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A Brief Account of the Beginnings of Orthodox France
Religion, State and Society, 2015
In 2013, Jerry Pankhurst of Wittenberg University and I co-organised two panels on Orthodox Christianity in Western Europe for the biennial congress of the International Society for the Sociology of Religion (Turku/Åbo, Finland). The planning and preparation of the panels was an opportunity to rekindle our past collaboration (Roudometof, Agadjanian, and Pankhurst 2005) in the field of Eastern Orthodox Christianity. Unfortunately, because of health reasons, I was unable to attend the conference. Afterwards, however, I felt that I should take the initiative in arranging for the publication of the panel papers. Thus started a long journey that concludes with the papers presented in this issue of Religion, State & Society. In pursuing the topic of the presence of Orthodox Christianity in Western Europe, I was aware that this was a new but underdeveloped area of inquiry (for an overview of Eastern Christianity, see Leustean 2014). In my past efforts to explore the relationship between Orthodox Christianity and transnational religiosity (Roudometof 2000, 2014), it seemed quite appropriate to focus on North America, where Orthodoxy has a well-documented presence. In contrast, information and scholarship on Western Europe was almost nonexistent. Traditionally, both researchers and laypeople are accustomed to think of Eastern Europe as predominantly (if not exclusively) Eastern Orthodox, and similarly, to think of Western Europe as overwhelmingly Catholic and Protestant. But the world’s religious demography is ever-changing. Over the course of the post-WorldWar II era and evenmore so since the end of communism in Eastern Europe, this traditional image has been transformed. While not claiming to be an authoritative account, even the cursory demographic information conveyed in the following pages suggests that the number of Eastern Orthodox Christians in Western Europe is rapidly approaching or even surpassing the number of Eastern Orthodox Christians in North America. The overall figures might not be high, but one should recall that Orthodox Christianity has a history of several centuries in North America. The new immigrant communities of Orthodox Christians in Western Europe remain an understudied group. This special section is only the second scholarly effort to inquire into their situation (the other one is Hämmerli and Mayer 2014). Reliable figures are hard to come by, and there are countries – such as Spain – where there is a notable absence of researchers working on this group. An additional source of difficulties is the result of the shifting geopolitics in Europe. During the Cold War era, the definitions of ‘East’ and ‘West’ were fairly clear and coterminous with specific political regimes. In the era since 1989, however, there has been a geopolitical shift, whereby countries that used to be part of the communist bloc
Cahiers du monde russe, 2017
The last thirty or so years have witnessed a dramatic expansion of the study of the history of religion as practiced by the various peoples historically Orthodox. The traditional preoccupation with ecclesiastical structures and the literary analysis of devotional texts no longer monopolize the subject. The history of liturgy, monasticism, and popular devotions has come to occupy the attention of more and more scholars. The recent literature, in addition to providing much new information and new ideas, has also revealed how much remains unknown. 1 The present issue of the
Białostockie Teki Historyczne, 2014
Throughout the Middle Ages and since the formation of its state structure, Poland has been at the crossroads of cultural influences from East and West. By accepting Christianity from the Czechs in 966, Poland entered the sphere of Latin influence. However, Polish lands lay on the outskirts of this Latin, Christian Europe. It was in the Middle Ages that the ethnic and territorial borders of Poland were established and its cultural identity developed. It is therefore worth nothing that the Byzantine-Ruthenian Orthodox Church was present on Polish territory as early as the reign of Bolesław the Brave (992-1025). When Kievan Ruthenia accepted Christianity, the influence of this state assumed a religious character. The political and cultural role of the Orthodox Church in Poland increased after the creation of the Halich-Volhynia Principality. During the reign of Prince Roman and later prince Daniel, the territory of this principality extended to the lands between the Wieprz and Bug rivers, including Lubachov, Peremysl, and even a large part of the Lublin region. In 1238, Daniel conquered Drohychyn, which opened the way for the Romanovich dynasty to expand their territory in the north 1. As the territories grew so too did the Orthodox Church's structure develop. This structure developed formally in the middle of the thirteenth century, after the coronation of Prince Daniel in Drohychyn (1253). However, the attempt made then by the papal legate Opizon to draw the ruler of the Halich-Volhynia Princedom into union with Rome failed. Political conflicts with Roman Catholic powers-Hungary, Poland (with the Prince of Cracow, Leszek the White) and the Teutonic Knights-caused the Orthodox clergy to oppose any
Early Medieval Europe, 2003
2 J.L. Nelson, `Kingship and Royal Government', in R. McKitterick (ed.), The New Cambridge Medieval History II, c. 700±c. 900] (Cambridge, 1995), p. 423. See also eadem `Kingship and Empire in the Carolingian World', in R. McKitterick, Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 52±87, at pp. 55±50. Still fundamental for this theme: E. Ewig, `Zum christlichen Ko È nigsgedanken im Fru È hmittelalter', in Das KoÈnigtum. Vortra Ège und Forschungen 3 (Sigmaringen, 1956), pp. 7±73. 3 W. Pohl, `Tradition, Ethnogenese und literarische Gestaltung: eine Zwischenbilanz', in K. Brunner und B. Merta (eds.), Ethnogenese und U È berlieferung. Angewandte Methoden der Fru Èhmittelalterforschung (Vienna and Munich, 1994) pp. 9±26, at pp.l 20±1; with an extensive bibliography concerning new thought on ethnogenesis. In March 1998 the Austrian Academy of Arts and Sciences organized a symposium on Herrschaft und Integration im fru Èheren Mittelalter, taking `ethnicity and the Christian discourse' as one of its central themes. 4 N. Staubach, Rex christianus. Hofkultur und Herrschaftspropaganda im Reich Karls des Kahlen, II: Die Grundlegung der `religion royale', Pictura et poesis 2 (Cologne, Weimar and Vienna, 1993). The ®rst volume appeared as an informal publication, and therefore remains hard to ®nd: `Das Herrscherbild Karls des Kahlen. Formen und Funktionen monarchischer Representation im fru È heren Mittalalter, I' (Dissertation, University of Mu È nster, 1981).
Speculum, 2003
Jews and Christians in Thirteenth-Century France represents a notable and versatile addition to the rapidly growing body of scholarship on cross-cultural cohabitation in medieval Europe. These sixteen essays set out to analyze areas of specificity and commonality that frame the arc of Jewish life in thirteenth-century France, in distinction from Germany, for instance, or from the epochs that bounded the pivotal thirteenth century, whether the renascent twelfth or the already-fractured and impoverished fourteenth. The editors' introduction announces their aim to " highlight the intellectual, social, and cultural changes " that characterized thirteenth-century France for both Jews and Christians, and " the ways these changes related (or did not relate) to each other " (p. 4). To this end, their collection is organized along three broad axes: first, " learning and law " ; next, " religious polemics and aspects of persecutory policy " ; and finally " literature and art " (p. 4). Using the Decalogue as a test case, Lesley Smith's " Continuity and Change in the Study of the Bible: The Ten Commandments in Christian Exegesis " inaugurates Part I: Learning, Law, and Society with a study of how the rise of the university and the increased emphasis on pastoral teaching to the laity influenced the production and study of biblical texts and commentaries. Despite the generally additive nature of textual transmission, Smith finds that broader shifts in genre such as the rise in confessors' manuals made possible new contexts and different perspectives. The single greatest force for continuity and homogenization came from the Parisian university's increasing emphasis on the formalization and measurement of knowledge in combination with its growing sociological self-codification. Smith points out that the theoretical concerns of the university teacher are not the practical ones of the pastoral confessor. To understand how change existed within continuity, we must revise our perspectives in ways that allow us to grasp side-by-side coexistence of such differences. In " Psalters for Men, Books of Hours for Women: Arras as a Case Study, " Margo Stroumsa-Uzan furnishes descriptions of the illumination programs and provenance histories of a series of Books of Hours identifiable with the city of Arras. This reader was most engaged by the author's analysis of the self-reinforcing relation between Marian devotion and its practices, and the shifting social and familial roles of women within the urban landscape of thirteenth-century Northern France. Given the opportunity for strengthening the book's larger thematic purpose, richer comparisons between Marian devotion and the Jewish shekhina might have been developed, along with fuller consideration of the similarities and differences in the development of illuminated prayer books within each of the two communities.
Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations, 2016
Centuries are a convenient way of defining time. When teaching history, we define our periods in terms of centuries, as that allows us to make general statements with greater ease. The problem is that when we start going into more detail, the concept of "the history of centuries" becomes problematic. A pertinent example of this is what is referred to as the "twelfth-century renaissance," which is anything but confined to the years 1100-1199. The co-editors of this stimulating collection of papers, based on presentations at a conference in Jerusalem, are well aware of this, stating from the outset that they are talking about "a long thirteenth century, broadly defined" (p. 1). Rather than framing the subject in this way, the term "late medieval" would have been more suitable, allowing greater flexibility. The geographic designation in the title of this book is also tricky. What constitutes France in the thirteenth century? Is thirteenth century France, if it can be said to exist, the same for the Jews and Christians of the title? Again, Baumgarten and Galinsky are aware of this problem and address it in the introduction, particularly with regard to the tendency to lump together the Jews of Ashkenaz (Germany and France). Yet, what is not addressed is the considerable expansion of the French kingdom to include almost the whole of Languedoc following the agreement of Paris in 1229. This, slowly but surely, brought the Jews of southern France into the ambit of the French monarchy with important consequences. The book contains sixteen articles divided according to three themes: "Learning, Law, and Society," "Polemics, Persecutions, and Mutual Perceptions," and "Cultural Expressions and Appropriations: Art, Poetry, and Literature." They were written by a broad range of scholars, some very well known, others who will soon be. Some of the topics addressed include biblical exegesis (Lesley Smith, Susan Einbinder, Ari Geiger), devotion (Margo Stroumsa-Uzan, Rella Kushelevsky), law and legal issues (
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