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Artuz 7
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3 pages
1 file
Jews, particularly in the West, now enjoy an unparalleled degree of security and cultural freedom in part because of the connection the Jews feel toward Israel, and the recognition that the country is committed to their protection and well- being.
This paper tries to answer whether or not Jewish though is compatible with Western thought, which plays out in the question whether the Western style liberal democratic concept of a state can provide a fitting system for the Jewish people. After shortly reflecting on the question what the constituting element of the Jewish people is and how this can justify the use of the term “Jewish thought”, the philosophical groundings of the Western post-Enlightenment concept of the liberal democratic state shall be examined. It is then the objective to have a closer look at the text “The meaning of homeland” by A.B. Yehoshua that caused the Yehoshua debate in 2006. By analyzing the different possibilities for Jewish life in the land of Israel and in the Diaspora as pointed out by A.B. Yehoshua as well as the history of the foundation of the Jewish state, it will be explained why Israel already is in many ways different to the prototype Western state. By further analyzing the text “Israeli Judaism: The Judaism of Survival no longer works” by Yair Caspi, which is a critic on Yehoshua’s text, the ontological differences between the Western concept of the sovereign nation state and the understanding of Israel in Jewish thought shall be pointed out. With the help of Heidegger’s analysis of the inauthentic “I” in the Western enlightened thought, the fundamental difference between Western thought and Jewish thought will be outlined with special respect to the yearning for authenticity that can be found in Western societies and that at the same time is a philosophical grounding for Nazism. With the ontological assumption of this fundamental difference, it will be argued why however, on a political level the existence of a sovereign nation state is an absolute necessity for the Jewish people in current times and why at the same time the effects of this concept of a state are less dangerous in Israel than in any other place on earth.
2012
The changing relationship between Jews around the world and Israel is most concretely apparent when one asks what the mutual rights and responsibilities of each of these vibrant Jewish communities are. What makes this question even more important is that for the first time in Jewish history it is also possible to ask if there are any mutual rights and responsibilities. As the character of each of these two Jewish communities has developed and changed, so too have the basic assumptions that underlie the relationship. In some cases the assumptions are so substantively being questioned that it becomes clear that the ways in which one might answer the question of mutual rights and responsibilities are absolutely unprecedented in the context of Jewish history. Given this reality, it is clear that we must consider anew how we understand our mutual commitment and what we owe each other today, if anything. The very fact that one can speak of the rights of Jews living outside of the land of Israel, and conversely the responsibilities of the Jews living in Israel for those outside, is based on two basic premises inherent in Judaism and the State of Israel. The first is that Jews are not a religious group but rather a People with a commitment to and responsibility for each other that transcends geography or religious observance or any other factor. ישראל[ כל ]חברים The second is that the State of Israel is more than just a state for its citizens, but, as Israel's Declaration of Independence asserts, it is also a homeland for the Jewish people. These two
Tikkun, 2018
In this essay, I discuss Jewish identities in the context of historical/systemic antisemitism and Zionism using decolonial theory. Approaching Jewishness as a historically oppressed and colonized category, I use anti-colonial logics to explore the possibilities of decolonization for a people that does not neatly fit a black-and-white binary. Building on the work of Fanon, Arendt, and others, I point to the contradictions embedded in Jewish positionalities and argue for Jewish solidarity with the movement for Palestinian freedom.
In international relations, discussions and arguments singling out Israel is a quite common thing to do. This paper investigates as to whether it is justifiable to do that by considering different arguments: An ideological-historical that is connected to Antisemitism and Zionism, a religious argument interwoven with Messianism and the pure political argument that takes Nationalism into consideration.
other faiths, or of no faith, undermine all our civil rights.
2018
This article reflects on the impact of a new constitutional law that declares that Israel is a Jewish state and no one other than Jews have a right to self-determination in Israel.
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