Exploring Value in the Creative and Cultural Industries

Metadata of the chapter that will be visualized online Chapter Title Copyright Year Copyright Holder Corresponding Author Conclusion: Value Constructs for the Creative Economy 2020 The Author(s) Family Name Granger Particle Given Name Rachel Suffix Division Abstract Organization/University De Montfort University Address Leicester, UK Email rachel.granger@dmu.ac.uk Reflecting on how thinking on the creative economy can be affected by the richness of different examples of value accumulated in this book, the chapter reiterates that we can no longer continue to rely on an axiomatic model, which positions economic value exclusively at the centre of the creative economy. There are inherent pitfalls in doing so and by way of alternative, an action-based framework for conceptualising value construction is outlined, which provides a richer understanding, and which is argued to be integral to processes and interactions, through performance as -doing, -art form, -process, and -power. Framing the different viewpoints of the creative economy through performance uncovers new vocabulary, which is outlined and examined: seeing, revealing, reinforcing, connecting, belonging, accumulating, resonating, expanding, sustaining, and converging. CHAPTER 13 Conclusion: Value Constructs for the Creative Economy Rachel Granger Performing Value and ConstruCts for ConCeiVing Value One conclusion from the variety of perspectives offered on value construction both in the literature and also in this book would be that value in the context of the creative economy is varied and multiplex, and as a result of this complexity, tends to fall back on narrow definitions of economic practice. While entirely logical and reasonable, Part I of this book argues that there are inherent pitfalls in doing so. By way of alternative, the book offers an action-based framework for conceptualising value, tied to the notion of performance. In Part II, the book considers the attributes considered to be valuable (useful) to one’s self and the principles or standards that shape these, which might be viewed as performance of expression, and shaped by performative power and experience. In Part III, the book explores the different ways value is constructed and mediated through processes and interactions, through performance as -doing, -art form, -process, and -power. R. Granger (*) De Montfort University, Leicester, UK e-mail: rachel.granger@dmu.ac.uk © The Author(s) 2020 R. Granger (ed.), Value Construction in the Creative Economy, Palgrave Studies in Business, Arts and Humanities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37035-0_13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 R. GRANGER 21 Part I: Defining the Creative Economy Through Value 22 In Chap. 1, the book outlined a case for viewing the creative economy through the performing lens, which it was argued enables broader disciplinary reach. As a result, the book has allowed for less conventional aspects of value to come to life through the different chapter contributions, and the condition of value has been further enabled in a way that opens up new avenues of enquiry and a vernacular that enriches current economic frameworks and terminology. In Chap. 2, Laura Parson’s valorisation of hidden cultural activities in societies, such as those taking place in the household (hidden from view), and those in some way forced to become hidden through power and soft institutions (that devalue the societal worth/perception of an attribute) speak of the way value in a creative economy performs as a process and as power. As Laura argues, this goes beyond what might be conceived as tacit, which alludes to the difficulties of expressing culture or transmitting it as a complex form; it resonates with institutional frameworks through, and by which power upholds and subjugates societal views on what might be perceived as legitimate or visible, and belief systems on what is willing to become visible. In much the same way as Lundvall (2002) expresses the power imbued in ‘local codes’ within epistemic communities, which effectively keeps outsiders at armslength, so power relations can play out in households and communities, and manifest in a variety of ways: (1) marginalisation of a set culture; (2) an unwillingness to share or reproduce cultural artefacts or processes for a mainstream or commercial audience; (3) a tendency to hide cultural attributes including materiality and symbols from public display, (4) a concerted effort to reinforce the authenticity of a culture by restricting ownership and practice within a designated community, and (5) deliberate marginalisation of a set culture within society, for example, it has been argued that the legitimacy of subcultures and ‘low’ culture are predicated on powers of subjugation. Thus the idea that we might simply enrich taxonomies and measurement toolkits, as a worthwhile contribution to the creative economy field, and to remedy existing flaws and deficits is to overlook the more complex power relations at play in a creative economy, and the structure and agency within this (see Archer 1995; Barker 2005). 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 13 AU1 AU2 CONCLUSION: VALUE CONSTRUCTS FOR THE CREATIVE ECONOMY Part II: The Creative Self 55 In Chap. 3, Pinky Bazaz considers value in the creative economy both as a factor input (university degrees as embodied and institutionalised cultural capital) and by exploring the personal experiences of learning, which have personal value. What is revealed through the data on higher education performance in British universities is another power structure, which for some plays out as a positive process of embodying new skillsets, and expanding opportunities for capital accumulation in the graduate job market. For others, notably BAME groups,1 the experience at university is shown to be comparatively less empowering, and creates an ideological contestation over widening participation agendas in the higher education system. Operating in an wider environment in which a premium is now placed on creative skillsets, creative degrees are framed as commercially lucrative and students’ own value of these are accordingly high at the point of university entry. Yet the experience of BAME students at the point of university exit across several creative disciplines is problematic, and reflects real and marked differences in educational performance and employment options between ethnic groups. Pinky’s use of statistics provide compelling evidence of ‘attainment gaps’ (Broecke and Nicholls 2007; HEFCE 2013; ECU 2017), which reinforce existing concerns about meritocracy in the creative economy (e.g. O’Brien et al. 2016; Taylor and O’Brien 2017; Brook et al. 2016). Pinky’s contribution serves to remind us that students as feepayers, now occupy a changing position as consumers in a creative economy, who as a result, are more likely to reflect on the broader returns on investment of creative learning, and the value of learning in both economic and social terms. Resisting the inclination to interpret value as merely monetary returns, which arise from converting cultural capital into economic capital, Pinky draws on Rokeach (1973) to consider terminal value, or the sets of standards, which guide and determine actions and attitudes. Building on his earlier (1968) work on beliefs, attitudes, and values, Rokeach’s terminal values refer to those values that shape social structure such as equality, social recognition, a sense of accomplishment, security, comfortable life, exciting life, and so on, as well as the instrumental values that help achieve these including ambition, capability, intellect, imagination, and independence. Social structure here refers to the social arrangement in society that 56 1 Black and Minority Ethnic students. 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 R. GRANGER 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 emerges from and determines the actions of individuals, and lead to socioeconomic stratification. In the context of higher education and creative skills, while there is a temptation to position degrees and students as objects, which have monetary value in a commercial setting, the wider experience of learning and being at university as a process and expression of personal beliefs and values, can reveal important insights into the overall worth of higher education, within a wider society and system. What is revealed here is that while the attainment gap between White and BAME students has been explained partially by the relationship between a student and university, and in particular, the barriers that might prevent full BAME development, examining the relationship between student values and those of an institution can reveal much about a student’s educational experience and value sets. Pinky notes here the importance of social belonging at a university (e.g. role models, mentors) as well as personal attributes (the way education is viewed and used, and motivation for learning), which shape construction of terminal values around security, success, and so on, and can create markedly different social structures around the same commercial degree. One student’s pursuit of ‘stardom’ through a creative degree (Currid-Halkett 2015), using the accreditation system as a passport to high-earning jobs, may differ to another experience that draws on the learning environment to grow skills and new experiences and is likely to view returns in terms of ‘delayed value’. For BAME groups, with poorer relationships with peers, with fewer role models, and a weaker support community, as well as lower instrumental values such as capability and ambition, the value of a degree may not be so much delayed, as devalued. In this sense, terminal values are inherently individual (e.g. one person’s accomplishments may differ to another’s) and while Pinky has not attempted to map these in her contribution, she nevertheless makes a case for critiquing widely held assumptions about the universal value and effects of creative learning. Pinky’s contribution reminds us to consider differences in micro social values (BAME cohorts, Generation Z), which may differ to hegemonic views of the creative economy as wealthy workers and businesses; bearing little resemblance to other groups with different terminal and instrumental values, their learning and employment experiences, their social and interpersonal interactions, and own positionality, from which social acceptance and/or monetary value is shaped and ascribed. Pinky concludes by making a connection between social values (societal views of the value of higher education), personal and moral values, which shape and are shaped by experiences and interactions within the higher 13 CONCLUSION: VALUE CONSTRUCTS FOR THE CREATIVE ECONOMY education system, and competency values, which ultimately shape employability and remuneration. Pinky’s review of one’s creative self, shaped by individual beliefs and moral systems, that ultimately shape social structure, play out in other chapter contributions. Jennie Jordan and Ruth Jindall’s portrayal of a changing arts landscape (Chap. 4), shaped by the power of so-called philanthropy, speaks to the power that underpins structure and agency. Jennie and Ruth’s portrayal of financial actors who fund art in lieu of public resources and who unwittingly constrain art access through their own value systems, might be described as a type of cultural intermediary. The literature on intermediaries has thus far considered the role of the new middle classes whose actions mediate production and consumption of culture (following Bourdieu 1984, 1996), those economic imaginaries who as market actors mediate between culture and the economy to qualify cultural goods for economic returns (see O’Connor 2015), and the more recent birth of community actors who introduce and shape cultural consumption in communities (Perry 2019). While Maguire and Matthews (2012) argue that the cultural intermediaries construct have been used as a ‘descriptive catch-all’ for any creative activity or occupation, it does seem that Jennie and Ruth’s account of philanthrophers who are neither market agents nor necessarily part of the ‘petit bourgeoisie’ (in the way envisaged by Bourdieu 1984) nevertheless shape content and access, in a way that lends power to shaping consumer taste. It therefore provides a new account of intermediaries who through financial power express their creative self to reproduce cultural consumer economies. Both Pinky’s work on higher education experiences, and Jennie and Ruth’s account of philanthropy in the arts, reveal something of one’s creative self (expression), shaped by power. Foucauldian discourse analysis has relevance here, in providing insight into the way institutional power relationships exerted through one’s language and practice, can shape the way groups and individuals use these to affirm their own identity, consolidate beliefs, and even resist the effects of such power. Foucault’s work (e.g. 1969) reinforces how power can inhere in institutions rather than individuals to effectively automate power and ‘disindividualise’ values and actions. In Chap. 5, Claire Lerpiniere’s account of how fast fashion as a global institution exerts power on individuals and demographic groups to affirm their own identity, in effect disindividualises their creative self. Although Foucault’s work on the archaeology of power was intended as a socio-physical reference point about power inhered in 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 R. GRANGER 169 170 171 172 173 AU3 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 prisons, and later schools and hospitals, it nevertheless has salience in illustrating how power has its principles not so much in a person, as a concerted distribution of institutions with principles of control and order, and in an arrangement that produces a set of relations in which individuals are caught up. In other words, societal power relations, which coerce, command, direct, or influence the actions of others. Here Claire makes reference to the values or forces exerted on individuals to embody, and to enhance social relationships, sense of identity, or affiliation to a brand or group (brand values) and even ethical values or principles. Her work implores us to consider the material value embodied within a textile, as ‘embodied situated bodily experience’ (Entwistle 2005) or second skin. This embodied reading of textiles can lead to the creation of a personal relationship between a garment as creative product, and individual, which connects with deliberate design and textile thinking, and enables the agency of textiles to come to the fore. As a result, Claire argues, interaction can lead to curatorial processes of owning, consuming, and caring for a textile that detaches from the (global) economic power that connects fast fashion and the consumer, and dominates the creative economy. Claire’s reading of textiles through a phenomenological and existential understanding of a garment sets out a practical way for culture and creativity as an art form in a post-consumption phase of fashion, which is in a sense more ritualistic. Lury’s description of ‘post-consumption rituals’ connotes the personalisation of an artefact, as a means of reassigning its meaning from that of the manufacturer or retailer, to that of an individual—that belongs to them and speaks to them (Lury 1996). In Chap. 6, Malika Kraamer uses these same sentiments to examine the deliberate cultural consumption of Kente cloth as an exclusive garment in today’s Ghana, as well as in a pan-African context, in a way that evokes a sense of belonging and satisfaction among its wearers, with deep aesthetic value. Malika argues that the continued wearing of the cloth over the last two centuries is embedded in a sense of continuity and identity with the past and current day identity as an expression of cultural value, which marks gender, class, status, or role in more complex ways. As she argues, one way to study the relationship between social identity and textiles is to look in detail at the use of these fabrics in relation to the way that particular identities are achieved in wearing these textiles, for example, at occasions, in political situations, or to promote social mobility. In that sense, Kente cloth has more of an intrinsic value (Throsby 2001) rather than market value, and Claire and Malika’s works both speak to connections made 13 AU4 CONCLUSION: VALUE CONSTRUCTS FOR THE CREATIVE ECONOMY through materials and their embodiment of meaning. In other words, textiles have power as a productive force that makes it possible to understand and relate to ourselves, as well as others in the world around us. 208 Part III: Collective Creative Spaces and Processes 211 Starting in Chap. 7, the unique interactions between people and space are examined in Part III of the book, to understand value construction in the creative economy from a community and relational perspective. David Rae’s analysis of learning and cultural exchange in communities in Cape Breton, Canada, and Leicester, UK are used to depict cultural activities at the micro scale, which he terms ‘intracultural’. David asserts that cultural interactions and the value constructed from these are highly dependent on the sharing of values, belief systems, and behaviours of a distinct group of people, which here also share a spatial characteristic. The idea that relational proximity and a group’s ‘idioculture’ (Fine and Hallett 1979) provides the basis of connections that serve to create value in the creative economy, and that this sustains and expands through innovation, is an idea also shared in Chap. 8, where I explore the role of relational and cognitive proximity in informal spaces, as a determinant of creative innovation. The locus of value construction in Chap. 7 is the geographical construct of ‘home’, which is an important anchor for cultural identity, and which frames the sharing of linguistics, signs, and symbols, and has wider social and cultural meaning. In Cape Breton, this takes the form of ‘Caper’ cultural references and explicit references to membership of indigenous ‘family’ groups, which facilitate and authenticate cultural exchanges in the area, while in Leicester these play out as ‘Asian’ cultural references and connections, and the symbolic use of cuisine as a marker of membership and connection. In Denmark (Chap. 8), the same ideas of proximity (drawing on Boschma 2005) are forged through references to ‘music’ and ‘maker mindsets’, which provides a common basis for micro-level cognitive and relational social capital, and at the meso scale the structural proximity inhered in the physical characteristics (e.g. building, projects) and informal organisation of maker spaces in a creative economy. In Chaps. 7 and 8, cultural proximity made possible through shared signs and narratives (or codes) is cited as a key determinant of economic value construction in the creative economy, whereas in Chap. 9, cultural and creative vision provides the basis for relational and structural proximity that drives change in Ouseburn in the North-East of England. In other 212 209 210 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 R. GRANGER 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 words, in Chaps. 7 and 8, culture and creative value is the outcome of interaction, and in Chap. 9, it represents the tool, which supports connections and through which political and economic change is enacted. Similarly, in Chap. 10, ‘design’ as one area of the creative economy is viewed as a valuable art form that drives a process of economic conversion. While the focus, like that in Chaps. 7, 8, and 9 is economic in nature, the chapter contribution reveals the way in which value is constructed through highly intricate and subtle exchanges and processes that occur through informal interactions at work, often hidden from the public gaze and occurring in highly tacit forms. By way of example, David Heap and Caroline Coles draw on furniture design, to highlight the tacit and multiplex characteristics of (incremental) design working in furniture production, which commercially remain hidden from economic and legal value frameworks. As David and Caroline note, while ‘silent design’ remains a powerful driver of economic value in the creative economy, ‘creations of the mind’ as a product of the interplay within teams, is directly at odds with the economic imperative of establishing ownership of intellectual property, on which economic or commercial value is ascribed and converted. In Chaps. 11 and 12, these same ideas of hidden value, which sit uncomfortably with economic frameworks and narratives, are extended. In Chap. 11, empirical data on creative businesses and university staff in Leicestershire reveal surprisingly low knowledge transfer between universities and business, which is not explained by the intellectual and research capability of local universities. The data reveals a very strong role for ‘competitors’, ‘critical friends’, and ‘customers’ in driving innovation through hidden pipelines, and is reflected in a high ‘intra-operability quotient’ (knowledge transfer from within the creative sector). As I argue, while these other actors in the same sector remain largely hidden from the commercial and academic views of value construction in the creative economy (see literature on New Economic Geography), they exert power by ‘legitimising’, ‘mediating’, and ‘enabling’ new value creation through local social spaces. In Chap. 12, the notion of hidden action is reflected both in the emergent—but often hidden—practice of Let’s Play, which has been referred to as non-narrative machinima (Menotti 2014) and is a subculture of gaming. The Let’s Play community of practice acts as a key locus for value creation, creating a hidden value chain between gamers, IP owners, business stakeholders including advertisers, and followers. Examples of value in the Let’s Play community exist as social value through social interaction, cultural value through learning and development of 13 CONCLUSION: VALUE CONSTRUCTS FOR THE CREATIVE ECONOMY emerging production techniques, economic value through advertising and merchandise, and symbolic value in the lure and motivation of an audience. The case study reveals that social value is the most universally sought form of value (in the case study used), and reinforces the idea of relational capital as the key locus of value construction in a creative economy. Where does this leaVe us? 284 285 286 287 288 289 There is no doubt at all that the 13 chapters in this book have confirmed the creative economy to be of the moment but also that more needs to be done to revisit the narratives and the policy agenda that support value construction. Framing the different viewpoints of the creative economy through performance as has been done here (as doing; as an art form; as expression; as power; as a process; and as experience) has been rewarding in thinking about value beyond cursory views of economic worth, and in a way that uncovers new vocabulary, which offer a capacious approach to considering performance in the creative economy: 290 • Seeing—We have gleaned key information from seeing the creative economy expressed in new terms—especially through actions, relationships, and materiality. These actions and belongings reflect the value placed on different activities, different items, different communities and sectors, and new extensions of identity, which have revealed new insights to the way value emerges and builds. • Revealing—With the viewpoint slightly altered, and using a different lens, different surfaces or views have become visible, especially where value construction remains largely hidden in processes or away from the public gaze. This was particularly apparent in case studies of value being constructed in hidden spaces (in design industries, in maker spaces, and within geographical and ethnic communities). • Reinforcing—Some views have reinforced existing thinking and understanding on key practices or terms, especially on issues of relationality or power, while other views have enabled mainstream thinking to be challenged (e.g. the role of stakeholders such as universities), or reinforced new ideas or new processes of value construction (e.g. the role of informal organisations). • Embodying—What some may see as inanimate objects or artefacts, or processes, others understand as symbolic objects or actions that go beyond art form or function, to embody a living cultural or creative 299 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 R. GRANGER 320 321 322 323 324 325 • 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 • 339 340 341 342 343 • 344 345 346 347 • 348 349 350 351 • 352 353 354 355 356 357 • practice, and as a tool for value creation. An object in its material form embodies knowledge and practices, and may stand for value that is still emerging, through a wider process, and this was highly visible in accounts of textiles and garments, but also in the game play at the heart of new digital formats (Let’s Play). Connecting—Belonging—Physical belongings remain connected to their narratives and communities of origin, that connect users to their creation stories, and may be reinforced through wider display and awareness. Some accounts connect the user with complex symbolic forms, and express fundamental relationships between human beings, or humans to physical spaces. Some accounts express an affinity for a place or situation, and can evoke different responses from those who read and reflect on the wider meanings and significance of accounts. This was visible especially in accounts of belonging in maker spaces and in micro entrepreneurial communities in Cape Breton and Leicester. Actions and accounts that connect people, objects, and places, provide a narrative that helps us to understand the world around us, and connects theory to praxis. Accumulating—How do experiences or material objects embody histories? Using different frameworks, these experiences (actions) and objects accumulate stories, encourage new conversations and relationships, which accumulate value over time, and help to build new narratives. Resonating—These accounts and in some cases, art forms resonate today. They are inspiring and challenging, and provide key links that help us to understand and make sense of, or feel in common with wider phenomena. Expanding—Through these cases and discussions, new knowledge has been encouraged to expand scholarly and policy reach, in a way that helps to rebuild knowledge, and renew connections between objects, people, community, and living creative/cultural practice. Sustaining—These different accounts record and protect ideas for others to draw from and in a way that sustains learning and thinking. Converging—The idea that two viewpoints can occupy the same space at the same time is central to the creative economy, and in several chapters conflicting accounts encourage the reader to reflect on this new convergence—or collision—of value in time and space, in a way that expands existing thinking and understanding. 13 AU5 CONCLUSION: VALUE CONSTRUCTS FOR THE CREATIVE ECONOMY In the first two chapters of this book, we have explained how the concept of value in the creative economy first emerged within research and policy fields, the pitfalls of this, alternative ways of thinking about the same issue performatively. This performance framework was applied in the remainder of the book. The framework has shed light upon important connections and relationships, and new terms, as outlined above. These terms give us tools for understanding how people speak in terms of value construction—shaped by wider power relations—which might inform emerging policy on the creative economy, and potentially opens up new avenues of research, for example, through the Creative Industries Policy and Impact Centre at NESTA, and the Centre for Cultural Value at Leeds. Through the different chapter contributions, both empirical and conceptual, our aim was to bring together different researchers from different fields, to engage in a diverse range of views and creative practices to stimulate new thinking on the creative economy, and also to raise new questions relating to value construction. While the different chapters reinforce the view that culture and creativity matter, through the use of different lens and new constructs, the book provides an alternative view of how policy might begin to evidence the impacts on individuals and communities. Our own thinking and view of the creative economy has been affected by the sheer richness of stories of value accumulated in this book, which suggest we can no longer continue to rely on an axiomatic model, which positions economic value exclusively at the centre of the creative economy. Our hope is that community practitioners and policy makers can see the pitfalls of continued overreliance on economic tools, and look towards the alternative framework and constructs outlined here, which we believe have stood up well, and would help remove constraints. To conceive of the creative economy as a broader performance, and to deploy some of the additional constructs outlined in this chapter, is to tap into an incalculably large resource of ideas that can transform existing thinking, and tackle existing deficits. Fundamentally, it requires thinking differently. Supported by fellow thinkers, the conversations in this book help. referenCes Archer, M. S. (1995). 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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 Author Queries Chapter No.: 13 0004676730 Queries Details Required AU1 Please define/expand HEFCE, ECU, NESTA. AU2 “HEFCE (2013)” is cited in the body but its bibliographic information is missing. Kindly provide its bibliographic information. Otherwise, please delete it from the text/ body. AU3 Please check if the sentence “In other words, societal power relations...” is complete. AU4 The citation “Fine, 1979” has been changed to “Fine and Hallett 1979” to match the author name/date in the reference list. Please check if the change is fine in this occurrence and modify the subsequent occurrences, if necessary. AU5 Please check the sentence “In the first two chapters of this book...” for clarity. Author’s Response