MONGOLICA
AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MONGOL STUDIES
Vol. 47, 2014
Secretariat of the International
Association for Mongol Studies
Ulaanbaatar
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR MONGOL STUDIES
President
Honorory President
Vice-Presidents
Secretary-General
Executive Director
Klaus Sagaster (Germany)
Ozawa Shigeo (Japan)
Bira Sh (Mongolia)
Bazarov B.V (Russia)
Bawden Ch (UK)
Chingeltei (PRC)
Choi Kee Ho (Korea)
Enkhtuvshin B (Mongolia)
Humphrey C (UK)
Tumur-Ochir S (Mongolia)
Schwarz H.G (USA)
Tumurtogoo D (Mongolia)
Ishdorj Ts (Mongolia)
The International Association for Mongol Studies (IAMS) is an International nongovernmental scholarly organization uniting Mongolists, Centres of Mongol studies and
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The IAMS aims at encouraging Mongol studies, assisting scholarly activities of Mongol
study Centres and Scholars Mongolists, promoting munual understanding and cooperation
among scholars from different countries of the world (from the IAMS Constitution.
----------------------------------------------------This “Mongolica” was prepared by the IAMS Secretariat
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ISSN 1024-3143
MONGOLICA Vol. 47, 2014
ÃÀÐ×ÈÃ
I. Ýðäýì øèíæèëãýýíèé ºã¿¿ëýë
Èíõóà Õà (Ñîëîíãîñ). Àâèà áà ä¿ðñ äóóðàéõ ¿ãèéí ºã¿¿ëáýðò
ã¿éöýòãýõ ¿¿ðýã
7
Ï¿ðýâæàâ Ý (Ìîíãîë). Ìîíãîë ñóäëàëûã ¿íäýñëýã÷
Îíõîäûí Æàìüÿí (1864-1930)
21
Óëààí Ì (ÁÍÕÀÓ). Îéðàä Ìîíãîëûí öàãààí ÿñòíû
“Ãàëãàñ” îâãèéí òóõàé øèíæèõ íü
44
Óðàíãóà Æ., Áàÿðìàà Ã (Ìîíãîë). Õýðãýì, çýðãèéã õóäàëäàí
àâ÷ áîëäîã áàéñàí óó?
53
Õèøèãòîãòîõ × (ÁÍÕÀÓ). Õ¿í ¿ñýã ñóäëàë
67
Francesca Lugli (Italy). The Importance of Ethno-Archaeology
of Mongolian Nomadism
96
Koichi Matsuda (Japan). Mongol-Japan Joint Bichees Project I-III
103
Pavel Rykin (Russia). Linguistic Features of the Mongolian Text
of the Tyr Trilingual Inscription (1413)
126
Sharad K. Soni (India). The Mongols of Xinjiang: A Retrospective
Overview
139
Èäàìæàïîâà Á.À (Ðîññèÿ). Ìèôîôîëüêëîðíûé òðåõ÷àñòíûé
ìèð ó íàðîäîâ Þæíîé Ñèáèðèè è ßêóòèè
153
Çîðèêòóåâ Á.Ð (Ðîññèÿ). Îá îáðàçîâàíèè ðîäà Áîðäæèãèí
158
II. Ñóäàëãààíû òýìäýãëýë
Çýëìý Áÿìáàà Ä (Ìîíãîë). “Æîëîîäîã÷” ø¿ëãèéí çîõèîã÷
Í.Ê.Ðåðèõèéí òóõàé
167
Èøäîðæ Ö (Ìîíãîë). Í.Ê.Ðåðèõèéí “Æîëîîäîã÷” ø¿ëýãò
õèéñýí òàéëáàð
172
Èñëàì Õ (Ìîíãîë). Îëîí óëñûí ìîíãîë ñóäëàëûí àñóóäëààð
ýðãýö¿¿ëýõ¿é
180
Òºìºðòîãîî Ä (Ìîíãîë). Ìîíãîë ìîðèíû õóÿã, ãîëûí ã¿¿ð õî¸ð
óÿëäàõ íü
199
Øàãäàðñóðýí À., Ýíõòóð Í (Ìîíãîëèÿ). Íåêîòîðûå õóäîæåñòâåííûå
îñîáåííîñòè Òîðãóäñêîé íàðîäíîé ïåñíè
3
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MONGOLICA Vol. 47, 2014
CONTENTS
I. RESEARCH ARTICLES
Inhua Ha (Korea), Functions of Onomatopoeia and Mimetic
Words in a Sentence
7
E.Purevjav (Mongolia), Onkhod Jamiyan (1864-1930), a Founder
of Mongolian Studies
21
M.Ulaan (China), Studying the “Galgas” Clan of White Ethnic Group,
Oirat Mongolia
44
J.Urangua, G.Bayarmaa (Mongolia), Were Titles used to be Bought?
53
Ch. Hexigetaoketao (China), Study on Hsiung-Nu Characters
67
Francesca Lugli (Italy), The Importance of Ethno-Archaeology
of Mongolian Nomadism
96
Koichi Matsuda (Japan), Mongol-Japan Joint Bichees Project I-III
103
Pavel Rykin (Russia), Linguistic Features of the Mongolian Text
of the Tór Trilingual Inscription (1413)
126
Sharad K.Soni (India), The Mongols of Xinjiang: A Retrospective
Overview
139
B.A.Idamjapova (Russia), Tripartite Universe of Mytho-Folklore
among the Peoples of South Siberia and Yakutia
153
B.R.Zoriktuev (Russia), Education Studies of Borjigin
158
II. NOTES
Zelme D.Byambaa (Mongolia), On the Poetry “Leader”,
by N.K.Roerich
167
Ts.Ishdorj (Mongolia), Explanation to the Poetry “Leader”
172
Kh.Islam (Mongolia), Considering the Issues of International Studies
of Mongols
180
D.Tumurtogoo (Mongolia), Coherence of Mongolian Horse Harness
and the River Bridge
199
A.Shagdarsuren, N.Enkhtur (Mongolia), Some Artistic Features
of Torgud Folk Songs
209
4
I. ÝÐÄÝÌ ØÈÍÆÈËÃÝÝÍÈÉ
ªÃ¯¯ËÝË
MONGOLICA Vol. 47, 2014
THE IMPORTANCE OF ETHNO-ARCHAEOLOGY
OF MONGOLIAN NOMADISM
Francesca Lugli (Italy)
Abstract
Part of the Mongolian population still maintains a nomadic lifestyle. They
move frequently throughout the year, setting up new camps depending on the
region, climate, and the availability of food and water for themselves and their
livestock. In Mongolia therefore ethno-archaeology constitutes a definite possibility
for the development of research concerning the history of nomadism. In fact, it is
possible to document different types of nomadism still present today, in order to
build valid interpretative models for the past. There are many crucial points
which can be considered from an ethno-archaeological point of view such as, land
exploitation, seasonal itineraries, water and salt resources and many others. Winter
and spring camps, in particular, usually found in mountainous regions, are used
repeatedly throughout different generations and often have fixed structures. The
repetitive use and choice of the winter camps can be considered one of the key
aspects of steppe pastoralism.
Introduction
It is well known that Ethno-archaeology has recently freed itself from the
strict limitations of formational process understanding. Presently it is a flexible
discipline which allows its scholars to consider tangible and intangible elements,
both of the present and of the past. For many scholars ethno-archaeology must be
considered the ‘reference science’ of the entire archaeological discipline (Gallay
1991; 1995; Pétrequin e Pétrequin 2006).
From this perspective ethno-archaeology is not merely useful for the
comprehension of past pastoralist societies, but it’s also an important research
strategy for the observation and documentation of threatened cultures which are
quickly changing, and in some cases are even disappearing.
Therefore, since 2002 the Italian Society for Ethno-archaeology, with
funding from the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and in collaboration with
the National University of Ulaan Baatar, has been researching nomadic camps in
different Mongolian regions. The aim is to observe study and verify socio-cultural,
environmental diversity and repetitiveness, which can be useful for the development
of the archaeology of steppe nomadism. It will also provide effective parameters for
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present day Mongolian nomadism and its life in the near future (Lugli 2011; Lugli
2013).
MONGOLIA
AND THE POSSIBILITIES OF AN ETHNO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO
THE STUDY OF NOMADISM
In Mongolia there is a strong cultural identity which stems from its past.
Nomadism is still relevant and has undoubted traits of continuity with it’s past,
although it is currently undergoing an epochal change1. In fact, about 30%2 of
the people live some type of nomadic lifestyle. They move across the land with
methods which rely on well-used routes, travelling from one grazing area to
another, from one water source to another; in accordance with paths and adaptation
models which have been established and accepted since time immemorial
(Vercellin 1998: 4).
This continuity is a valid requirement for ethno-archaeological research,
which intends to document the present in order to better understand the past. In fact,
observation and documentation of present pastoralism provides helpful parameters
and models for a better comprehension of past micro and macro events.
The study of present steppe nomadism allows for the observation of millennial
adaptation strategies to the environment, which in the thirteenth century enabled
Mongolians to create both an identity and an empire.
Their traditional lifestyle is a complex universe and it is necessary to identify
aspects of it which can be considered important from an ethno-archaeological
perspective and to recognize the crucial points, which have been consistently
important, both from an economic and socio-cultural aspect.
From an ethno-archaeological and ethnographical point of view, land
exploitation strategies in different regions and different contexts are a key aspect.
In fact, in Mongolia, the principal ecosystems such as forest, tundra, steppe, prairie
and desert may have very diverse environmental conditions. Pasture, water and
salt3 availability can vary a lot, as well the ease of movement. These have certainly
conditioned nomads’ lives for thousands of years.
For this reason the identification of seasonal movement is crucial. Mongolian
seasonal roaming may vary from an average of 3 up to 10 times a year, usually
covering an average of 3-7 km, and in exceptional cases, up to 150 km (Lugli
2008a; 2011; 2013)4. The observation of roaming in different regions can be useful
to understand adaptation strategy variability which exists in all environmental
conditions.
In some cases it is also possible to observe very small migration phenomena,
which are determined by the search for more favorable environmental conditions
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(Lugli forthcoming). In the summer of 2009 for example, some families were
recorded to have moved with their livestock from Khovd aimag to Bulgan aimag.
They covered approximately 1500 km, at an average of 25-30 km. per day, in a
period of four to six weeks. It’s interesting to note that in this case their movements
followed well-known paths which have always been a link between western and
eastern regions. These itineraries, until recently had allowed traders’ caravan to sell,
buy and exchange various goods in these regions.
It is also possible to observe the gradual abandonment of certain areas for
different reasons. For example, due to climate change and watercourse diversion in
the Gobi region (2005) as well as for the construction of a new road (Bulgan 2010).
Consequently, the data obtained from such micro migration phenomena can
provide parameters to identify the modes of previous migrations which have been
both gradual and abrupt. At this level typical data would include displacement
speed, paths followed, stops, village and sedentary people relationships and long
term stays in cold season campsites, if the displacement slows down then the family
must endure the cold.
Cold season sites are one of the most important aspects from an ethnoarchaeological point of view. The winter-spring period is a long and difficult season
which can be affected by actual climatic-environmental disasters, resulting in the
death of thousands of animals in affected regions (Lugli 2013). In fact, it was
calculated that “over the last five decades due to drought and dzud disasters a total
of 32 million head of livestock have been lost, of these 23 million were fully grown
and 9 million were young animals” (Oyun 2002: 69).
The choice of a proper winter-spring location of a camp and the actual
physical condition of the animals, built up during the warm months, are the main
conditions for survival during these hard seasons. The wrong choice of the site, or
an error in evaluating the time to move, can be fateful for both the nomads and their
livestock. For example, in May 2008, in the Khenti region, many families decided
to move from their spring camps to the summer camps too early. Consequently,
when the temperature dropped suddenly one night, several head of livestock,
exhausted from the long winter and spring period, died because it was impossible
for them to find adequate shelter.
The warm season camps, which usually don’t have fixed structures, are mostly
located in the valleys where they are exposed to the wind; and therefore don’t leave
significant traces on the ground from an archaeological point of view.
Conversely, Mongolian nomads generally spend a long period in winter
and spring camps that are mainly located at a higher altitude, in places which are
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sheltered from the cold winds. They are closer to pasture, and to water resources
such as snow or ice (Fig. 1, Fig. 2).
These camps usually have fixed structures, in order to protect a portion of
their livestock and are often reused from year to year, by many generations (Lugli
2008a; 2013; forthcoming). Consequently, in these sites we can observe modern
formational processes and possibly find their predecessors. At a macroscopic level,
rubbish or ash heaps - which can be up to 60 square meters and 1 meter high - are
very important. From an archaeological point of view, they can indicate whether
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a camp is a new one or an old one (Lugli 2008a; forthcoming). Furthermore, the
percentage of refuse materials, like the remains of slaughtered animals (bones and
pieces of leather), vodka bottles and other waste, can provide useful information
about the life of the camps and their families.
Historically and archaeologically the presence of dung in the camps is an
important aspect. It can be used as fuel, a building material or simply abandoned.
The dung is periodically removed from the pen when it hardens so that the animals
do not get cold. Dung and stratigraphic levels inside the pen are other examples of
archaeological indicators. In fact, the periodic removal of dung leaves a succession
of negative and positive interfaces which can supply precious information about the
use of the structure and of the camp itself.
It is important to recall that the distances between the camps and their
sizes vary significantly from region to region and under different environmental
conditions. For example, in the green central regions the camps may have more than
one tent and be just a few meters apart, whereas in the arid southern and western
regions they often have only one tent and can be entirely isolated.
Isolated families in the Bulgan region have also been documented as they may
have large quantities of livestock, and thus need extensive pastures.
Consequently, it is important to study winter camps localization and criteria
which guide herders as to where the cold months should be spent (albeit nowadays
these criteria can be subverted by the use of modern technologies, ie automobiles).
In addition to material aspects (wind protection, presence of grazing, water,
salt, roads etc), there are further important motives which influence nomads in
choosing a site.
Kinships and friendships are certainly very important factors because they can
determine the presence of group linkage, its dissolution, or its deterioration, in an
area.
Parental and friendship bonds between nomads in winter camp sites in the
mountains near Mogod soum (Bulgan aimag) have been observed, as well as the
presence of old sites and new sites resulting from new relationships.
It has also been documented that at times nomads can also be influenced by
spiritual or religious beliefs. For instance, the presence and/or absence of camp sites
in the holy mountains near Mogod.
Cold season camp sites are a precious opportunity for ethno-archaeologists.
They must be considered from the perspective of the complex problem of wide
variability in steppe adaptation strategies.
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It is also noteworthy that the presence of prehistoric and historic
archaeological remains is not uncommon near or in coincidence with current
winter camps throughout Mongolia. The mountains of the northern Bulgan region
as well as those of the southern Dundgov region are good examples (Lugli 2011;
forthcoming).
Vestiges of the past can be regarded as evidence of a long, although not
continuous, use of these mountains. Surely it is interesting to question whether or
not nomads take these remains into consideration and if they have an influence on
the choice of a site.
The exploitation of land, itineraries and especially winter camps are decisive
aspects for ethno-archaeological observation, however, there are many other topics
of investigation which must be considered.
For instance, it is also useful to recall how important it is to document and
to study the ger. This is a very complex aspect of the archaeology of steppe
nomadism. In fact, with a ger no poles are inserted into the ground, hence they
don’t leave consistent archaeological evidence after their removal. Nevertheless,
investigating the tent is essential to the field of Mongolian ethno-archaeological
research and, it is crucial to document the use of external and internal space of
the tent and its formational processes which may exist in protected and low wind
condition sites (Lugli 2008a: 139-140; fig. 6; 2008b; 2011: 195-196).
CONCLUSION
Current Mongolian nomadism provides an invaluable opportunity for ethnoarchaeologists to have a better understanding of the history of steppe life. It is vital
to identify highlights which can help to provide present and past adaptation strategy
models. Land exploitation, itineraries, roaming and especially cold month camps
are crucial points to be analysed from an ethno-archaeological perspective.
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Gallay, A. 1995. “L’Ethnoarchéologie entre science et histoire. Une réflexion sur le
développement des sciences de la nature”, Ethno-archéologie
Méditerranéenne, CCV(54): 17-27.
Garam-Ochir, D. 2010. “A Beginning of Globalization in the World”, Nomadic Studies, 17:
62-71.
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Lugli, F. 2008a. “The nomadic camps of Mid-West Mongolia: the case of the spring site of
Hulhin Shilin (Ih Tamir)”, in F. Lugli e A.A. Stoppiello (editors) Proceedings
of the 3rd Italian Congress of Ethnarchaeology, Rome 17-19 March 2004.
BAR International Series 1841, Oxford: 135-145.
Lugli, F. 2008b. “Gli accampamenti invernali e primaverili dei nomadi dell'Arkhangaï e
dell'Ovorkhangaï settentrionale: i ricoveri per gli animali (Mongolia centrooccidentale)”, in G. Fiorentino e D. Magri (editors) Charcoals from the past:
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Wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mongolia) from “Ìîíãîëûí ¿íäýñíèé ñòàòèñòèêèéí
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NOTES
1
Currently nomads often abandon the countryside for an urban and sedentary lifestyle. But it is
important to say that it is sometimes possible to observe a return to nomadism
when people decide to leave the city to become herders.
2
Wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mongolia) from Ìîíãîëûí ¿íäýñíèé ñòàòèñòèêèéí
õîðîî". National Statistical Office of Mongolia. Retrieved 2013-11-14.
3
Salt which is indispensable for human beings and their animals, is another crucial aspect to
understand the delicate equilibrium of life in steppe regions. Therefore, it
is interesting to record its availability and its use, both in warm and in cold
month camps.
4
Of course roaming depends on environmental conditions, (nomads can move several times in the
western and southern arid areas).
102