Celebrity Society
JESSICA EVANS
The Open University, UK
The study of celebrity represents a significant interdisciplinary growth area in social
sciences and humanities over the last 20
years, a field in which a constellation of
concepts, such as “celebritization,” “the
celebrity-commodity,” and “para-social
interaction,” have become commonplace.
Early definitions of stars as a “powerless elite”
(Alberoni 1972) have been overturned by
various taxonomies of fame and celebrity
personae that show how these most powerful
forms of identification within modern society
provide a structure not only for the organization of all persons operating in public but
also for concepts of individuality and models
of modern subjectivity (Marshall 1997; Rojek
2012; Van Krieken 2012). It is widely agreed
that fame has come to constitute a form of
power itself (Gabler 1995: 184–185).
Film theory’s interest in the 1970s in
the ideological content and systems of
beliefs embodied by “stars” (Dyer 1979) has
bequeathed much to today’s research – taken
forward within cultural studies and dominated by the term “celebrity culture” – not
least a focus on the mediatized processes of
“celebrification”: the mechanisms by which
individuals are transformed into celebrity
personae. The idealizations and identifications celebrities represent and stimulate for
their viewers and readers are understood as
intimacy at a distance (Gamson 1994; Rojek
2001). Accounts of a sociological persuasion
have focused on the historical development of
“celebritization,” delineating how the power
of the system of celebrity has “infiltrated”
whole areas of public life, from politics,
literary publishing, sport, and business to
the academy (Corner and Pels 2003; Van
Krieken 2012). For example, the personalized
quality of politics and the reconstruction of
the electorate as a media audience in an age
of television has the consequence of “convergence in the source of power between the
political leader and other forms of celebrity”
(Marshall 1997: 19), underlying the importance of both Weberian and psychoanalytic
investigations into the emotive and irrational aspects of celebrity power. Some argue
that as a status system celebrity has a function of social integration, filling the gap of
sacredness in a post-religious world (Braudy
1986; Frow 1998; Rojek 2001), organizing
the forms of recognition and belonging in a
secular society and creating common bonds
between groups: just like saints, celebrities
attract holy locations, worship, death cults,
rituals, and relics. Those pursuing empirically
based sociological research focus on the
internal everyday operations of media organizations in the production and marketing of
celebrity. Concepts from political economy
are used to explain the increasing circulation of celebrities-as-commodities (Marshall
1997) – the commercial importance of “name
branding,” “formatting” (Ryan 1992), and
more recently “content streaming” (Murray
2003) across multiple platforms – as a consequence of the vertical integration strategies
deployed by media conglomerates to mitigate
commercial risk and uncertainty.
Many of these accounts mine the seam
opened up in Boorstin’s (1962) attack on
celebrity as the epitome of the American
mass media “pseudo-event,” followed by
Sennett’s (1977) critique of the intrusion of
personality performance in public life. They
The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social Theory. Edited by Bryan S. Turner.
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2017 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
DOI: 10.1002/9781118430873.est0586
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CELEBRIT Y SO CIET Y
assess the extent to which post-celluloid
forms of celebrity, beginning with the invention of the “picture personality” and the
close-up in the 1910s, and the evolution into
the Hollywood motion picture “star” who
came to be regarded as having an existence
outside his/her film characters (deCordova
1990; Schickel 1985; Gamson 1994), are less
authentic and more illusory than in centuries past. A normative question underlies
these accounts: is modern celebrity and its
“viewer society” therefore symptomatic,
or even a contributory cause, of a cultural
decline where simulation and surface trumps
substance? This question rests partly on the
assumption that today’s mass media and
hyper visually oriented societies represent an
epochal step-change in the reach, power, and
saturation of celebrity in public life. Another
approach suggests they are the extension
of a long-standing set of conditions which
nonetheless work their way out unevenly
across different social institutions, legal constraints, and techno-media platforms each of
which fashion celebrity–audience relations in
specific ways.
This is the starting point for the conceptual framework of “celebrity society”; while
drawing on much of this literature it moves
away from what it sees as an over-reliance on
textual analysis and individual celebrity case
studies in order to provide a theorization of
celebritization as historically, socially, and
institutionally determinate (Turner 2014;
Gamson 1994; Van Krieken 2012). Questions
of wider systemic significance, distinctiveness, applicability, contextualization, and
generalizability – conceptualizing a particular
instance to the general social pattern – require
formulation and this is the springboard for
the celebrity society approach.
From a starting point that celebrity – via the
long-term “meta-process” of celebritization
(Driessens 2013: 643) – is a particular type of
rationality in the structuring and organization
of social relations, Van Krieken (2012: 138)
foregrounds the complex “chains of interdependence” between long-term historical and
institutionally specific processes. Celebrity
society is understood by social theorists as
an historically specific social form in its own
right, yet underpinned by the interdependencies of individualization, mediatization,
democratization, and commodification. In
order to relativize the modernity of celebrity,
and influenced by Braudy’s forceful proposition in The Frenzy of Renown (1986) that
fame and the deeds it represents have always
depended on image management, a number of authors locate the tropes of modern
celebrity to at least as far back as the eighteenth century (Morgan 2011; Briggs and
Burke 2002; Van Krieken 2012). Briggs and
Burke (2002) point out that the celebritization
of politics into a public spectacle is not the
consequence of the relatively recent medium
of television. And Van Krieken argues, via
Elias, that celebrity society is the modern heir
to court society and today’s mass mediated
celebrities are “democratized aristocrats”
(Van Krieken 2012: 8), competitively performative, permanently visible, and subject
to the blurring of their personal and public
lives. Celebritization of society is a development of individualization such that social
institutions, social interactions, and the individual sense of self have, over time, become
increasingly organized around an ever more
differentiated network of increasing numbers
of highly visible and recognized individuals
(Van Krieken 2012: 5).
It seems indisputable that celebritization
is a form of “attention capital” (Van Krieken
2012) associated with the social mobility
afforded by the rise of democratization and
concomitantly the decline of inherited status
positions. However, a question remains about
the extent to which the attention capital
enjoyed by the “celebrity function” is a neurosis of modern life; or, to take a Foucauldian
CELEBRIT Y SO CIET Y
view, a necessary assertion of the calculating
“enterprising self” for whom destiny is a matter of individual responsibility achieved by
continual self-assessment in comparison with
significant others (Rose 1996); or essentially
progressive because it represents a lower
threshold for individualization allowing an
increasing opportunity for the many to gain
the assets associated with recognition.
Notwithstanding the answers to that,
what seems important to advocates of
“celebrity society” is the consequence
of not assuming a priori definition of
celebrity’s meanings before having analyzed the various components of celebrity
production, distribution, and consumption
across several of its subfields, the historical
relationship between celebrity and “society” being diverse and piecemeal rather
than singular and monolithic. Accordingly,
“celebrity society” emphasizes key moments
of discontinuity as well as the long-term continuities marking the history of celebrity and
celebritization.
SEE ALSO: Audience Research; Charisma;
Culture; Foucault, Michel; Freud, Sigmund;
Mass Media, Theories of; Mass Society;
Meritocracy; Saussure, Ferdinand de; Social
Status; Society
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deCordova, Richard. 1990. Picture Personalities:
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FURTHER READING
Evans, Jessica and Hesmondhalgh, David, eds.
2005. Understanding Media: Inside Celebrity.
Maidenhead, UK: The Open University Press.
Pels, Dick. 2003. Aesthetic Representation and
Political Style. In Media and the Restyling of Politics, edited by John Corner and Dick Pels, 41–66.
London: SAGE.
Rein, Irving, Kotler, Philip, and Stoller, Michael.
1997. High Visibility: The Making and Marketing
of Professionals into Celebrity. Chicago: NTC
Business Books.
Turner, Graham, Bonner, Frances, and Marshall, P.
David. The Production of Celebrity in Australia.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.