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Public Relations Review 150 (2002) 1–18
Corporate rumor activity, belief and accuracy
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Nicholas DiFonzo a,∗ , Prashant Bordia b
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Department of Psychology, Rochester Institute of Technology, 18 Lomb Memorial Drive,
Rochester, NY 14623, USA
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University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia
Received 1 September 2001; received in revised form 1 October 2001; accepted 1 December 2001
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Abstract
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1. Introduction
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Rumors that are considered harmful or potentially harmful reach the ears of Public Relations
(PR) officers and communications consultants almost once per week on average.1 Well-known
examples of such rumors include the false report that Bubble Yum bubble gum contained
poisonous spider eggs and the false allegations that Pop Rocks candy, when eaten with soda,
would explode in the stomach.2 Stories that Bank of Boston was linked with organized crime
presented intense PR challenges.3 False rumors that Prodigy taps private information from
subscriber hard drives were widely discussed on the Internet.4 Less publicized but common
internal corporate rumors include those connected with organizational change, such as layoffs,
reorganizations, mergers, and changes in management.5
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An integrated model relating workplace rumor activity, belief, and accuracy is proposed and tested.
Senior VPs of Communications from a sample of Fortune-500 corporations and CEOs of established
public relations firms were surveyed regarding rumor episodes that they had experienced. Results confirmed previous research on the role of uncertainty, anxiety, and belief in rumor activity. In addition,
a reduced sense of control mediated the effects of uncertainty on anxiety, and anxiety mediated the
effects of importance on rumor activity. Evidence was found for the roles of group bias in how strongly
a rumor is believed. Rumor activity was also implicated in the formation of more accurate rumors.
The significance of these results for rumor theory and for Public Relations practitioners is presented.
© 2002 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.
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Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-716-475-2907; fax: +1-716-334-4529.
E-mail addresses: nxdgss@rit.edu (N. DiFonzo), prashant@psy.uq.edu.au (P. Bordia).
0363-8111/02/$ – see front matter © 2002 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.
PII: S 0 3 6 3 - 8 1 1 1 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 1 0 7 - 8
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1.1. Rumor defined
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Rumors are bits of information that are of interest to people, that are not accompanied by
secure standards of evidence, and that are proposed for possible belief.12 The key characteristic
of a rumor is doubt about its veracity. It is helpful here to contrast rumors with news; news
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Rumors such as these have many deleterious consequences but most often include damage
to employee morale and trust, and sullied organizational reputations.6 The effects may be
severe.7 For example, the false rumor that Tropical Fantasy fruit punch contained a substance
that caused African American men to become sterile resulted in a 70% loss of sales.8 False
rumors that Continental Illinois was filing for bankruptcy hastened its demise.9 Rumors (which
turned out to be true) of a massive facility relocation caused prolonged and substantial work
slowdowns.10 Understanding the processes involved in rumor episodes and managing rumors
to minimize potential harm are therefore key knowledge and skill sets for PR practitioners.11
Three characteristics of a rumor episode that are of interest to PR practitioners, rumor
participants, and communications researchers are how active the rumor is, how strongly people
believe the rumor, and how accurate (versus distorted) the rumor has become. Although some
empirical work has investigated each of these areas separately, none has explored how these
characteristics are related. The present research investigated these three aspects of rumor in an
integrated model. A sample of top-level corporate PR officers and PR consulting firm CEOs
were surveyed regarding actual rumor episodes they had dealt with. These data were used to
test and refine the model. We first define rumor and review theory and research informing the
model. The hypothesized model is presented in Fig. 1.
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Fig. 1. Path specification for the hypothesized model.
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1.2. Rumor activity
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We define rumor activity as referring to the frequency with which the rumor is transmitted
and discussed. Previous research has investigated a similar construct, rumor transmission,
defined as whether or not the rumor is transmitted.15 Obviously, rumors that are active are
likely to be transmitted (and vice versa); therefore we will use the terms interchangeably in
this discussion. Social scientific research on the generation and spread of rumors has identified
four important predictors of rumor activity: uncertainty, anxiety, importance, and belief.
Uncertainty refers to the psychological state of doubt about what current events mean or what
future events are likely to occur.16 Uncertainty generates rumor activity.17 When information is
not available from formal channels—such as the news media or official sources—uncertainty
abounds and people compensate by generating, refining, and transmitting rumors.18 Rosnow’s
meta-analysis of factors associated with rumor transmission showed a small to moderate (r =
.19) average linear effect for uncertainty across five studies.19 As Heath put it:
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If people are uncertain about their circumstances, they are likely to employ a variety of tactics
to reduce that uncertainty. They prefer to seek information through established channels and
from appropriate sources. If that effort is too costly in proportion to its rewards or is perceived
unlikely to reduce uncertainty, rumor and a contrived sense of the company will suffice for
members to believe they know what is going on.20
Anxiety (in the context of rumor) has been defined as “an affective state—acute or chronic—
that is produced by, or associated with, apprehension about an impending, potentially disappointing outcome.”21 In other words, anxiety is dread and worry over potential negative events.
Anxiety generates rumor activity. Transit strike and campus murder rumors that made respondents feel anxious were transmitted more often than rumors that did not.22 Subjects in a high
anxiety manipulation condition in an experimental study needed less prodding to repeat a
planted rumor.23 Finally, Rosnow’s meta-analysis of seven studies found a large average linear
effect (r = .48) for the relationship between anxiety and rumor transmission.24
Importance refers to how significant the issue is to which the rumor pertains. Allport and
Postman posited that importance was a necessary condition to rumor transmission.25 They
noted, “an American citizen is not likely to spread rumors concerning the market price for
camels in Afghanistan because the subject has no importance for him, ambiguous [uncertain]
though it certainly is.”26 However, empirical evidence supporting importance as a necessary
condition for rumor activity is mixed.27 Though two rumors of importance to subjects—planted
in an organization by experimenters—spread easily, a third one was reportedly not spread
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has secure standards of authentication, rumors do not.13 That is, rumors are just like news,
only without the confidence that accompanies an article in a respectable newspaper. It is also
helpful to contrast rumors here with gossip. Rumors are usually about important or significant
topics; gossip is about is usually about private affairs and is used to entertain or convey social
mores.14 We distinguish rumors from legends and folklore also. Rumors are set forth to be
believed (I heard that this division is being sold) while whether or not a legend is true (George
Washington chopped down a cherry tree) is not as important as the underlying message (tell
the truth).
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Hypothesis 1. Anxiety, uncertainty, importance and belief predict rumor activity.
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Though these four variables have each been implicated in rumor transmission, their conceptual inter-relationship bears further elaboration. Consider importance. In an attempt to reconcile
the conflicting results of the effect of importance on rumor activity, Rosnow reconceptualized
importance as outcome-relevant involvement.36 This term refers to how closely a rumor is
related to outcomes that are relevant to us and how much it evokes our caring/involvement.
We note that the idea of caring/involvement is closely related—though not synonymous—with
the emotional tension/dread that defines anxiety. Thus, importance ought to predict anxiety.
Further, as already discussed, anxiety leads to rumor activity. Putting these two ideas together,
we hypothesized that anxiety would mediate the effect of importance on rumor activity. That
is, the issue is important to me, it evokes caring/involvement, and some degree of anxiety, so
I participate in the rumor mill to relieve anxiety. This mediation route more clearly reflects
Rosnow’s reconceptualization of importance. Conversely, to the extent that a rumor does not
evoke caring/involvement/anxiety, it will be less likely to be transmitted.
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Hypothesis 2. Anxiety mediates the effect of importance on rumor activity.
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Next consider uncertainty. Uncertainty has been correlated with psychological discomfort
and stress,37 which is conceptually adjacent to anxiety. Further, the relationship between uncertainty and psychological discomfort/anxiety appears to be mediated by a reduced sense of
control.38 That is, I have questions about what current events mean or portend, this reduces my
sense of control over events that affect me, and I therefore feel anxiety. Indeed, Bordia et al.
found that a reduced sense of control mediated the relationship between uncertainty and psychological strain.39 Similarly, we posit that a reduced sense of control mediates the relationship
between uncertainty and anxiety.
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Hypothesis 3. Reduced sense of control mediates the effect of uncertainty on anxiety.
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because of its importance.28 Similarly, students who rated the rumor topic as low in importance
transmitted the rumor—that a student had been caught smoking marijuana during a final exam—
more frequently.29 Nevertheless, importance in rumors among patrons of a city transit system—
closed due to labor strike—was positively correlated with rumor transmission.30 And in recent
field interviews investigating organizational rumors each rumor was associated with one or
more areas of concern (i.e., of importance) to the collective (e.g., job security, job quality,
pecking order).31 For example, rumors of an impending manufacturing plant shutdown—an
event that would obviously affect job security—were widely disseminated and discussed.
Belief refers to how much confidence is placed in the veracity of the rumor. Rosnow found
a moderate average effect (r = .30) across six studies that correlated belief in rumor with
transmission.32 During a strike by university faculty, rumors that were firmly believed were
transmitted more than those in which there was less confidence.33 Similar results were reported
in a field study during the aftermath of a student’s murder on the campus of the University
of Pennsylvania.34 Rosnow et al. have posited that if people lack confidence in a rumor, they
usually desist from passing it on, lest they lose credibility in the eyes of recipients.35 Someone
who raises false hopes or causes unjustified fear can reliably expect social castigation.
Putting these findings together gives us our first hypothesis regarding activity:
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Hypothesis 4. Reduced sense of control and importance will predict anxiety.
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1.3. Belief in rumor
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A substantial amount of descriptive and correlational research points toward belief in rumors
that are consistent with the hearer’s currently held biases, attitudes, and prejudices. This can be
explained by the well-known tendency for people to selectively interpret new evidence so as to
conform to already-held ideas.40 Racial stereotypes and animosities lay behind the prevalence
of racist rumors.41 Belief in rumors of “waste and special privilege” (e.g., that government
officials had free access to gasoline) was correlated with unfavorable attitudes toward the
(WW II) wartime rationing program.42 If a rumor supports or accords with that which the actor
already hold to be true—one’s biases, attitudes, and prejudices—the actor will assign greater
credence to it.
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Hypothesis 5. Agreement of the rumor with group biases, attitudes, and prejudices will predict
strength of belief in the rumor.
Rumor content and anxiety have long been associated. More anxious groups tend to produce
rumors that accord with group biases, attitudes, and prejudices.43 For example, “Eleanor Club”
rumors (e.g., that African American maidservants were found preening themselves using the
“lady of the houses” combs, brushes and vanity) arose most during strenuous times and were invariably expressions of prevalent White biases, attitudes, and prejudices.44 Anxiety-producing
rumors of young boys being castrated in shopping mall lavatories varied according to the race
of the group within which the rumor circulated: in Black communities, the perpetrator was
rumored to be White, while in White communities, he was Black.45 Anxiety should therefore
lead to greater agreement of the rumor with group biases, attitudes, and prejudices. Put another
way, the more anxious a group is, the more a rumor ought to accord with group biases.
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Combining Hypotheses 2 and 3, we put forward the direct determinants of anxiety: importance and reduced sense of control. Simply put, if we have a reduced sense of control over
events that are important to us (e.g., job security), then we feel anxious.
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Hypothesis 6. Anxiety predicts agreement of the rumor with group biases, attitudes and prejudices.
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1.4. Accuracy of rumor
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Accuracy refers to how veridical a rumor is. Research investigating the overall accuracy
of rumors seems contradictory. Allport and Postman concluded: “So great are the distortions . . . that it is never under any circumstances safe to accept rumor as a valid guide for
belief or conduct.”46 On the other hand, Davis summarized his research with a seemingly opposite result: “Between 75 and 95% of grapevine information is correct, although most of the
stories are incomplete in detail.”47 Some situations apparently yield accurate rumors; others,
inaccurate.
Given a rumor about an important topic, Buckner proposed that group members not only
interact to ensure that they pass and obtain the message accurately; they interact in an attempt to
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distill the facts.48 One member at any one time may compare and contrast discrepant versions
of the rumor from different sources and pass along a revised version of the rumor. The revision
will be more valid if members are able to pass a more accurate rendition of the rumor, and
more distorted if group members are less able to make a valid revision of the rumor. Buckner
proposed a set of variables that impact a group’s ability to obtain more accurate revisions of the
rumor.49 The variables posited by Buckner pertinent to this investigation include (our terms):
group skepticism, established communication channels and rumor activity.
Group skepticism refers to the tendency of a group to require credible substantiation before
granting credence. Buckner posited that groups that were “gullible” or had “meager standards
of evidence” were less able to make accurate revisions to the rumor. Conversely, it follows that
groups characterized by skepticism would tend to yield more veridical rumors. Established
communication channels refer to stability of communication pathways. Buckner posited that
stable communication networks (e.g., an established office grapevine) would yield accurate
rumors because persons who communicate with one another over time can judge source credibility; novel or disrupted channels of communication (e.g., as in a natural disaster) afford no
such advantage.
Regarding rumor activity, Buckner posited that, given some portion of the group that was
able to revise the rumor accurately, greater activity would lead to accuracy. Buckner did not give
this process a name; we have dubbed this idea the “Percolation Analogy.” Rumors percolate in
a group as water circulates in a coffee maker. A group with a skeptical mindset and established
communication channels is analogous to good coffee grounds. A group that is gullible and
whose communication channels are novel or disrupted is analogous to bad coffee grounds.
Rumor activity is analogous to water re-circulating through the grounds. The resulting good
cup of coffee is analogous to an accurate rumor; a bad cup of coffee to a distorted rumor.
Depending upon the grounds, re-circulation will yield either a good or bad cup of coffee.
Depending upon group skepticism and established channels of the group, rumor activity will
yield either an accurate or a distorted rumor. These ideas are consistent with heath’s contention
“. . . that people discover [information] through their contact with persons inside and outside the
company. In this sense, interpretations produce information (even the lack of it) that increases
or decreases the amount of uncertainty an interpreter experiences.”50
These considerations lead to
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Hypothesis 7. Activity, group skepticism and established communication channels predict
accuracy.
Based upon the literature, therefore, we propose a model (Hypotheses 1–7).
2. Methods
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Top-level corporate PR officers and consultants were mail surveyed regarding episodes of
harmful or potentially harmful rumors that they had experienced as part of a larger survey on
rumor prevalence, effects, and management strategies. Methodology pertinent to the current
investigation is reported here. Additional details pertaining to survey sample, instrument development, design and administration, and procedures are reported elsewhere.51
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2.1. Sample
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Seventy-four completed questionnaires (response rate = 33%) were obtained from an initial
sample of 238 individuals comprised mainly of the Arthur W. Page Society. Nine surveys were
discarded because most or all of the responses pertinent to this study were blank. Episodes
that were gossip were excluded from analysis resulting in the deletion of four surveys. The
resulting final sample size was 61. Members of the sample were typically current or former
Senior Vice Presidents of Communications at large Fortune-500 corporations (69%) or CEOs
of well-established PR consulting firms (26%). Seventy-two percent of the sample was male.
Average age of respondents was 51.63 years (SD = 8.76); average experience in PR was 26.23
years (SD = 9.52). Industries in which the sample worked or consulted varied widely. The
sample was therefore representative of the highest level and most experienced population of
corporate PR and communications personnel available.
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2.2. Survey instrument
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We first defined rumor as “. . . an unverified bit of information about something of importance
to a group. It is like news in every way except that it is not verified. It may or may not be true. It
may be spread by word-of-mouth, fax, electronic mail, or any other communication channel. It
is often introduced by the phrase ‘I heard that. . . .”’ Overall rumor prevalence, effects of rumors,
the use and effectiveness of specific strategies for preventing and/or neutralizing rumors were
first assessed (results are reported elsewhere52 ).
Respondents were then directed to think of a particular rumor that had reached their ear
that they had considered harmful or potentially harmful. Half of the surveys asked respondents
to choose a rumor that had been proven true (and the other half, false) “beyond a reasonable
doubt.” They recounted the rumor and described the situation out of which the rumor arose.
They were then asked to answer a set of items with respect to one group of people who had
heard and/or passed the rumor and for the point in time just prior to when the rumor had been
proven true (or false). These items were on a 5-point Likert-type scale and were as follows.
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2.2.1. Rumor activity
Rumor activity was assessed by averaging responses to two questions (coefficient α = .70).
First, “When a rumor is passed from one person to another, it may involve a great deal of
interaction (discussion and clarification), or it may involve very little interaction. Overall, how
interactive was a typical discussion of the rumor?” Second, “Overall, how active (frequently
transmitted) was the rumor?”
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2.2.2. Uncertainty
Uncertainty was assessed using the question “Overall, how uncertain (filled with questions
about what current event meant or what future events were likely to occur) were people?”
2.2.3. Reduced sense of control
Reduced sense of control was assessed using “Overall, to what extent did people have a
reduced sense of control or power over events affecting their lives?” Anxiety was assessed
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using “Overall, how anxious (worried/concerned) were people?” Importance was assessed by
“Overall, how important (significant, consequential) was the rumor to people?”
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2.2.4. Belief in rumor
Belief in rumor was measured using “Overall, how confident were people that this rumor was
true?” Agreement with biases was assessed by “Overall, to what extent did the rumor agree with
or was consistent with peoples’ biases (preconceived notions, attitudes, and/or prejudices)?”
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3. Results
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Means, standard deviations, and zero-order correlations are presented in Table 1. The set
of rumors encountered in this investigation tended to be either true or false (as requested) and
important (use of transformed variables did not substantially alter results). All other distributions were roughly “bell-shaped” across the five possible values. All of the 12 hypothesized
relationships were in the predicted direction and all but two were significant at the .05 level
(one of which was marginally significant at the .10 level).
Missing data were then replaced using the mean of all values obtained for each variable.
Not more than two values were missing per variable, resulting in the replacement of a total of
seven missing values. To test the hypothesized relationships path analysis was performed using
the hypothesized model and two mediation analyses were performed on subsets of the model.
These analyses were performed using the analysis of moment structures program (AMOS
version 4.01).
In path analysis, the match between the predicted and obtained covariance matrices is measured via a Chi-square test. Significant Chi-squares show substantial differences between the
predicted and observed pattern of covariances. Because Chi-square values are sensitive to sample size (larger samples are likely to show significance) other indices of fit are also used. These
include the Tucker–Lewis index (TLI),53 comparative fit index (CFI),54 and the root mean
square error of approximation (RMSEA).55 TLI and CFI range between 0 and 1, with values
of .90 and above indicating good fit. A value of .05 or less for the RMSEA also indicates good
fit.
Standardized path coefficients for the hypothesized model and squared multiple correlations
(SMCs) for endogenous variables are presented in Fig. 2. Though all paths were in the predicted
direction, fit indices did not indicate a good fit (Chi-square(33) = 54.61, p = .01; TLI = .75;
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2.2.5. Rumor accuracy
Rumor accuracy was measured by “For the rumor, how accurate or true (as opposed to
distorted or false) did the rumor prove to be?” The extent to which channels of communication
were established (established channels) was measured by “A rumor may pass through an
established communication network (e.g., an office grapevine) or through a group of people
who never communicated before. Overall, how established were the communication channels of
the group?” Group skepticism was assessed by “Overall, to what extent would you characterize
the people as gullible (as opposed to skeptical)?” (reverse-scored).
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Fig. 2. Standardized path coefficients and SMCs for hypothesized model. Coefficient typeface indicates significance, bold: p < .05, SMCs are listed atop each endogenous variable.
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CFI = .82; RMSEA = .10). Two path coefficients were especially weak: importance →
rumor activity and established channels → rumor accuracy.
The mediation role of reduced sense of control in the relationship between uncertainty and
anxiety was then investigated separately. Fig. 3 presents the standardized path coefficients and
SMCs for the model specifying both direct and indirect paths from uncertainty to anxiety.
The direct effect appears to be weak while the indirect paths, strong. A Sobel test56 also
indicated that the indirect effect of uncertainty upon anxiety via reduced sense of control was
significantly different from zero (Sobel test z = 2.96, p = .003). Reduced sense of control
appears to mediate the effect of uncertainty on anxiety.
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Fig. 3. Standardized path coefficients and SMCs for model of direct and mediated uncertainty → anxiety effects.
Coefficient typeface indicates significance, bold: p < .05, SMCs are listed atop each endogenous variable.
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Fig. 4. Standardized path coefficients and SMCs for model of direct and mediated importance → rumor activity
effects. Coefficient typeface indicates significance, bold: p < .05, SMCs are listed atop each endogenous variable.
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3.1. Revised model specification
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In an attempt to improve model fit, model specifications suggested by the data were considered. Two paths were clearly not supported: importance → rumor activity and established
channels → accuracy. First, the importance → rumor activity path appears to be mediated
via anxiety. We hypothesized this relation. The direct path was therefore deleted from the
model. Second, the established channels → accuracy path simply did not appear to be all
that important. Given that Buckner had only speculated on this point, we deleted it from the
model. Fit indices at this point still indicated a poor fit with the data (Chi-square(26) = 46.38,
p = .008; TLI = .76; CFI = .83; RMSEA = .11) despite the fact that all hypothesized paths
were significant.
Modification indices then suggested two further alterations. First, the path from anxiety
to belief was recommended. It is plausible that the more anxious and concerned people are,
the more likely they are to believe a rumor.57 Greater anxiety has been found to affect critical ability in rumor episodes.58 This path was therefore added. Modification indices also
suggested that we allow uncertainty and importance to be correlated. This would imply that
people were filled with questions with regard to important issues. This was likely in this investigation because we had asked participants to recall specific rumors that had been harmful
or potentially harmful—and thus, important. Standardized path coefficients and SMCs for this
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The mediation role of anxiety in the relationship between importance and rumor activity
was also investigated in a separate analysis. Fig. 4 presents the standardized path coefficients
and SMCs for the model specifying both direct and indirect paths from importance to activity.
Again the direct effect appears to be weaker than the indirect. A Sobel test also indicated that
the indirect effect of importance upon rumor activity via anxiety was significantly different
from zero (Sobel test z = 2.53, p = .01). Anxiety appears to be a strong mediator of the effect
of importance on rumor activity.
Thus, support our hypothesized model was mixed. Some parts of the model seem to fit
the data better than others. Support for each hypothesis is summarized here: with regard to
rumor activity, importance did not emerge as a significant predictor, however, the mediation
roles of reduced sense of control and of anxiety were supported (Hypotheses 1–4). With regard
to belief in rumor, both Hypotheses 5 and 6 were supported. Finally with regard to rumor
accuracy, established channels of communication did not emerge as a significant predictor
(Hypothesis 7).
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Fig. 5. Standardized path coefficients and SMCs for final model. Coefficient typeface indicates significance, bold:
p < .05, SMCs are listed atop each endogenous variable.
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final model are presented in Fig. 5. Fit indices indicated an acceptable fit between the model
and the data (Chi-square(24) = 33.28, p = .10; TLI = .88; CFI = .92; RMSEA = .08). All
coefficients were significant.
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4. Discussion
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This investigation found mixed support for the overall model posited. Given the correlational
and interactive nature of path analysis, and given the limitations, we here submit those conclusions in which we have greater confidence: with regard to rumor activity, we found evidence
for the role of anxiety, uncertainty and belief. Between these variables, we found evidence
for the mediation roles played by reduced sense of control (uncertainty → reduced sense of
control → anxiety) and by anxiety (importance → anxiety → rumor activity). With regard
to belief in rumor, we found evidence for the role of biases. And with regard to accuracy, we
found evidence for the role played by rumor activity and group skepticism.
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4.1. Limitations
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We note several limitations of this study. First, data were self-reported and therefore it is
possible that responses were subject to several well-known memory biases (e.g., remembering
only the most vivid rumor episodes). This is a common and valid criticism of any self-report survey technique. Future research efforts should attempt to incorporate a multi-method approach
to data collection. Second, our items attempted to assess average individual or group-level
variables (e.g., “how anxious were people [in the group within which the rumor circulated]?”)
from individual responses. We have no way of appraising how representative our individual
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4.2. Implications for rumor theory
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Several implications for rumor theory accrue from this research. First, there is evidence for
the mediation role of anxiety in the importance → activity relationship in rumors. As discussed
in Section 1, we think this relationship more clearly reflects Rosnow’s reconceptualization of
importance as “outcome-relevant involvement.”60 Another way of stating this is that rumors
about “important” issues (e.g., campus drug use) that, however, do not evoke at least some
anxiety (e.g., possibly the rumor that students were caught smoking marijuana during a final
exam61 ) are less likely to be transmitted. Put another way, anxiety may account for most of
the variance in rumor activity that has often been attributed to importance. Further research
should explicitly test for this indirect effect.
Second, there is evidence that at least some uncertainty leads to anxiety through a reduced
sense of control. This arrangement explicitly bridges two important predictors in rumor transmission. Whatever uncertainty remains after accounting for reduced sense of control is of a
less urgent variety—a purely intellectual puzzle—and thus, less likely to lead to transmission.
People faced with a puzzle that is not purely intellectual—for example, one on which their livelihood depends—will feel the reduced sense of control, heightened anxiety, and will participate
in the rumor mill to solve the puzzle. Given the overall high importance ratings assigned to the
rumors in our sample, we would speculate that many of the rumor puzzles we tapped into were
of the not-merely-intellectual variety. Future research should explicitly test for this relationship.
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sample’s responses are. For example, our sample may not have a representative sense of how
anxious people were, how active the rumor was, nor how strongly people believed the rumor.
The data is, in this sense, “secondhand.” Given their leadership position and role in corporate
communications and extensive experience, however, we think that of any persons, our sample
stood the best chance of making an accurate group assessment. In any event, future research
should attempt to use more than one person’s responses per rumor episode.
Third, we reiterate that we requested respondents to remember rumors that had proven
true or false; because we were interested in accuracy we ignored rumors that were still
neither verified nor falsified. The results may therefore only apply to rumors proved true
or false and not to those rumor episodes in which the rumor will/does remain unverified/
unfalsified.
The fourth limitation involves a perennial trade-off in survey research: response-rate versus
reliability assessment. To assess item reliability, redundant items are often included in a questionnaire, yet this often has the effect of annoying participants and reducing response rate.59
In an effort to enhance response rate of this very busy sample of experienced PR practitioners,
most measures were single-item and we were therefore unable to assess item reliability.
On the positive side, we note that the sample was quite literally the “best of the best.”
Despite the limitations, the responses were obtained from extremely competent and experienced
women and men who—based upon write-in comments and open-ended responses—took the
questionnaire quite seriously. This was not a sample of undergraduate psychology majors.
With these considerations in mind, we proffer our conclusions here as suggestive of the way in
which aspects of rumor episodes may be related. Future investigations should seek to redress
these limitations.
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4.3. Implications for PR practitioners
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Several implications for the PR professional are implied by this research for the three
outcomes considered in this investigation. Obviously the objectives of the PR professional
would be to prevent and/or reduce harmful rumor activity and belief, and to increase rumor
accuracy. We consider two of these here.
First, to prevent and reduce harmful rumors, PR professionals can organize their efforts as to
detect and diminish each of the three direct “ingredients” of rumor activity: uncertainty, anxiety
and belief in the rumor. The reduction of uncertainty, of course, is a primary objective for the
communications professional.65 Specifically, however, we note the importance of enhancing
their formal communications so as to be honest, timely, reliable, and consistent.66
Given an open culture, communications personnel are eager to dispel uncertainty.67 However, in cases where uncertainty cannot or is not permitted to be dispelled, communications
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Third, there was evidence that anxiety may affect belief through agreement with group biases.
Although this relationship had been described qualitatively in previous literature,62 these are
among the first quantitative results in an investigation of rumor to support these ideas. The
path from anxiety—through biases—to belief is projective in character. For example, anxious
about job security, department members may believe downsizing rumors because these rumors
match attitudes of distrust toward the organization.63
Fourth, there is some evidence for the percolation analogy in rumor accuracy, broadly
speaking. Rumors that actively “percolate” in a skeptical group tend to become more accurate.
These conclusions resonate with Buckner’s conceptualizations that attempted to delineate
those situations/factors that enable groups to establish rumor veracity/falsity. Further research
should refine and explore group factors associated with accuracy. There is currently a dearth
of research in this area; to our knowledge, our investigation represents the initial effort to test
these ideas empirically.
Fifth, this investigation highlights the need for multi-level approaches to understanding
rumor. We note that three of the variables we investigated were attributes of communication
networks: rumor activity measured how “interactive” typical rumor discussions among group
members were and how much the rumor seemed to “recirculate” among group members,
established channels referred to how stable communication pathways in the group were, and
rumor accuracy of course referred to how veridical the rumor circulating in the group had
become. The remaining variables were aggregated attributes of the individuals; for example,
group anxiety was the average sense of anxiety/concern/worry that people felt. These variables
were at an individual-level. The combination of levels represents a better understanding of
rumor phenomena in which individual attributes interact in the context of social network
attributes. Future research should seek to extend this multi-level approach.
Finally, this work represents a beginning attempt to conceptualize and integrate related
rumor phenomena—activity, belief, and accuracy—into one systematic model. Such efforts
are needed because human and communication phenomena are often complex and interactive.64
Rumor is an especially complex phenomenon, involving both group, network, and individuallevel variables, and it has a decidedly social and episodic flavor to it. Future rumor research
should attempt to retain the integrative nature of this work.
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professionals face a more challenging task. If uncertainty cannot be reduced, our model would
direct PR personnel toward enhancing public’s sense of control. PR officers can seek to enhance
the group’s sense of control by flavoring and structuring uncertainty.68 Flavoring/structuring
uncertainty refers to actions which set boundaries about uncertainty, such as giving a timeline
for forthcoming information, discussing the values by which change decisions will be made,
and explaining why no comment is being made.69 Along this line, Pinsdorf advises “first and
foremost: candor is the best policy. Admitting that you don’t know or are not going to answer
a particular question is not as damaging a attempting to cover up or lie.”70 For example, in
situations where confirmation of layoff rumors cannot be given, PR officers can discuss how
layoffs decisions—should they occur—are likely to be made. Similarly, managers fulfilling
a PR function could assist employees in planning for worst-case scenarios and even permit
employees to participate in layoff decision-making.71 The point is that knowledge and participation should enhance the group’s sense of control and thus inhibit the uncertainty → anxiety
relationship.
Second, to reduce belief in a harmful false rumor, PR officials can refute the rumor using
appropriate and credible sources,72 succinctly, and in a timely manner.73 Our results support
PR academics that advocate for the “take charge” rather than the “sit-on-it” school.74 Also,
we note that many organizational rumors seem to find fertile ground for belief in attitudes of
mistrust. Persons that are distrustful of the corporation are likely to believe rumors that reflect
negatively on the corporation. More broadly, the positive effects of participative cultures and
symmetric communication systems have been noted as one characteristic of excellence in PR.75
Indeed, trust is “symmetrical concept.”76 PR officials can specifically seek to increase trust
as a way of reducing belief in the rumor.77 This again accords with Pinsdorf’s admonition
to conduct business “. . . honestly with an eye to public exposure.” She details how Bank of
Boston’s projection of an elitist attitude and failure to quickly admit errors hampered efforts to
quell the effects of rumor activity (that the Bank was connected to the mafia). In terms of our
model, these actions decreased trust in the organization and made seemingly incredible rumors
plausible (biases → belief path). Such trust can go a long way to minimize restrictions that PR
officers often face. Former Vice Chairman and CFO for the USG Corporation, Eugene Miller,
told the story of a takeover fight in which, though hampered in his communication to employees
by SEC guidelines, “happily, we have a very good relationship with our employees . . . and
while our communication was limited, we did have their support.”78
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Acknowledgments
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We thank the Institute for Public Relations (IPR) for funding this study and administering
survey mailings. We thank Michelle Hinson for flawlessly executing these mailings and Jack
Felton for his guidance and assistance throughout this project. We thank Don Bates, Lee
Brown, Neil Fagenbaum, Don Hantula, Robert Heath, Jessica Jameson, Bruce MacDonald,
Laurie Maynard, Bill McKee, David Neumann, Frank Ovaitt, Marc Renzoni, Ralph Rosnow,
Randall Simonetti, and James Tolley for their assistance during the pilot phase of this project.
We thank the survey respondents. We thank Ralph L. Rosnow and Bruce Austin for reviewing
earlier drafts of this manuscript.
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Nicholas DiFonzo, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of Psychology at Rochester Institute
of Technology in Rochester, NY. He has the specialization in the topic of managing
organizational rumors.
472
Prashant Bordia, Ph.D., is Senior Lecturer at the University of Queensland in Brisbane,
Australia. He has the specialization in the topic of managing organizational rumors.
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