Śrāddha

1520 3. Sandhu KS, Mani A (eds) (2006) Indian communities in Southeast Asia. ISEAS, Singapore 4. Rodrigues Y (1992) Nat-Pwe. Burmese supernatural subculture. Kiscadale, Gartmore 5. Both Hare Krishna and Ananda Marga have websites and Facebook pages advertising their activities in Southeast Asia. See: www.iskconmalaysia.com www. iskconid.org and similar pages and the Facebook; www. anandamarga.net.my, www.anandamarga.org and the Facebook 6. Kent A (2005) Divinity and diversity: a Hindu revitalization movement in Malaysia. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu Spiritual Anarchism ▶ Auroville Śrāddha Lubomír Ondračka Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic Definition Śrāddha is a general term for various kinds of domestic ancestral rites. Sources Ancestral rites were already present in Vedic religion. We have solid and relatively rich textual evidence demonstrating that they formed an important part of ritual activity in ancient India. Śrāddha developed from these complex Vedic rituals [20, 22, 23] and soon became one of the most important domestic Hindu rituals. Today it is regularly performed on many occasions throughout the Hindu world. Śrāddha’s great importance among Hindu rituals is reflected in the vast amount of Sanskrit literature dealing with various Spiritual Anarchism kinds of śrāddha, starting with Gṛhyasūtras (which document śrāddha’s formative period); followed by Dharmaśāstras, the Mahābhārata, and Purāṇas (particularly the Garuḍapurāṇa [6]); and culminating in voluminous medieval dharmaśāstric compendia on which modern practical manuals are based. Śrāddha is such a complex subject that to write a reliable introduction to it would require hundreds of pages ([8], pp. 334–551). Therefore, in the following paragraphs, only a few selected aspects of this ritual are briefly touched upon. This description is based more on anthropological sources reflecting actual ritual performance ([5], pp. 518–523; [7, 9]; [13], pp. 138–149; [17], pp. 191–222; [24], pp. 156–192) than on normative texts ([1]; [4], pp. 147–166; [19], pp. 119–159). Ancestral Rituals Following a Funeral Ritual activity directed toward the deceased person starts immediately after the funeral (antyeṣṭi). All ancestral rites are based on the common belief that during cremation a special kind of spirit called a preta (literally “departed,” but often translated as “hungry ghost”) leaves the body. The goal of every preta is to reach the heavenly realm where ancestors dwell and join their ranks. However, a preta cannot make the long journey and reunite with its forebears by its own power; it must therefore fully rely on the ritual activity of relatives. Properly performed rituals have to fulfill two tasks. First, a preta is initially bodiless, so a subtle body in which it can journey to the ancestral world must be built. Second, a preta requires constant nourishment, so it must be provided with both food and water. But this is not an easy task, for the extreme heat of the funeral pyre renders the preta starved and thirsty. Moreover, this “hungry ghost” has a small mouth (according to popular ideas, about the size of a needlepoint), which makes eating and drinking difficult. Thus, the constant suffering of a preta is often manifested in harmful and malicious deeds committed against the bereaved family, especially if the deceased has an unsettled dispute with a family member. Śrāddha 1521 Special offering balls called piṇḍa are sacrificed to build a body for the preta and to feed it. The size and composition of these balls vary across communities and regions. Most often they are the size of a tennis ball, but they can also be smaller. They are typically made from a mixture of rice flour, water, and ghee, but other flours are also used and various ingredients may be added, especially sesame seeds. According to textual tradition, one piṇḍa should be sacrificed daily for ten days, along with an increasing number of bowls of water (on the first day one bowl is offered and on every subsequent day another bowl is added, until the tenth day when ten bowls are offered). A piṇḍa is always broken up into four parts, one of which is offered to the god of death, Yama; the second serves as food for the preta; and the other two parts are used to gradually build a body for the preta. Today this prescribed procedure is only observed in rich, devout families, as it requires both time and money. In general contemporary practice, the ten piṇḍas are sacrificed either over the course of ten days (on the third day, three piṇḍas are sacrificed; on the seventh, four; and on the tenth, three, [17], p. 285), or, probably most commonly, all at once on the tenth day. If the ritual is condensed and conducted in a single day, the tenth one, a preta’s thirst must still be quenched over the ten-day period. The main mourner (typically the eldest son of the deceased person) hangs a pot filled with water on a tree near a river or a temple water tank and makes a minute hole in the bottom of the pot so water can slowly drip out. A preta, with its tiny mouth, can thus slake its thirst. The pot needs to be refilled every day. Sometimes two pots are hung on a tree: the second acts as an oil lamp showing the preta the way to its final destination. On the tenth day, both pots are ritually broken. The next day, several other rituals are performed, culminating in the ceremonial feast of 11 Brahmans. the bond of kinship”) takes place. Its purpose is to ensure that the preta successfully joins its ancestors and thus completes its journey. According to early Vedic texts, the journey to the ancestral world takes a whole year. However, tending the spirit of the deceased and observing all related restrictions (stemming from the ritual impurity of the bereaved family) for an entire year put such great demands on the main mourner that the needs of practical life took priority over doctrine. Thus, many medieval texts allow for this ritual to take place on the twelfth day. In some ways Hindu ritual tradition is very flexible, especially if changes can be explained through reasoning. In Hindu ritual theory, different units of time are commonly homologized; therefore, 12 months can easily become 12 days. The ritual itself is very complicated and runs from the afternoon until the late evening [10]. It centers around mixing the contents of four vessels and of four piṇḍa balls. One vessel (containing water, sandalwood, and sesame) represents the preta and the other three vessels stand for three generations of ancestors (the father, grandfather, and great-grandfather). The contents of the preta vessel is gradually mixed and finally merged with the three ancestral vessels. The same process is done with the four piṇḍas, one representing the spirit of the deceased and the others representing the three ancestors. The preta’s ball is divided into three parts and mixed with the ancestors’ piṇḍas. At this moment, the preta finally enters the world of the ancestors. The success of the ritual can be verified: One piṇḍa is offered to crows. If the birds eat it, everything is fine. Rejection, however, is an inauspicious sign indicating that an error was made during the ritual. The day is finished with a great feast, where, beside all relatives, friends, and neighbors, present Brahmans must be ritually fed; they also receive various gifts. Sapindı̄karana Śrāddha ˙˙ ˙ Ekoddista Śrāddha ˙˙ Intense ritual activity ends on the twelfth day after the funeral, when a key ritual called sapiṇḍīkaraṇa śrāddha (“śrāddha that creates It may seem that once a preta has transformed into an ancestor and joined its forebears, relatives might stop performing rituals for the dead; they S Śrāddha 1522 do not do so, however. Even though a preta is ritually connected with its ancestors on the twelfth day after death, the old Vedic idea that the journey to the ancestral world lasts 12 months has always been somehow present in the consciousness of Hindu ritualists. Therefore, care for a preta must last for a full year. A special type of śrāddha, called ekoddiṣṭa (“directed toward one person”), exists for this task. Ekoddiṣṭa śrāddha is performed every month on the date of the death of the deceased, and the main responsibility for its performance lies again with the chief mourner. The key element of this ritual, just as in all other śrāddhas, is the offering of piṇḍa balls. On the first anniversary of the death, when the last of the monthly ekoddiṣṭa śrāddhas is performed, the family of the deceased person organizes a great feast to which many guests are invited. This event also serves as a last farewell to the deceased for extended family, friends, and neighbors. After this feast, the main mourner should perform ekoddiṣṭa śrāddha yearly on the anniversary of the death of the deceased for the rest of his life. Other Śrāddhas Hindus believe that their closest ancestors will prosper in the heavenly realm only if ritual activities are performed for them. Thus, another kind of śrāddha exists, called pārvaṇa, meaning “performed on parvan days” ([8], pp. 485–513). Parvans are particular days in the Hindu lunar month, but in practice this ritual is performed on the new moon. Its function is to feed the father, paternal grandfather, and paternal greatgrandfather by offering piṇḍa balls. Pārvaṇa śrāddha is also important within Hindu ritual theory because it is the model on which all other kinds of śrāddha are based. Another śrāddha, called ābhyudayika (“granting prosperity”) or vṛddhi (“[giving] increase”), is not performed regularly, but before various family celebrations, such as births and weddings ([8], pp. 525–529). Its purpose is to commemorate ancestors and secure their favor. There are several other śrāddhas, usually named after the occasion on which they are performed. Almost all are domestic rituals, with the important exception of tīrtha śrāddha (“śrāddha [performed] at a pilgrimage place”), a very popular ancestral rite, which should be performed at particular Hindu pilgrimage sites ([2], pp. 163–166; [3], pp. 74–75), ideally in Gayā [21]. Conclusion This brief description of various kinds of śrāddha, in which several important related subjects have been omitted (for example, the question of ritual impurity [14, 16] and accompanying rituals, such as nārāyaṇabali [11]), must not be understood as an account of norms followed by all Hindus. The Hindu ritual world is extremely diverse, and ancestor rites are no exception; they differ in form from community to community. The complex system of śrāddhas is more widely followed by upper-caste Hindus, particularly Brahmans, whereas low-caste and scheduled-caste (Dalit) Hindus usually perform rather simplified versions of Brahmanical ancestral rites. On the other hand, the latter often have their own rituals related to ancestors and the spirits of the deceased that are unknown in Hindu textual sources [15, 18, 25]. Finally, it should be mentioned that the very presence of śrāddha in the Hindu ritual world is paradoxical. Hindu ancestral rites are inherited from Vedic religion, in which deceased ancestors need to be cared for in keeping with Vedic eschatological ideas: after death, people travel to the heavenly ancestral realm, where they depend on the ritual activity of their relatives. Hindu eschatology, however, differs completely: after death the soul is reborn, either immediately, or after a period spent in heaven or in one of many hells. How can this reincarnation model be reconciled with the concept of the ancestral world [12]? The answer is simple: it cannot. Several medieval Śrāddha Hindu authors tried to explain this apparent discrepancy between ritual practice and eschatological notions, but, predictably, they failed ([8], pp. 335–339). The existence of śrāddha in Hindu ritual practice thus demonstrates the strong conservative character of the Indian ritual milieu. Old rituals can persist here, even though the religious ideas to which they were initially connected have disappeared and been replaced by new notions in which these old rituals theoretically have no place. 1523 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. Cross-References ▶ Antyeṣṭi ▶ Ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Burial (Hinduism) ▶ Death (Hinduism) ▶ Demon (Hinduism) ▶ Kāla ▶ Mokṣa ▶ Possession (Hinduism) ▶ Rebirth (Hinduism) ▶ Sons (Hinduism) ▶ Yama References 1. Caland W (1893) Altindischer Ahnecult: Das Çrāddha nach den verschiedenen Schulen mit Benutzung handschriftlicher Quellen dargestellt. Brill, Leiden 2. Eck D (2012) India: a sacred geography. Harmony Books, New York 3. Feldhaus A (1995) Water and womanhood: religious meanings of rivers in Maharashtra. Oxford University Press, New York/Oxford 4. Filippi GG (1996) Mṛtyu: concept of death in Indian tradition: transformation of the body and funeral rites. D. K. Printworld, New Delhi 5. Freed RS, Freed SA (1980) Rites of passage in Shanti Nagar. American Museum of Natural History, New York 6. The Garuḍa-Purāṇa (1978–80) 3 vols. Ancient Indian tradition and mythology, vols. 12–14. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 7. Gutschow N, Michales A (2005) Handling death: the dynamics of death and ancestor rituals among the 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. Newars of Bhaktapur, Nepal. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden Kane PV (1991) History of Dharmaśāstra: ancient and mediæval religious and civil law, vol 4, 3rd edn. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona Kaushik M (1976) The symbolic representation of death. Contrib Indian Sociol 10:265–292 Knipe DM (1977) Sapiṇḍīkaraṇa: the Hindu rite of entry into heaven. In: Reynolds FE, Waugh EH (eds) Religious encounters with death: insights from the history and anthropology of religion. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park Krick H (1977) Nārāyaṇabali und Opfertod. Wien Z Kunde Südasiens 21:71–142 Krishan Y (1985) The doctrine of karma and śrāddhas. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 66:97–115 Michaels A (2004) Hinduism: past and present. Princeton University Press, Princeton/Oxford Mines DP (1989) Hindu periods of death ‘impurity’. Contrib Indian Sociol 23:103–130 Nabokov I (2003) A funeral to part with the living: a Tamil countersorcery ritual. In: Wilson L (ed) The living and the dead: social dimensions of death in South Asian religions. State University of New York Press, Albany Nicholas RW (1981) Śrāddha, impurity, and relations between the living and the dead. Contrib Indian Sociol 15:367–379 Parry PJ (1994) Death in Banaras. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Randeria S (1999) Mourning, mortuary exchange and memorialization: the creation of local communities among Dalits in Gujarat. In: Schömbucher E, Zoller CP (eds) Ways of dying: death and its meanings in South Asia. Manohar, New Delhi Saindon M (2000) Cérémonies funéraires et postfunéraires en Inde: la tradition derrière les rites. Les Presses de l’Université Laval/L’Harmattan, SainteFoy (Québec)/Paris Sayers MR (2013) Feeding the dead: ancestor worship in ancient India. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York Sayers MR (2016) Early Gayā: the emergence of tīrthaśrāddha. Relig South Asia 10:5–26 Sayers MR (2018) Funeral and ancestral offerings: antyeṣṭi, śrāddha. In: Olivelle P, Davis DR (eds) Hindu law: a new history of Dharmaśāstra. Oxford University Press, Oxford Shastri DR (1963) Origin and development of the rituals of ancestor worship in India. Bookland, Calcutta Stevenson S (1920) The rites of the twice-born. Oxford University Press, London Uchiyamada Y (2000) Passions in the landscape: ancestors spirits and land reforms in Kerala, India. South Asia Res 20:63–84 S Jeffery D. Long • Rita D. Sherma • Pankaj Jain • Madhu Khanna Editors Hinduism and Tribal Religions With 48 Figures and 32 Tables Editors Rita D. Sherma Jeffery D. Long Department of Religion and Asian Studies The Graduate Theological Union Berkeley, CA, USA Elizabethtown College Elizabethtown, PA, USA Pankaj Jain Department of Humanities & Languages Philosophy & Religious Studies The India Centre FLAME University Pune, India Madhu Khanna Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations Jamia Millia Islamia New Delhi, India ISSN 2542-7628 ISSN 2542-7636 (electronic) ISBN 978-94-024-1187-4 ISBN 978-94-024-1188-1 (eBook) ISBN 978-94-024-1189-8 (print and electronic bundle) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1 © Springer Nature B.V. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature B.V. The registered company address is: Van Godewijckstraat 30, 3311 GX Dordrecht, The Netherlands