Sammelband eingebunden, der auf einen franziskanischen Besitzer weist, der den Band
um 1500 oder kurz danach reichhaltig handschriftlich annotierte. Das volkssprachige Blockbuch
zeigt sich damit in den Händen eines Gelehrten, der es im Umfeld der Latinität rezipiert.
The blockbook of the so-called ›Zeitglöcklein‹, which survives in a unique copy in the State Library at
Bamberg, contains texts and images for a vernacular prayer for the hours of the day which extends to
24 hours. The cycle of images comprises the passion of Christ (Last Supper to Entombment of Christ)
and the eight hours of prayer (Compline until None). The images serve as the basis for meditation
while reciting the Lord’s Prayer. The blockbook is part of a composite volume which was used by
a Franciscan owner who added copious annotations to the texts in the years around 1500. Thus, the
vernacular blockbook was in the hands of a scholar familiar with Latin texts.
Joost Robbe: Zur Genese der niederländischen Typoxylographien des ›Speculum humanae
salvationis‹
Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 46 (2013) S. 311–328.
In diesem Artikel wird die Genese der vier typoxylographischen Ausgaben des ›Speculum humanae
salvationis‹ (je zwei in lateinischer und in mittelniederländischer Sprache) rekonstruiert. Zunächst
werden die wesentlichsten literaturhistorischen und buchwissenschaftlichen Daten kurz zusammengefasst. Dann wird eine Synthese der wichtigsten Forschungsergebnisse seit dem 16. Jahrhundert
präsentiert, in der vor allem auf die Arbeiten von Junius, Scriverius, Meerman, Guichard, Ottley,
Doudelet und Stevenson eingegangen wird. Die verschiedenen Ergebnisse werden miteinander
verglichen und mit dem materiellen Befund konfrontiert, sodass sich letztendlich ein kohärentes
Gesamtbild der Entstehungsgeschichte der Typoxylographien ergibt. Stevensons Datierung der
verschiedenen Editionen wird präzisiert und die These von den beiden Werkstätten weiter konsolidiert. Schließlich wird die These verteidigt, dass für das gedruckte Speculum ursprünglich
mehr als 29 Kapitel geplant waren.
Ad Stijnman
The Colours of Black
Printing Inks for Blockbooks
»So viel sich auch unsere Frühdruckforscher bemüht haben …
ein Gebiet ist bisher so gut wie gar nicht behandelt worden:
das der Druckfarbe.«1
Hermann Klaetsch
The study of historic printing ink knows few precedents, as Hermann Klaetsch noted. Nigel Palmer added still more recently that »the constitution of the ink used for woodblock
printing … is a question that has not to date been the subject of detailed research«2. The
following paper gives an introduction to the research of mediaeval relief printing ink with
an emphasis on inks used for blockbooks and their scientiic examination. It summarises
what information is available and clears some long-standing queries regarding printing
ink in blockbooks.
Before continuing, an aside on etymology. The English term ›ink‹ can refer to the
oil-based substance used in printing as well as to the liquid used for writing: they are
homonyms. We see the same in other languages (encre, inchiostro, inkt, tinta), except for
German which makes a diference between printing ink (Farbe) and writing ink (Tinte).
The present article discusses both kinds of inks as well as the application of writing ink
for relief printing from woodblocks and will therefore mention the particular properties
and use of inks.
1 Klaetsch, Hermann: Die Druckfarbe in vergangenen Zeiten. Mainz/Halle-Ammendorf 1940 p. 5. I am
grateful to the following persons for discussing the issue of early printing inks and for their support
in compiling this article: Jacques Bocquentin, Mark Clarke, Peter Gumbert, Christian Heitzmann,
Suzanne Karr Schmidt, Huigen Leelang, Yuriko Miyoshi, Doris Oltrogge, Jos van Heel, Jan van der
Stock, Elizabeth Upper, Arie Wallert, Lieve Watteeuw and the staf of the Museum MeermannoHouse of the Book in The Hague. I dedicate this article to Gerard van Thienen, former curator for
incunabula at the Royal Library in The Hague, who initially stimulated me to study printing inks
in blockbooks.
2 Palmer, Nigel: Woodcuts for reading: the codicology of ifteenth-century blockbooks and woodcut
cycles. In: The Woodcut in Fifteenth-Century Europe, ed. by Peter Parshall. Washington, D.C. 2009
pp. 92–117 (Studies in the history of art 75, Symposium papers LII).
60
Ad Stijnman
Documentation
Historical printing ink can be researched by perusing modern literature, by scientiic examination of the object’s materials, by making reconstructions with modern materials, and
by the study of documentary sources. I will irst give an overview of the present state of
our knowledge concerning historic printing inks and then discuss some examples.
Only a few studies concerning historic relief printing inks are published, they all concern
typographic ink3. The same can be said for publications on the scientiic examination of
ifteenth-century inks4. Black and red printing inks in a small number of incunabula have
been analysed, the last publication dating from 1998. As concerns reconstructions, the publication accompanying the 1991 exhibition ›Blockbücher des Mittelalters‹ in the Gutenberg
Museum in Mainz also contained a chapter on the cutting and printing of a woodblock for
a blockbook5. The process is documented in detail with a series of photos and explained
in the text of the chapter. The ink and its manner of application are merely mentioned
without any discusson on its constituents and preparation, however.
Forerunners of oil-based printing inks can be found in inks for stamping woodblocks on
leather or textile and a fair number of ifteenth-century manuscripts with recipes for such
3 Wiborg, Frank B.: Printing Ink, a History (etc.). New York, London 1926; Klaetsch, Druckfarbe (see
note 1); V.u.K.: Vom Bronzedruck. In: CIBA-Rundschau (1961) 3 pp. 25–29; Bloy, Colin H.: A History
of Printing Ink, Balls and Rollers 1440–1850. London 1967; Gerhardt, Claus W.: Das Drucken mit
Metallpigmenten in Geschichte und Gegenwart. In: Der Polygraph 11 (1982) Sondertheil; Carter,
Victor et al.: Printing with gold in the ifteenth century. In: The British Library Journal 9 (1983)
1 (Spring) pp. 1–13; Vom Leinölirnis zum Buntdruck (etc.). In: Wolf, Hans-Jürgen: Geschichte der
graphischen Verfahren (etc.). Dornstadt 1990 pp. 762–805; Bocquentin, Jacques: Origine et développement des encres d’impression au XVe siècle (thèse). Saint-Cloud 1996; Stijnman, Ad: Zonder inkt
geen boeken. In: Groeiboek, ed. by Gerard Post van der Molen. Leiden 1997.
4 Klaetsch, Druckfarbe (see note 1) p. 9 (soot, oil varnish), p. 32 (vermillion); Schwab, Richard N. et
al.: Cyclotron analysis of the ink in the 42-line Bible. In: The Papers of the Bibliographical Society
of America, 77 (1983) (Sep.) pp. 285–315; Schwab, Richard N. et al.: The proton milliprobe ink
analysis of the Harvard B42, volume II. In: The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America
81 (1987) (Dec.) pp. 403–432; Zahn, Peter: Printer’s inks and papers in early incunabula under synchrotron light (SYXRF): a project in progress. In: Gazette du livre medieval 21 (1992) (automne)
pp. 18–29; Mommsen, H. et al.: X-ray luorescence analysis with synchrotron radiation on the inks
and papers of incunabula. In: Archaeometry 38 (1996) 2 pp. 347–357; Rosenberg, Achim et al.:
Röntgenluoreszenzanalyse der Druckerschwärzen des Mainzer Catholicon und anderer Frühdrucke
mit Synchrotronstrahlung. In: Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 73 (1998) pp. 231–255.
5 Dorka, Jürgen und Cornelia Schneider: Vom Block zum Blockbuch: Fotodokumentation zur Entstehung
eines Blockbuchs. In: Blockbücher des Mittelalters, Bilderfolgen als Lektüre. Gutenberg-Museum,
Mainz, 22. Juni 1991 bis 1. September 1991, ed. by the Gutenberg-Gesellschaft and GutenbergMuseum. Mainz 1991 pp. 19–26.
The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
61
inks have survived6. The majority has a German background, with some Dutch, Italian
and Swiss texts added. We will pay more attention to these manuscripts, because they may
bring us a little closer to the materials and actual working practices used in the printing
process of blockbooks.
Mediaeval recipes should not be read and interpreted as modern recipes due to the lack
of standardisation of measurements and terminology in the period as compared to what
we are used to nowadays. Mark Clarke argues on mediaeval recipe collections that »the
material has been adapted, abridged and supplemented« from earlier versions, referring to
more generally known texts »such as the ›Mappae Clavicula‹, ›Heraclius‹ and the ›Schedula‹
of Theophilus« in particular7. We have no written documentation on blockprinting earlier
than from a 1437 copy of Cennino d’Andrea Cennini’s manuscript, the orginal of which
probably dates to the very late fourteenth century. The oldest printed objects such as the
tapestry of Sitten are dated in the middle of the fourteenth century8. Fifteenth-century
recipes on printing and printing ink look quite straightforward and are without any rhetoric
or (alchemical) symbolism, as if coming directly from the workshops. Practical tradition
therefore was not old and we can understand the contents of the recipes without great
diiculties.
The earliest recipes for printing cloth are found in the manuscript by Cennini. Quoting
Daniel Thompson’s translation: »grind some vine-sprig black, ground very ine with water,
6 Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Cod. Hist. Helv. XII 45 (Colmar 1478).
Cennino Cennini, Florence, Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, ms. 23, p. 78 (1437 copy of the original
of c. 1400).
Cennino Cennini, Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, ms 2190, fol. […], (16th-century (?) copy of the
original of c. 1400).
Heidelberg, UB, Cod. Pal. germ. 183, fol. 291.
Heidelberg, UB, Cod. Pal. germ. 211, fol. 39v.
Heidelberg, UB, Cod. Pal. germ. 558, fol. 148v–149v, 151r.
Heidelberg, UB, Cod. Pal. germ. 620, fol. 104r–v.
Jerusalem, The Jewish National and University Library, Edelstein Collection, Alchemical Ms. Ger.
›1472‹ (1475–1525), fol. 57v–60r.
Leiden, UB, Cod. Vossius Chym. Oct. 6, fol. 143v–145r (east of the Meuse, 1496–98).
London, BL, Ms. Sloane 345, fol. 24r–24v.
München, BSB, Cgm 720, fol. 228v.
Nürnberg, StB, Ms. Cent. VI, 89, fol. 12r–18v.
Trier, StB, Ms. SB 1028, fol. 20v, 27r–28r.
This information is largely collected from the database on art technological sources compiled by
Doris Oltrogge at the Fachhochschule Köln, see: <http://db.re.fh-koeln.de/ICSFH/forschung/
rezepte.aspx>, last accessed 4/7/2013.
7 Clarke, Mark: Reworking and reuse: adaptation and use in workshop texts. In: The Artist’s Process:
Technology and Interpretation (etc.), ed. by Sigrid Eyb-Green et al. London 2012 pp. 27–31.
8 Schneider, Jenny: Textilien, Katalog der Sammlung des Schweizerischen Landesmuseums Zürich.
Zürich 1975 pp. 53, 56–57.
62
Ad Stijnman
then thoroughly dried either by sun or ire, then ground again, dry; and mix it with as
much liquid varnish as may be required [possibly, ›varnish enough to make it workable‹]«9.
The liquid varnish is linseed oil boiled and burned to a viscous liquid10. The vine-sprig
black is made by charring the curly tendrils of the vine and next grinding the chars to a
ine powder11.
Another recipe probably uses lampblack, made from the soot of charred linseed oil12.
»Furthermore, for executing this work it is good to burn linseed oil, as I have shown you
before; and temper some of that black, which is very ine [= lampblack?], with liquid
varnish; and it is a very perfect and ine black; but it is more expensive«13. Vineblack was
made from the waste of the vineyard and will therefore have been inexpensive, while
for lampblack the raw materials themselves were already valuable and had a variety of
purposes. The soot also needed to be treated further, charring and washing it a number of
times before it gained the ine structure and deep black hue of nearly pure carbon.
In comparison, the opacity of vine black is not as strong as lampblack, because the percentage of carbon, the colouring element in the charcoal, is not so high. Also the average
grain size of the inest pigment particles (an estimated 1–5 micron) is coarser than that
of lampblack particles (an estimated 0.2–1 micron). As a consequence an impression of a
woodcut printed thinly with a charcoal ink is more greyish than an impression of the same
block printed with a lampblack ink. The thin layer cannot contain enough charcoal particles
for complete coverage, something lampblack is capable of even with very thin layers.
Cennini mentions other colours, too, such as yellow from safron, red from brasilwood,
green from verdigris, red from red lead or vermilion, blue from indigo and white from
white lead. Apparently colour printing (or rather stamping) was not a technical issue for
him and neither for other ifteenth-century compilers of ink recipes. It is therefore odd
that inks in other colours than black and red are so rarely found in early book printing.
Further information on printing inks is found in inventories, administrative documents,
and oicial reports. An interesting reference to equipment used in printing woodblocks is
found in the inventory of Jacoba van Heinsberg-Loon, prioress (?) of the nunnery Bethanien near Malines since March 1455, made up after her death on 3 March 146614. Quoting
from the inventory: »in cellula eiusdem domicelle Jacobe testatricis super istam cameram
… novem printe lignee ad imprimendas ymagines cum quatuordecim aliis lapideis printis
… unum ferrum ad coquendas grasas … [in] nigram cameram superius … primo unum
9 Thompson, Daniel V.: Cennino d’Andrea Cennini: The Craftsman’s Handbook, the Italian ›Il libro
dell’arte‹, repr. of the ed. 1933. New York 1960 p. 116.
10 Ibid. pp. 58–59.
11 Ibid. p. 22.
12 Ibid. pp. 22–23.
13 Ibid. p. 117.
14 Enschedé, Johan Willem: Een drukkerij buiten Mechelen voor 1466. In: Het Boek, tweede reeks van
het tijdschrift voor boek- en bibliotheekwezen 7 (1918) pp. 286–292.
The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
63
instrumentum ad imprimandas scripturas et ymagines cum diversis modici valoris asseribus,
una lactica sine lecto, unus tripes, unus parvus liber et unus lapis ad frangendos colores«15.
Translated: ›in the cel of the same testator (or rather testatrix) mistress Jacoba above her
room (are found) nine woodblocks for printing images with fourteen other stone printing
(beds?) … an iron (kettle) for cooking the oil … in the black room upstairs … irst an
instrument for printing text and images with several pieces of type of little value, a trestle
without cover, a stool (tripod), a small book and one stone for grinding colours‹.
It would go too far to see in this description a fully ledged printshop, but at least it was
equipped well enough to show that she was involved in the making of printing ink by
cooking oil in an iron kettle, grinding ink on a stone, and printing blocks and type with
some kind of instrument. The term ›colores‹ should best be interpreted as ›inks‹, more
particular black inks, because only one grinding stone was present. If used for black any
other colour next ground upon this stone would likely turn dirty because of even minor
remains of black left in its pores.
A true typographic printshop was active in Florence in the Dominican monastery S. Iacopo
di Bagno at Ripoli from 1474 on16. Vincenzio Fineschi published about it in 1781, including
a section on the administration of materials bought for the printshop17.
Italian original
Olio di Lino
Trementina
Peca Greca
Pece Nera
Marcassita
Cinabro
Ragia
Vernice soda
Vernice liquida
Galla
Vetriolo
Lacca
costs in lira
3 .10. – il Bar
– . 4 . – la lib
– . 4 . – la lib
– .1.8.– la lib
3 . – . – la lib
– . 5 . – la lib
– . 3 . – la lib
– . 8 . – la lib
– .12. – la lib
– . 4 . – la lib
– . 4 . – la lib
– . 3 . 4 la lib
English translation
linseed oil
turpentine resin
Greek pitch (= resin)
black pitch (= resin)
bismuth (Sb) or ›marchesita librariorum‹ (type
metal)
vermillion
resin
strong varnish
liquid varnish
gall nuts
vitriol (= iron(II) sulphate)
lake (= [red?] dyestuf)
Table taken from Fineschi, Vincenzio: Notizie storiche sopra la stamperia di Ripoli (etc.).
Florence 1781 p. 49, with modern English translations.
The linseed oil, varnishes and various kinds of resin were used for making oil-based
printing ink. The term ›marcassita‹ either means ›bismuth‹ and was used in the making
15 Ibid. pp. 286–287. With thanks to Mark Clarke for discussing this passage.
16 <http://www.sinopiarte.com/Stamperia_Convento_San_Jacopo_a_Ripoli.html>, last accessed
4/7/2013.
17 Fineschi, Vincenzio: Notizie storiche sopra la stamperia di Ripoli (etc.). Florence 1781 p. 49.
64
Ad Stijnman
of type metal, or it stands for the type metal itself18. The vermillion was likely used for
making red printing ink, but could also be used for red writing ink when mixed with a
gum Arabic solution. The function of the ›lacca‹ is not understood here. The gall nuts and
vitriol are the essential components for making an iron-gall writing ink, while the third
ingredient – gum Arabic – is missing in this list19. All three are dissolved in water (or wine
or beer). The tannin extracted from the gall nuts and the iron(II) sulphate solution from
the vitriol together form a chemical complex that appears as a deep blue-black liquid. The
gum Arabic keeps all particles in suspension, preventing them from sinking to the bottom
to form a sediment.
References to printers of woodcuts are not uncommon in the administration of ifteenthcentury guilds and sometimes we also learn about their activities. For example, the mentioning of the woodblock printer Adriaan van Liesvelt, in Antwerp on 30 January 1495,
is interesting to us, because he printed woodblocks with an aqueous ink20. The Antwerp
St Luke’s guild sued Adriaan van Liesvelt, because they thought he printed his blocks
with a black not made of luid ink (›vluedighen incte‹ = writing ink) but made with
oil and varnish (›olie ende vernys‹), which materials the members of the guild used. Oil
and varnish were part of their business of making paintings and thus they wanted Van
Liesvelt to become a member of their guild. Van Liesvelt, however, dismissed their claim
stating that the material he used was: »der printers inct dien sy altijt gheplogen hadden
te gebruken, dien oic gemaect is vand(er) stofen dair men ande(re)n vluedeghen inct af
mact, hoewel datt(er) meer co(n)sten toe ghebesicht wort«. Translated: ›the printer’s ink
that they always used to use, that is also made of the constituents with which one makes
other luid ink [= writing ink], although it takes something more [to prepare the printing ink]‹.In other words, he does not use an oil-based ink for his printing woodblocks, but
the aqueous ink that printers of his discipline were common to use, although their ink is
more viscous than plain writing ink. If he is referring to iron-gall ink, the most common
18 It probably means bismuth, because Fineschi lists tin and lead separately further down the page.
Apparently the earliest type metal consisted mainly of tin with some additional lead and bismuth
as hardener, while the type metal based on lead with some additional tin and antimony as hardener
is from a later date. The Pirotechnia of Vannoccio Biringuccio, ed. by Derek J. Price. Reissue of
1943. New York 1959 pp. 374–375; Fialova, Vlasta: Ein Letternfund aus dem XVI. Jahrhundert in
Kralice nad Oslavou. In: Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1959) pp. 85–91; Giesecke, Albert: Das Schriftmetall
Gutenbergs. In: Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1944–1949) pp. 53–65; Partington, James Riddick: A History
of Chemistry. Vol. 2. London/New York 1961 pp. 13, 51, 59, 63, 91; Quad von Kinkelbach, Matthis:
Teutscher Nation Herligkeitt (etc.). Cölln 1609 p. 437; A History of Technology, ed. by Charles Singer
et al. Vol. 3. Oxford 1957 pp. 29, 42–44.
19 Stijnman, Ad: Iron gall inks in history: ingredients and production. In: Iron Gall Inks: on Manufacture, Characterisation, Degradation and Stabilisation, ed. by Jana Kolar and Matija Strlič. Ljubljana
2006 pp. 25–68.
20 Van der Stock, Jan: Printing Images in Antwerp. The Introduction of Printmaking in a City. Fifteenth Century to 1585. Rotterdam 1998 pp. 310–311.
The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
65
writing ink then, this would mean that extra gum Arabic (or another kind of gum) was
added to the writing ink recipe in order to create a more viscous substance better suited
for printing. The court agreed with Van Liesvelt and he won the case.
Continuing on actual printing ink recipes, a Dutch manuscript from the region east of
the Meuse dated to 1496–1498 contains the earliest recipe for an oil-based ink for printing
on paper or parchment found thus far21: »[fol. 144v] Item mer wiltu yncke dar uyt maken
dar men bucke mede prenten mach te weten [fol. 145r] op papir op percament so saltu
nemen i quarte van de vurs[.] roucke en i quarte lyn olie ende sal die te samen puntlicken
sieden dat dicachtich werde ende als du dar mede prenten wilt so salte die prenten of
dien in wel wer[m/w?]en etc.« In translation: ›Item, but if you want to make ink from it
with which to print books [or beech wood blocks] on paper or parchment so you will take
1 quarter of the aforesaid smoke [= lampblack] and 1 quarter of linseed oil and you shall
boil it together accurately until it gets thickish and if you want to print with it you shall
warm [?] the prints [= printing blocks?] or these in well [?] etc.‹ Or alternatively ›you shall
paint the printing blocks or dies/stamps well [with the ink]‹. This would it better, because
inking the woodblocks makes more sense then warming them. However, the individual letters of ›dien‹ – the term possibly to be connected with ›in‹ to mean dies or stamps – and
›wer[m/w]en‹ (to paint?) are diicult to read and their meaning, and thus the meaning
of this phrase is therefore not well understood.
Little more can be concluded from the recipe than what it says. Lampblack is boiled
together with linseed oil, which is rare for typographic printing ink for which the pigment
is commonly added to the varnish only after the boiling, i. e. in grinding the ink. Compared
to the expression ›printe lignee‹ (woodblocks for printing) in the inventory of Jacoba van
Heinsberg-Loon given above, the last term ›prenten‹ could indicate woodblocks here but
I am not too sure about this.
Many kinds of black pigments were produced and they were used for all kinds of purposes22. Lampblack is a black typical for typographic printing ink. It was the inest and
blackest pigment available and an ink made with lampblack printed a thin but still deep
black layer, as the texts in so many incunabula show.
The irst published recipe for a typographic printing ink we ind in Alessio Piemontese’s
book of secrets (›Secreti‹, Venice 1555): »L’Inchiostro poi da stampar lettere, si fa di solo
fume di ragia, come di sopra s’ è detto, & si stempera con vernice liquida, & si cuoce un
poco, fa cendolo piu liquido & piu duro secondo il bisogno, & il verno bisogna piu liquido
& la state piu duro, & sempre il piu duro fa piu bella lettera, piu negra, piu netta, & piu
lustra. Ma in qualunque modo vuol benissimo mescolato sempre. Et per far lo liquido, come
21 Leyden, UB, Cod. Vossius Chym. Oct. 6, fol. 144v–145r, middle-east Netherlandish 1496–1498.
22 Stijnman, Ad: Artiicial black pigment (etc.). In: Fatto d’archimia, los pigmentos artiiciales en las
técnicas pictóricas, ed. by Marián del Egido and Stefanos Kroustallis. Madrid 2012 pp. 293–306.
66
Ad Stijnman
è detto, si mette piu oglio di seme di lino ò ancor di noce nella vernice. Per farlo duro si
metto manco oglio, & piu fume, & si cuoce piu«23.
Alessio’s ›Secreti‹ became extremely popular with well over two hundred and ifty reissued, translated and reworked versions, many of them reiterating the printing ink recipe24.
Here is the translation of the London 1558 edition: »Printers Incke is made onelye with
the smoke of Rosine [= lampblack] as is abovesaid, and is tempered with moist Vernish,
you muste seeth it a little, to make it liquide or thicke, as you shall neede. But in Winter
moister then in Somer: and alwaies the thicker maketh the letter fayrer, blacker, clearer,
and brighter. But in what maner so ever it be, it muste be ever well mixed with the smoke.
Ant to make it liquide, as is saied, you must put to it more oyle of line, or of Walnuttes
to the vernythe. If you will make it thicker, put less Oyle, and more smoke, lettinge it
seeth more«25.
The recipe emphasises the use of lampblack only (›solo fume di ragio‹) for black typographic ink. This does not mean that we should see the 1496 text as a recipe for an
incunable printer. It looks more like being used for block printing, but it comes closer to
typographic ink than Van Liesveldt’s water-based ink that is suited for printing woodcuts
only and not for metal type. A water-based ink would reticulate on metal instead of forming a homogeneous layer as oil-based ink does.
A much later example for printing woodblocks, published by Garnier in 1869, similarly
shows the use of lampblack for a waterbased ink26. Woodblocks were still printed manually by ›dominotiers‹ in the nineteenth century, probably in the manner common over the
centuries since the Middle Ages. They made their ink by mixing ›noir de fumée et de colle
de peau‹ (= lampblack and gelatine glue extracted from a skin). The ink was applied to
the woodblock with a brush, a sheet of paper was laid on top and the back of the sheet
was rubbed with a ›frotton‹ made of horse hair kneaded with glue.
This ›frotton‹ sounds not unlike a comparable rubbing tool made by mixing black
human hair and glue used in Korean woodcut printing I once tried out. The object was
rather inlexible and it took some practice before gaining any decent results. Because the
tool was that hard the impressions were little embossed. This is diferent from woodcuts
in European blockbooks, which show a clear relief and thus were printed by rubbing or
tapping with a softer tool.
23 Piemontese, Alessio: Secreti. Venetia 1555 p. 189.
24 Stijnman, Ad: A short-title bibliography of the Secreti by Alessio Piemontese. In: The Artist’s Process: Technology and Interpretation (etc.), ed. by Sigrid Eyb-Green et al. London 2012 pp. 32–47.
25 The Secretes of the Reverende Maister Alexis of Piemount. London 1558 fol. 100v.
26 Garnier, J.-M.: Histoire de l’imagerie populaire et des cartes à jouer à Chartres. Chartres 1869
p. 151.
The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
67
Scientiic examination
For better understanding of possible recipes for the printing of blockbooks we take a look
at mediaeval recipes for writing inks. The many such surviving recipes can be divided into
three groups. The irst are the carbon inks, which are simple mixtures of lampblack and
gum Arabic in water, with an emulsiier such as ox gall added to avoid the fatty lampblack
from separating out. These mixtures are stable, once the inks have dried they stay black
and do not change anymore.
The second group contains the already mentioned iron-gall inks. The main constituents
in the many varieties of this kind of ink are always the same: vitriol27; gall nuts or other
vegetable materials containing tannin; gum Arabic or rarely another kind of gum; and all
is dissolved in water, wine or beer. The manners of producing such an ink are diverse.
The ingredients can be dissolved in a cold luid; they can be boiled together; solutions of
the diferent ingredients can be prepared separately before being mixed or all are mixed
together. These preparation methods all work more or less well, but in all cases they form
an unstable chemical complex with the original black ink turning into a brown substance
sooner or later. The hue of brown may difer from a pale yellowish brown, to a reddish
brown, to a darker greyish brown. This depends on the ink formula, its preparation method,
reactions between the ink and its support, and storage conditions of the object. The chemical complex is instable, the ink’s organic components disintegrate and its metal elements
may form new compounds.
The third group consists of iron-gall ink with some lampblack added, which has the
advantage that the ink stays dark to the eye for a longer period before the browning of
the iron-gall ink becomes more clearly visible.
All the above information brings us to four possible ink recipes for printing woodblocks:
– pigment ground with oil-varnish
– pigment mixed with an aqueous binding medium, such as a solution of gum Arabic
or gelatine in water
– iron-gall ink with extra gum Arabic to make the liquid more viscous
– the same with some additional lampblack.
Looking at the hues and colours of inks in blockbooks we can descern the following:
– dark grey for text and imagery (ig. 1)
– brown for text and imagery (ig. 2)
– black for text and imagery (ig. 3)
27 Vitriol is iron(II) sulphate (FeSO4) with possible contaminations of other sulphates, such as from
copper (Cu), manganese (Mn) and zinc (Zn).
68
Ad Stijnman
– black for text and brown for imagery (only for copies of the ›Speculum humanae
salvationis‹, Netherlands, c. 1466–1467 to c. 1479–1481; see ig. 9)
– dark grey for text and imagery and red for text (only for Russian blockbook psalters
of the sixteenth and seventeenth century) (ig. 4).
A sheet of an ›Apocalypse‹ was examined scientiically for the purpose of this paper
at the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam (ig. 5)28. First the printing ink was measured29. The
principal components (elements) in the printing ink were iron (Fe), copper (Cu) and zinc
(Zn), with sulphur (S) (ig. 6). These elements are consistent with iron-gall ink prepared
with an impure vitriol as mentioned above which means an iron-gall ink was mixed with
extra binding medium, probably gum Arabic30. Additional analyses of the binding medium
would conirm the ink’s composition.
Above, I already mentioned that a freshly prepared iron-gall ink is deep blue-black. Over
the years the chemical complex of iron(II) sulphate and tannine gradually falls apart and
the black turns into a brown. It means that what we see now is a ›browned‹ ink.
In a second examination the surface of the print was scanned by means of infrared relectography (ig. 7)31. The infrared image showed that the parts of the print coloured with
black paint are a hundred percent opaque, because the paint is made of a carbon black pigment – probably lampblack seeing its density – which absorbs infrared light. The browned
printing ink should be completely transparent, because the infrared radiation goes right
through it and is relected by the white paper underneath. The infrared ilter absorbs all
wavelengths that relect on reddish colours, while showing pigments such as carbon-based
blacks as dark areas. The photograph depicts the printed lines as grey, however. Browned
iron gall ink in itself does not contain materials that absorb infrared light and the conclusion must thus be that some lampblack may have been added to the printing ink.
28 ›Apocalypse‹, p. 9, Rev. 7:1–3 and 7:9–14, RMA, inv. RP-P-2009-24. I am grateful to Arie Wallert
for carrying out this research and to Huigen Leelang for giving permission to analyse this object.
29 ARTAX μ-XRF spectrometer, 50 kV, 300 μA, Mo-anode, 0.060 μm capillary lens, He-lush 1.7 L/m,
120 sec. The instrument allows non-invasive measurements to be taken on very small areas (0.060
μm).
30 This article derives from a paper I gave on 16 February 2012 during the conference ›Eine Experimentierphase im frühen Buchdruck: Blockbücher des 15. Jahrhunderts‹. Two months before Jan
van der Stock and Lieve Watteeuw had demonstrated similar results in their paper on a SouthNetherlandish ifteenth-century single leaf woodcut in browned ink. They read their paper at the
conference ›Impressions of Colour: Rediscovering Colour in early Modern Printmaking, ca 1400–1700‹
at CRASSH, Cambridge, on 8 and 9 December 2011. An article on their results is in preparation.
31 Osiris 512 × 512 infrared camera, equipped with a Hamamatsu (G11135-512DE), InGaAs linear image
sensor with 25 × 25 μm pixel size. Sensitivity in the NIR region to approximately 1700 nm, visible
light iltered of at 875 nm. Visible light is from 380 nm (ultraviolet) to 780 nm (infrared).
The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
69
Thirdly, details of the print were digitally magniied32. An area with an impression of
the woodblock shows paper ibres stained with iron gall ink, but also some particular dark
granular matter was present (ig. 8). In combination with the infrared scan and mediaeval
recipes in which lampblack is added to iron gall ink, the dark objects presumably are larger
particles of lampblack pigment. Again, this must have been an additive to the iron-gall
ink.
Summarising, the brown ink we observe in blockbooks originally was a deep blue-black
iron-gall writing ink with extra gum added to make it more paste-like. This made the
substance better suited for printing from woodblocks, because the thicker ink would stay
put were applied. The black ink turned brown over time, because the chemical complex of
tannine and iron(II) sulphate that constituted the black fell apart again. We should therefore
speak of ›browned‹ ink when describing the hue of ink in such impressions.
›Speculum humanae salvationis‹
The ›Speculum humanae salvationis‹, produced in The Netherlands with four editions in
Latin and Dutch between c. 1466–1467 and c. 1479–1481, has drawn the attention of book
historians already from early on, as it was seen as one of the oldest forms of the printed
book and because of its unusual appearance (ig. 9)33. Still quite a number of copies and
fragments of the book are found in collections around the world.
Copies or fragments of all four editions of the book were gathered by Willem Hendrik
Jacob Baron van Westreenen van Tiellandt (1783–1848) and are presently kept in the
Museum Meermanno-Huis van het Boek (formerly Meermanno-Westreenianum, MMW)
in The Hague:
– irst Latin edition: woodcut images in browned ink, metal type text in black ink; minor
wear of the woodblocks is visible (MMW, 36 A 1)34
32 Light microscopy done with HIROX KH-7700 digital microscope with 2.11 megapixel CCD sensor,
resolution maximum 10.000 × 10.000 pixel, magniications 35×–2000×.
33 Junius, Hadrianus: Batavia. Leiden 1588 pp. 255–256; Quad von Kinkelbach, Herligkeitt ( see note
18) p. 437; Scriverius, Petrus: Lavre-crans voor Lavrens Coster Van Haerlem, Eerste Vinder Vande
Boeck-Drvckery. Haarlem 1628 pp. 8, 21, 101–107. The single leaf impression of MMW 80 A 2 (fol.
47r) carries the following manuscript note in a late sixteenth or early seventeenth-century Dutch
hand at the top of the page: »dit is van de eerste drucken die in Hollant gedruct sijn. [en?] ra[.]e
van Laurens coster te Haerlem.« Translated: ›this is from the irst books printed in Holland … by
Laurens sexton at Haarlem‹. See further: Zur Genese der niederländischen Typoxylographien des
›Speculum humanae salvationis‹ by Joost Robbe in this volume on pp. 311–328.
34 GW M43002, ISTC is00656000; irst Latin edition, the Netherlands, about 1466–1467, hand-written
date of ›1471‹ in the copy of the Universitätsbibliothek, München. With many thanks to Jos van
Heel, curator of Museum Meermanno for his support.
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– irst Dutch edition: woodcut images in browned ink, metal type text in black ink; the
woodblocks show more signs of wear (MMW, 36 A 2)35
– second Latin edition: woodcut images in browned ink, metal type text in black ink,
and fol. 52r and 61v with replacement woodcut text in browned ink; increasing wear
visible (MMW, 35 A 4, fragment of fol. 37–64)36
– second Dutch edition: woodcut images in browned ink, metal type text (MMW, 80
A 2, fragment of fol. 47, (a) Semei curses David; (b) King Ammon dealt dishonestly
with the messengers of David).37
The further discussion is based on these objects.
The woodcut images in all editions are printed in the now browned ink discussed above
and produced by means of rubbing or tapping the back of the sheets with a fairly soft
object. Again, the ink used for printing the blocks with the images and the replacement
text blocks in the second Latin edition was nearly as black as the black of the text columns
when freshly printed. The irst reader looked at white pages with black texts and images;
only over years of time the ink for the woodcuts turned to the brown we see presently.
All typographic texts are printed with an oil-based black ink in a book printing press. The
use of two diferent inks and two diferent printing processes consequently means that two
craftsmen active in two diferent disciplines combined their activities in the production of
the books. To complicate matters, this manner of working was followed for all four editions
between c. 1466–1467 and c. 1479–1481.
Other typical aspects common in all four editions also show the combination of two different printing processes carried out independent from each other. The images often stand
more or less askew from the text columns, and distances between images and text columns
difer throughout the editions. The typographic text for the second Latin edition is reset
with slight changes compared to the irst Latin edition, as is the text of the second Dutch
edition compared to the irst Dutch edition. Conspicuous in the second Latin edition are
the twenty pages that are exact woodcut copies after the typographic Latin text of the irst
edition – 35 A 4, being a fragment, has only two such pages.
The typographic text is printed on a press, as we can see from the spaces for the two text
columns cut out of the press’s frisket; the strip of paper of the frisket separating the two
columns is always visible as an embossment in all editions. Typical also is the occasional
appearance of ›raised white‹. Blind embossed supportive text lines masked with extra strips
of paper during printing are omnipresent at the bottoms of the columns. It means that
35 GW M43052, ISTC is00658900; irst Dutch edition, before 1470.
36 GW M43001, ISTC is00657000; second Latin edition, the Netherlands, about 1473. The typographic
text is replaced by woodcut texts on fol. 52r and 61v of this copy, complete copies have the text
replaced on fol. 7, 8, 10–17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 27, 28, 32, 33, 52, 61.
37 GW M43053, ISTC is00659000, second Dutch edition; the Netherlands, about 1479.
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71
openings in the one frisket used were cut to it the longest text column and with shorter
columns an extra strip of paper was inserted38. The woodcut texts on fol. 52r and 61v of
35 A 4 do not show any embossment of a frisket mask nor raised white or blind embossments, which suggests they were produced without a press. Note also that these texts are
on conjugated folia, i. e. they were printed on one side of a bifolium or complete sheet; the
other side of the sheet was left unprinted.
We could consider whether it would be more practical to irst print the two woodblocks
at the top of the sheet and next print the four text columns underneath, or the other way
around. In the irst case the organiser of the project had the blocks printed at the top of
the sheet and next the book printer had to position the text columns in the available space
left. He could see where to print his type in that manner. Had he to print on blank sheets
the organiser had to tell him to leave a particular amount of space above the columns open
for the blocks to be printed.
A book printing press had the possibility of printing in register by means of the points
at the sides of the tympan thereby positioning the text columns on the sheet neatly. The
block printer evidently did not have such a facility. He seems to have more or less aimed at
where to place the paper on the blocks, because images and text columns are often askew
from each other and distances between them are irregular throughout.
The copy of the irst Dutch edition in Meermanno (36 A 2) shows text printed with black
ink over browned ink, or vice versa browned ink over black, on fol. 24r, 27v, 47v, 54r and
58r. I hesitate to decide on either of the two on the basis of observation with a magnifying
glass only, however. It can be seen that impressions with the two inks are intermingled, but
not whether layers of brown are on top of black or the other way around. Embossments
of one forme into the other are also not clearly visibile. It calls for examination by digital
microscopy to answer this case.
Summarising our observations:
– two diferent kinds of printing formes – woodblocks and metal type – printed in two
diferent processes were used to produce all four editions
– these formes were printed with inks of two diferent formulae respectively, one now
browned water-based ink for the woodblocks and one black oil-based ink for the metal
type
– the printing of the woodblocks was carried out manually by means of rubbing or
tapping, the printing of the metal type was performed by means of a book printing
press
– missing typographic text was replaced by exactly cut woodblock replicas after the irst
Latin edition for the second Latin edition.
38 Fol. 46r of 36 A 2 shows how the strip of paper at the bottom of this page has moved and obliquely
covered part of the last line of the column.
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Conclusions are that:
– two printers cooperated independently from each other in producing four editions of
the ›Speculum humanae salvationis‹ over a period of some ifteen years
– one was a block printer, the other was a typographic printer
– each printer used his own kinds of formes, inks and manners of printing.
This raises a number of questions:
– Why were the woodcuts and typographic texts not printed together in one run?
– Why were the woodcuts and the typographic texts printed with two diferent kinds of
inks?
– Why did the typographic printer not have the woodblocks at his disposal?
– Did the typographic printer forget to print pages or was he unable to print them?
– Which of the two printers took the lead in the project, or was another person in
charge?
To answer these we may ask ourselves:
– What documentary information is needed for this?
– What information could scientiic examination of the objects supply?
– What further sources of information could support research of the ›Speculum‹?
The division of activities spread over more workshops has already been under discussion
in earlier literature and is emphasised here once more from the aspect of the printing
inks. The article by Joost Robbe in the present volume (pp. 311–328) reiterates arguments
concerning this division between workshops and gives further suggestions.
At irst thought these books seem to be produced rather primitively or even clumsily
seeing images and text standing askew from each other, and inks of diferent colours. At
second thought their production probably involved two workshops in two diferent towns,
contacting a number of persons and activities: a designer for the imagery; a block cutter or
better a workshop with several employees seeing the many blocks to be cut; two printshops
each with their own stafs, including text editors who made changes from the irst to the
second editions; two kinds of printing ink to be prepared in at least four diferent batches
each; paper to be ordered for the irst printshop four times; batches of impressions of the
woodcuts to be shipped from one printshop to the other (and back?) four times. The organisation behind the production of editions of the ›Speculum‹ thus was complex and the
combination of two inks of very diferent formulae clearly testiies of this.
Workshops for the printing of woodblocks may still have been more common in the
Netherlands than typographic printshops at the time of production. Another issue is the
inluence of the guilds and whether printers wanted to stay free or not. As we see in the
case of Van Liesvelt mentioned above it was his particular printing ink recipe, i. e. the constituents of the ink that made him win his case when charged by the Antwerp St Luke’s
The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
73
guild. The circumstances must have been challenging to the creativity of the organiser of
the ›Speculum‹ project, but on the other hand it must have been lucrative enough to continue working in the same manner to publish four editions. For the rest the ›Speculum‹ is
the only text we know to have been produced in this intricate manner. In all other cases
images and texts were printed from the same woodcuts with the same type of ink thereby
creating either blockbooks, or woodcut illustrations that were printed together with the
typographic text. It makes the ›Speculum‹ a hybrid form of a book with elements of both
manners of printing. We therefore should be looking for someone who thought the book
relevant enough to push eforts for its production in four editions in two languages over a
period of some ifteen years.
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Fig. 1: ›Calendarium‹, fol. [6]r, detail of the Month of August, middle-German, 1457–58, woodcut, grey
printing ink and hand-colouring. (Wolfenbüttel, HAB, 1189 Helmst., fol. 185r.)
Fig. 2: Detail of a ›Septem vitia mortalia‹ single-leaf print, 1475–1500, woodcut, browned printing ink.
(Wolfenbüttel, HAB, Ältere Einblattdrucke 24 (1).)
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75
Fig. 3: Detail of a Letter of Indulgence (Rosary), single-leaf print, Cologne, c. 1500, woodcut, black
printing ink. (Wolfenbüttel, HAB, Ältere Einblattdrucke 25 (1).)
Fig. 4: ›Psalterium‹, Russian, 1550–1575, detail of a fol. [1]r, woodcut, dark grey and red printing ink.
(Wolfenbüttel, HAB, Cod. Guelf. 81.27 Aug. 2°.)
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Fig. 5: ›Apocalypse‹, p. [9], Rev. 7:1–3 and 7:9–14, woodcut, browned printing ink with hand-colouring.
(Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, inv. RP-P-2009-24.)
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77
Fig. 6: Elements in the printing ink: Signal for Fe, Cu and Zn + S: the elements are consistent with iron
gall ink prepared with impure vitriol, which is used for printing the woodblock.
(Analysis by Arie Wallert, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.)
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Fig. 7: Infrared relectography of a detail of ig. 5. The black watercolour is 100 % opaque,
because it contains lampblack. The browned printing ink should be completely transparent,
which here it is not because the iron-gall ink was mixed with some lampblack.
(Photograph by Arie Wallert, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.)
The Colours of Black. Printing Inks for Blockbooks
79
Fig. 8: Digital enlargement. The paper ibres are stained brown by the browned printing ink and the
larger particles are grains of lampblack pigment.
(Photograph by Arie Wallert, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.)
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Fig. 9: ›Speculum humanae salvationis‹, irst Latin edition,
The Netherlands (Louvaine and Utrecht?), c. 1466–1467, fol. 50r,
woodcut and typography printed with browned and black ink respectively.
(The Hague, Museum Meermanno-Huis van het Boek, 36 A 1.)