The Syriac Bible In Central Asia

THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA THE SYRIAc BIBLE IN CENTRi AsIA* Mx DIcIKEN5 Scl-iooL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRIcAN STuDIEs BRIEF HISTORY OF CHRIsTIANrn IN CENTRAL AsIA We hear of Christians in Central Asia as early as Bardaisan’s Book of the Laws of Countries (Ca. 196), which refers to them amongst the Beth Qashanaye, the Kushans who ruled in Bactria (modern-day Northern Afghanistan).2 The Sjnodicon Orienta/e, the synod record of the Church of the East, mentions Bishops of Merv (modern-day Turkmenistan) and Herat (modern-day Afghanistan) in 424 and Metropolitans for both cities in 554 and 585, respectively.3 Around the same time, ca. 550, the East Svriac Biographj of Mar Aba describes the appointment of a Bishop for the Hephthalite Runs in This article is based on a talk given at the fifth C’hristiani’ in Iraq conference (April 5, 2008). I would like to acknowledge the input I received from Pier Giorgio Borbone (University of Pisa); Sam Lieu (Macquarie University, Sydney); Alexei Savchenko (East Sogdian Archaeological Expedition, Kiev); Nicholas Sims-Williams (SOAS) and Peter Zieme (Turfanforschung, Berlin) in preparing this article. I For a more in-depth treatment of the subject, see I. Giliman and H.-J. Klimkeit, christians in Asia before 1500 (Ann Arbor: 1999) 205-62. Helpful summaries can be found in E. Hunter, ‘Christianity in Central Asia and the Near East.’ Enclopedia ofLanguage and Linguistics, 2 ed., Vol. 2 (Oxford: 2006) 392-4 and N. Sims-Williams, Christianit, iii. In Central Asia and Chinese Turkestan.’ Enclopaedia Imnica, Vol. 5 (1992) 530-4. 2 H. J. W. Drijvers, ed./tr., The Book of the Laws of Countries: Dialogue on Fate of Bardaisan of Edessa. Semitic Texts with Translations 3 (Assen: 1965) 61. 3 J.-B. Chabot, ed./tr., Sjnodicon Or/en/ale on Rscueil de Sjnodes Nestoriens. Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale et autres bibliotheques 27 (Paris: 1902) 285, 366-7, 423. * 93 Bactria. Shortly after, Theophylact Simocatta (ca. 630) relates how Christians (perhaps Sogdians or Hephthalites?) advised Central Asian Turks to tattoo the foreheads of their children with crosses in order to avoid the plague, a fact which was discovered when these Turks were captured by the Romans in 591. The most important cities in the region between the Oxus and Jaxartes rivers (the Amu Darya and Syr Darya in Persian), known as Transoxiana to the Greeks and Mawara’l-nahr to the Arabs, were Bukhara and Samarkand (both in modern-day Uzbekistan). Two so-called ‘Nestorian’6 writers, Ibn at-Tavyib (d. 1043) and ‘Abdisho bar Berikha (1290), recount different traditions concerning the elevation of Samarkand to a Metropolitanate, which apparently occurred sometime between the 6th and 8th centuries and was certainly well established by the Patriarchate of Theodosius (853-8), who mentions the city in a list of Metropolitans of the Church of the East. Coins with crosses from the 7tit and 8th centuries discovered around Bukhara and Tashkent indicate the presence of Christian rulers in the area at this time.8 From about the same time, we read in the East Syriac Khuistan Chronicle (Ca. 660-80) of the conversion of a Turkic minor ruler and his army ca. 644 by Eliva, Metropolitan of Merv, involving a ‘power encounter’ with 4 A. Mingana, ‘The Early Spread of Christianity in Central Asia and the Far East: A New Document.’ Bulletin of the John RjIands Libra 9/2 (1925) 304-5. M. Whitb and M. Whitby, tr,, The Histoy of Theophj’lact Sirnocatta (Oxford: 1986) 146-7. 6 This term is used merely to avoid the awkward adjectival use of ‘Church of the East’ and has no connotations of heresy. Ibn a-Tavvib, in W. Hoenerbach, and 0. Spies, tr., Ibn at an-Nasränya: (?Das Recht der Christenheit I Translatioti. CSCO Fiqh Taiyib, 162, Arabic 17 (bouvain: 1956) 123, describes the creation of the Metropolitanate of Samarkand as taking place during the Patriarchate of Isho’yahb, referring either to Isho’yahb I (582-96), Isho’vahb 11(626-46) or Isho’yahb III (650-58). ‘Abdisho bar Berikha, in A. Mai, ed./tr., Scrztorum reterum noza collectio e va/icanis codicibus edita ab AZI., Vol. X (Rome: 1838) 141-2, 146, dates it to the Patriarchate of Saliba-Zakha (‘1428), and reproduces Theodosius’ list of Metropolitanates. 8 A. Naymark, ‘Christians in Pre-Islamic Bukhara. Numismatic Evidence.’ In: Annual Central Eurasian Studies Conference. Abstracts of Papers 1994-1996, ed.J. Elverskog and A. Naymark (Bloomington: 1996) 11-13. DICKENS THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA shamanistic weather magic.9 Alongside these ‘Nestorians,’ the Left of the Me/kite Patriarch of Antioch Christopher (d. 967) relates that Melkite (Greek Orthodox) Christians were transported to Tashkent by Caliph al-Manur in 762, beginning a presence there that continued on at least till the 14th century. The Armenian king and historian Het’um II (d. 1307) mentions Sogdian Christians living in Chorasmia (Khwarezm) who conducted church services in Greek, undoubtedly referring to these Melkites.10 The famous Chinese-Syriac Xi’an Stele (dedicated in 781) describes its donation by the priest and Chorepiscopus Yazdbozid, son of Milis, a priest of Balkh in Tocharistan (modern-day Northern Afghanistan).11 This occurred around the same time that two letters of Timothy I, Patriarch of the Church of the East (780823) mention the conversion in 782/83 of an unidentified king of the Turks and his people and the subsequent appointment of a Metropolitan for the Turks in 792/93.12 It is likely that these Turks were the Qarluqs, who controlled the steppe area north of the Samanid Persian realm located in Mawara’l_nahr.13 The Muslim polymath Biruni (ca. 1000) mentions festivals of Christians (both Nestorians and Melkites) in Khwarezm, south east of the Aral Sea (modern-day Uzbekistan)14 and the Syriac historians Bar Hebraeus (1286) and Man Ibn Sulayman (1214) both describe the conversion of 200,000 Kerait Turks in 1007/08 after their king experienced a vision while lost hunting in the mountains, probably somewhere in modern-day Mongolia.15 In the following century, according to Amr ibn Mattai (ca. 1350), the Patriarch Eliya III (1176-90) consecrated two consecutive Metropolitans for Kashghar (modern-day Chinese Turkistan), Yulannan Gohn and Sabrisho.16 Numerous sources (Syriac, Arabic, Persian, and Latin) attest to the presence of Turkic and Mongol Christians in the Mongol Empire (13th14th centuries), including many in positions of major influence, such as Sorqaqtani, mother of Kublai Khan, and Doquz Khatun, wife of Hulegu, the Mongol conqueror of Persia.1’ The Syriac History of Mar Yahballaha (ca. 1320) describes the journey of the Turkic Ongut monks Rabban Sauma and Marqos from China to the Middle East, where Marqos later became the first and only Turkic Patriarch of the Church of the East, Yahballaha III (12811317).18 The last references (both Syriac and Latin) to Christianity in Central Asia are from the late 14th century, shortly after the rulers in various parts of the Mongol Empire (specifically the Il-khanate, the Golden Horde and the Chaghatay Khanate) converted to Islam and the Mongol Yuan Dynasty in China adopted Buddhism. See E. Hunter, ‘The Conversion of the Kerait to Christianity in A,D. 1007,’ Zentralasiatische Studien 22 (1989-91) 159-60 and Mingana (1925) 305-6, 1O The history of these Central Asian Melkites is addressed in J. Dauvillier, ‘Byzantins d’Asie centrale et d’Extrêrne-Orient au moyen Age.’ Revue des Etudes Byantines 11(1953) 62-87, J. Nasrallah, ‘L’Eglise meichite en Iraq, en Perse et dans l’Asie centrale.’ Proche Orient Chrétien 26 (1976) 16-33, 319-53 and W. Klein, ‘Das Orthodoxe Katholikat von Romagyris in Zentralasien.’ Parole de l’Orient24 (1999) 235-65. II P. Saeki, The Nestorian Documents and Relics in china, 2nd ed. (Tokyo: 1951) 68. 12 Mingana (1925) 306. He is mistaken in stating that the letter was written in 781. The dates for all of Timothy’s extant letters have been subsequently established by R, Bidawid, Les lettres du pafriarche nestorien Timothéel. Studi e Testi 18” (Vatican City: 1956). 13 M. Dickens, ‘Patriarch Timothy I and the Metropolitan of the Turks.’ Journal of the Rya/Asiatic Sociej (in press). 14 E. Sachau tr., The Chronology ofAncient Nations (London: 1879) 282-313. 15 See the discussion of this conversion in Hunter (1989-91) and Mingana (1925) 308-11. 16 E. Gismondi, ed./tr., Mans Amni et Slibae. Dc Patniarchis Nestonianorum. Commentania, Pars Altera (Amni et Slibae) (Rome: 1896-7) 64 (Latin tr.). 1 For an excellent overview of this era, see C. Baumer, The church of the East: An Illustrated History ofAsyrian C’hristianiy (London and New York: 2006) 195-233. 18 For translations see, J. Montgomery, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestonian Patriarch, and of his Vicar Bar Sauma (New York: 1927) and E. Budge, The Monks ofKiibldi Khán, Emperor of China (London: 1928). See also the discussion in P. Borbone, ‘Some Aspects of Turco-Mongol Christianity in the Light of Literary and Epigraphic Syriac Sources.’ Journal ofAsynian Academic Studies 19 (2005) 2, 5-20. 94 95 96 LANGUAGES CHRIsTIANs THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA DICKENS AND SCRIPTS OF CENmAL ASIAN Due to its geographical location, Central Asia has always been a linguistic, cultural and religious meeting place. Over the centuries, Iranian-speakers from the south have mixed with Turkic-speakers from the north, a fact that is reflected in the languages used by Christians in Central Asia. Although early missionaries from the Persian Church (the Church of the East) who went to Central Asia and China were undoubtedly fluent in both Middle Persian and Syriac, the faith was subsequently spread by residents of Central Asia itself, initially the Sogdians, who were inveterate traders along the Silk Road, and later the Turks, encompassing both nomadic and settled elements. Based on extant texts and inscriptions, we know that Christians in Central Asia used at least six languages, all of which employed alphabets ultimately derived from Aramaic: Syriac, Middle Persian, Sogdian, New Persian, Old Uyghur and ngüt Turkic.’9 Syriac was, of course, the liturgical language of the Church of the East, but it was probably not used widely outside of the liturgy, except in the early days by native-speakers amongst the clergy and the monks. Later on, as the native Syriac-speaking element in the Christian population declined, the communities were dominated by non-Syriac speakers, so the use of Syriac was eventually confined to liturgical usage. Extant Syriac manuscripts and inscriptions from Central Asia are written primarily in the Estrangela script, although East Syriac (Nestorian) vocalization is used in places. Middle Persian (or Pahiavi) was the language of the Persian Sassanid Empire. Thus it was the lingua franca of most of the Persian Christians, members of the Church of the East, who initially evangelized Central Asia and China. However, Middle Persian could not compete with the Sogdian language in Central Asia, so it was probably not used outside of religious contexts 19 On the Aramaic origins of these alphabets, see 0. Skjaervo, ‘Aramaic Scripts for Iranian Languages.’ In: The ltorld’i Wi*in,g lystems, ed. P. T. Daniels and W. Bright (New York: 1996) 515-35 and G. Kara, 3 stems, ed. ‘Aramaic Scripts for Altaic Languages.’ In: The World’s Writing S P. T. Daniels and W. Bright (New York: 1996) 537-58. 97 (both Zoroastrian and Christian) and was eventually replaced completely by Sogdian and Uyghur Turkic. Middle Persian was written in both Book Pahlavi script and Pahlavi Psalter script; the latter was a variation of the former which the Christians used and which is known from the invaluable extant folios of a Pahlavi Psalter found in Turfan, China and discussed below.20 Sogdian was an Eastern Middle Iranian language spoken in Sogdiana (modern-day Uzbekistan). It was the lingua franca of much of the Silk Road from Persia to China, due to the crucial role that the Sogdians played in the conduct of trade along this vital commercial corridor. However, after the Arab conquest of Central Asia, particularly during the 9th century, Sogdian was gradually supplanted by New Persian amongst the Iranian-speakers of Central Asia. Sogdian was written in three scripts: the native Sogdian script; a modified Syriac script used by the Christians (with 3 extra letters for Sogdian sounds not found in Syriac) and the Manichaean script. There are Christian texts in both the Syriac script and the Sogdian script.21 New Persian is the Iranian language that evolved out of Middle Persian beginning in the 9th century. It is essentially the same as modern Persian and is written in a Persian version of the Arabic script, but Christians who used this language in Central Asia initially used a modified Syriac script, similar to that used for many Christian Sogdian texts. Old Uyghur22 was an important dialect of Old Turkic spoken in Central Asia up until the Mongol era. It was initially written in the runic Old Turkic script, but no Christian texts or inscriptions have been found in this script, so we have no idea if Christians ever used it. It was later written in several scripts, including the Uyghur script (adapted from the Sogdian script), a modified Syriac script (again, similar to that used for many Christian Sogdian texts) and the Manichaean script. Parallel to the 20 On Middle Persian, see W. Sundermann, ‘Mittelpersisch.’ In: Compendium Lmguariim Iranicarum, ed. R. Schmitt (\Viesbaden: 1989) 1 3864. 21 On Sogdian, see N. Sims-Williams, ‘Sogdian.’ In: Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum, ed. R. Schmitt (Wiesbaden: 1989) 173-92. 22 So named to distinguish it from the Modern Uyghur language spoken in Xinjiang, China. 98 DICKENS situation with Sogdian, there are Christian texts in both the Syriac script and the Uyghur script.23 Ongut Turkic was a dialect of Old Turkic spoken in what is now Inner Mongolia. It was written in the same modified Svriac script that was used for Christian texts in Old Uyghur, reflecting the fact that for some time the Ongüt Turks were openly Christian. It is only preserved in Christian gravestone inscriptions; no Christian Ongüt manuscripts have been found to date.24 The process of linguistic change in the Christian communities in Central Asia is particularly evident from analysis of the Christian manuscripts discovered at the monastery of Bulaylq near Turfan, as summarized by Nicholas Sims-Williams (emphasis mine): “Syriac was always maintained as the primary language of the liturgy, the languages of the local people being admitted into liturgical use only for particular parts of the service such as hymns, psalms, and Bible readings... The Pahlavi Psalter found at BulayIq may be seen as an import from the motherchurch in Iran and the use of Middle Persian for the vernacular parts of the liturgy as a feature of the earliest period in the history of the Christian community in the Turfan oasis, before Sogdian was raised to the status of a church language... The writers and readers of the Christian Sogdian manuscripts may in many cases have been Turkish speakers. During the final phase of the monastery’s existence... [Uyghur] Turkish was probably the principal language of day-to-day business, although Sogdian evidently retained a place beside Svriac as a language of literature and liturgy.”2 23 On Old Turkic, see M. Erdal, ‘Old Turkic.’ In: The Turkic Languages, ed. L.Johanson and E. A. Csató (London: 1998) 138-5’, 24 The gravestones have been documented most recently by T. Halbertsma, Eaiy Christian Remains of Inner Mongolia: Discovey, Reconstruction and Appropriation. Sinica Leidensia 88 (Leiden: 2008). 29 N. Sims-Williams, ‘Sogdian and Turkish Christians in the Turfan and Tun-huang Manuscripts.’ In: Tuifan and Tun-huang, the Texts: Encounter of Civiliations on the Silk Route. Orientalia Venetiana IV, ed. A. Cadonna Firenze: 1992) 49-51, 54. THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA 99 ROLE OF BIBLIcAL ExEGEsIs IN CENTRAL ASIA The traditions of biblical interpretation and exposition were fully developed in Central Asia. There are several biblical exegetes and expositors connected with Central Asia, many of whom are referred to by the Syriac title mpha!qdnd, meaning “instructor, expositor, commentator, interpreter, and translator.”20 Perhaps the most famous is Isho’dad of Merv (ca. 850), one of most important biblical exegetes in the Church of the East.2 Other important Central Asian exegetes mentioned are Theodore of Merv (ca. 540) and Eliya of Merv (ca. 660),28 as well as the author of the 10th century Gannat Bussdmi ‘Garden of Delights,’ a voluminous commentary on the lessons appointed to be read in the East Syriac liturgy. Although the work itself makes no reference to Central Asia, the East Syriac writer ‘Abdisho bar Berikha (ca. 1318) calls its author “the Interpreter of the Turks,” probably referring to an ethnic Turk living in Persia.29 In addition to these literary references, we also have epigraphic references to others in the Central Asian church who were involved in teaching and explaining the Scriptures. Thus, one of the Svriac inscriptions on the cliffs above Urgut, Uzbekistan (dating probably from the 8th or 9th century) mentions “the sinner the interpreter.” 30 Furthermore, gravestones with Nawruz Syriac inscriptions discovered in the Chu Valley, Kyrgyzstan (dating ... 20 J Payne Smith, A Compendious Sj’riac Dictionary, founded Ipon the Thesaurus Sjriacus of R. Pajne Smith (Oxford: 1903) 293. r On whom, see W. Wright, A Short Histo 9 of Sjiiac Literature (London: 1894) 220-1. 25 On whom, see Wright (1894) 119-20, 1 9-80. 29 J S. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Ciementino-T/aticana, Vol. III: 1 (Rome: 1725) 188. A less than satisfactory English translation is given by G. P. Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rüuals, Vol. II (London: 1852) 374. See also the discussion of the author’s identity in G. J. Reinink, Studien zurQuellen- und Traditionsgeschichte des Ei’angelienkommentars der Gannat Bussame. CSCO 414, Subsidia 57 (Louvain: 1979) 4-5 and G. J. Reinink, ed., Gannat Bussame I, Die Adventssonntage ‘Texi’. CSCO 501, Syriaca 211 (Louvain: 1988) vii-viii. 30 My reading is based on digital images supplied to me b Dr. Alexei Savchenko. M. Tardieu, ‘En site chrétien dans la Sogdiane des Sâmãnides.’ Le monde c/c Ia Bible 119 (1999) 40-2 reads the name as Itä Küröz, but the digital image does not support this reading. 100 DICKENS THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA from the 13th and 14th centuries) make numerous references to the following ecclesiastical positions: esku/aya (“scholar, scholasticus”); mdraidnd (“teacher, preacher”); maphdnn (“teacher, master”); mphaJqdnd (“interpreter, exegete”) 31 The gravestones also feature a Sogdian word in Syriac script: xufti/qu.(/i, xu!tarn/quftan4 “teacher (masc. and fern.).” This is a loan-word into the dialect of Turkic, the language spoken by those commemorated on the gravestones. Most fascinating is the fact that the feminine form of the word, xuitan//quftan4 occurs far more frequently than the masculine form. For many years, scholars thought that it was a variant form of the name Constance, but it seems to be a title, perhaps referring to a position in the church, although we have no other references to verify this supposition.32 little about the role that the Bible played in these Christian communities. The rich manuscript finds from the cities of Turfan, Dunhuang and Qara-khoto in western China have given scholars much more insight into that role. These discoveries were initially the result of several European archaeological expeditions to western China (East Turkistan or Xinjiang) in the early 20th century, but Chinese archaeologists have discovered further manuscripts and artifacts in each of these places since that tirne. Turfan was located at the heart of the Uyghur Kingdom of Qocho (ca. 860-1284). Four Prussian expeditions led by Albert Grünwedel and Alexander von le Coq (in 1902-3, 1904-5, 1905-7, and 1913-4) discovered manuscripts in 15 languages and 25 scripts, all now in the Turfanforschung Collection, housed in several locations in Berlin.34 Approximately 1100 fragments of Christian texts were discovered in the ruins of BulayIq in 1905, most dating from the 9thlOth centuries. Dunhuang was an important Buddhist centre to the east of Turfan, but its inhabitants also included “Turks who are Nestorian Christians,” according to Marco P010.36 A British expedition under Marc Aurel Stein in 1907 brought back numerous manuscripts and artifacts now kept in the British Library and the British Museum. A CHRIsTIAN MANUSCRIPTS FROM CENTRAl AsIA Although archaeological discoveries are extremely helpful in helping us to understand Central Asian Christianity, they reveal 31 The majority of this corpus is documented in D. Chwolson, ‘Sy risch-Nestorianische Grabinschriften aus Semirjetschie.’ Mémoires de lAcadémie imperiale des sciences de Si-Pétersboug, Ser. VII, vol. XXXVII (1890) and his later work Sricch-Nestoriaiiisc/e Grabinschriften aus Semijetschie. Neue Foige (St. Petersburg: 1897). See also the excellent coverage of this topic in W. Klein, Das nestorianische C’hrisientum an den Hande/swegen durch Kjtysian his zum 14. Jh. Silk Road Studies III (Turnhout: 2000). 32 F. Nau, ‘L’expansion nestorienne en Asic,’ Anna/es dii Musée Guime4 Bib/iotheque de vu.garisation 40 (1914) 336 suggested that it was the most common female name in the corpus. However, W. Sundermann, ‘Soghdisch *xwit’nc ,,Lehrerin”.’ Acta Orienta/ia Academiae Scienliarum Hun,garicae 48 (1995) 225-7 argues convincingly that this is a title, not a name. See also P. Zieme, ‘Die seltsamen Wanderwege des sogdischen Titels *xuItan ,,Lehrerin”.’ In: Turko/ogie für das 21. Jahrhundert. Veroffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica 70, ed. H. Fenz and P. Kappert (Wiesbaden: 2006b) 301-’. Two letters in the feminine form deserve comment: The initial letter is one of the three extra letters in the Sogdian version of the Syriac script, pronounced /x/ in Christian Sogdian and generally /q/ in Christian Turkic. The final letter, Syriac ,rade, is pronounced // in both Christian Sogdian and Christian Turkic, This use of the Aramaic letter /s/ for the sound // is the general practice in pre Islamic Iranian languages which use scripts based on Aramaic, since the former sound does not occur in Iranian languages and there is no Aramaic letter for //). 101 The story of these European expeditions to western China is told in P. Hopkirk, Foregn devils on the Silk Road: the searchfor the lost cities and treasures of Chinese CentralAsia (London: 1980). On the Prussian expeditions, see A. von le Coq, Auf He/las Spuren in Ostiurkistan: Berichte und Ahentener der II. und III. Deutschen Tufan Expedition (Leipzig: 1926), A. von le Coq, Buried Treasures of Chinese Turkesian: an Account of the Activities and Adventures of the Second and Third German Tufan Expeditions, tr. A. Barwell (London: 1928) and A. von le Coq, Von Land und Leuten in Ostturkistan: Berichte und Abenieuer der 4. Deutschen Tuzne4edition (Leipzig: 1928). 35 A good overview, albeit with some errors and omissions, can be found in J. Asmussen, ‘The Sogdian and Uighur-Turkish Christian Literature in Central Asia before the Real Rise of Islam: A Survey.’ In: Indo/o,gical and Buddhist Studies: Volume in Honour of Proftssor J. U5’ de Jong on his Sixtieth Birthdqy, ed. L. Hercus ci al (Canberra: 1982) 11-29. See also W. Hage, ‘Das Christentum in der Turfan-Oase.’ In: Sjnkretismus in den Rehgionen Zentralasiens, ed, W. Heissig and H.-J. Klimkeit (Wiesbaden: 198) 46-57 and N. Sims-Williams, ‘Christianity, iv. Christian Literature in Middle Iranian Languages.’ Enyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 5 (1992) 534-5. 36 R. Latham, tr., The Travels ofMarco Polo (London: 1958) 85. 3 102 DICKENS THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA separate French expedition led by Paul Peffiot in 1906-8 brought back more manuscripts, housed in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. A few Christian texts have been uncovered at Dunhuang, including some recently discovered by the Chinese, but nowhere near the quantity found at Turfan. Qara-khoto was an important centre of the Tanguts, amongst whom there were Christians during the Mongol era. A Russian expedition under Peter Kozlov in 1908-9 brought back numerous manuscripts currently kept in the Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Again, amongst the manuscripts discovered were a few Christian texts. other manuscripts)3 and a portion of the Office of Martyrs for the First Sunday, part of the St. Petersburg collection.4° The biblical texts so far identified are all from the Psalter, including certain Psalm-like passages that are from other biblical books, but which are included in the East Syriac Psalter.41 Syriac texts from Dunhuang include: Syriac Texts As noted above, most Syriac texts from Central Asia have been discovered in Turfan. These include approximately 400 Syriac manuscript fragments in Berlin and nearly 100 in St. Petersburg.v A few Syriac manuscript fragments have also been discovered by the Chinese in recent years in Dunhuang. Compared to the Christian texts in Iranian (Middle Persian, New Persian and Sogdian) and Turkic (Uyghur languages, little research has been done on the Syriac texts from Turfan,30 Thus, the exact contents of the overall corpus are still unclear, but most fragments seem to be liturgical texts or biblical texts. The liturgical texts include the earliest manuscripts of the East Syriac Uudrd (including several chants that do not appear to be extant in any The Syriac manuscripts in Berlin are summarized in ivi. Mardth, ‘Die syrischen Handschriften in der Turfan-Sammiung.’ 4gptee, orderasien, Tutjc-m: Pro b/erne der Edit/c,, tied Bearbeitung a/torienta/ischer 7 T Handsch?!/ien. Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur des alten Orients 23, ed. H. Klengel and W. Sundermann (Berlin: 1991) 126-8. Those in St. Petersburg are described in E. Meshcherskaya, ‘The Syriac fragments in the N,N. Krotkov Collection.’ Tufan, Khotan and Dunhuang. Bcrichtc und Abhandlungen, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften 1, ed. R. Emmerick etal(Berlin: 1996) 221-7. The Svriac, Christian Sogdian and Christian Turkic fragments from Berlin are currently being catalogued as part of an AHRC-funded research project, led by Dr. Erica Hunter, which is based in the Department for the Study of Religions, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 1. 103 Fragments of Gal. 3:7-10 and I Cor. 1:18-19, probably part of an East Syriac Easter liturgy, since the readings are typically used on Good Friday and Holy Saturday. The reading follows the Peshita text, with minor variants and is dated to the 13th or 14th centuries, during the 42 Mongol era. 9 W. F. Macomber, ‘A List of the Known Manuscripts of the Chaldean lludrã.’ Oriental/a Chris/inca Period/ca 36 (1970) 123-4. Only a few of these texts have been published: s T II B 7 No. la; T II B 26; T II B 55, published in E. Sachau, ‘Litteratur-BruchstOcke aus Chinesisch Turkis tan.’ Silungsberichte der Konzg/ich Preussischen Akademie der W/z:rsenschaften (1905) 964-”8 and Saeki (1951) 337-47. As Saeki (1951) 3345 notes, the fragments published by Sachau include hymns to be sung on Christmas Day, on the Feast Day commemorating St. Mary and on the Feast of the Sanctification of the Church. The fragments published in H. Engberding, ‘Fünf Blätter eines alten ostsyrischen Bitt- und Bussgottesdienstes aus Innerasien,’ Ostkirchliche Sludien 14 (1965) 121-48 have not yet been identified, since the author did not indicate their numbers. 40 N. Pigoulewskv, ‘Fragments svriaques et syro-turcs de Hara hoto et de Tourfan.’ Revue de l’Orient Chrétie,, 30 (1935-6) 3 1-9. 41 See P/ale 1. Sriac Psalter fragment, Turfan Collection. To date, in the process of cataloguing the Turfan Syriac fragments in Berlin, the following texts from the East Svriac Psalter have been identified: Psalm 22:8-26:3; 78:26-64; “9:9-80:12a; 84:3b-85:5; 89:46-47; 90:2; 95:910; 96:5-8; 119:32-49, 64-80; Exodus 15:15-21 (from the so-called First Song of Moses); Deuteronomy 32:31-40 (from the so-called Third Song of Moses); Isaiah 42:10-13; 45:8 (from the so-called Song of Isaiah). Thanks to Dr. David Taylor and Mr. Steven Ring for clarifying how these latter texts, sometimes called “canticles” or “odes,” fit into the Psalter in the East S riac tradition. How many separate copies of the Psalter are amongst the Turfan fragments is unclear, but there are at least three. 42 W. Klein and ,J. Tubach, ‘Em syrisch-christliches Fragment aus Dunhuang/China.’ Zeitschrifl der Deutschen Mo,en/dndischen Gesel/schaft 144 (1994) 1-13, 446 with subsequent commentary in H. Kaufhold, 104 DICKENS 2. Excerpts from the Syriac liturgical “Book of the Before and the After” containing quotations from the Psalms (Psa. 15, 17, 21, 23, 24, 25, 28), with an interlinear text in Uyghur script of Buddhist origin, also from the Mongol 43 era. Qara-khoto has yielded two Syriac prayer texts: 1. 2. A prayer of penitence pleading for rain after a drought, which includes a quotation from Psa. 51:4.44 A prayer for help, focusing on the suffering, death and resurrection of Christ.45 There are also two Syriac texts of uncertain provenance, either from Chinese Turkistan or China proper, which are either biblical or liturgical in nature: 1. 2. A book of Old Testament texts written in Beijing in 1725 from a copy dating back to 752/53 (now in the John Rylands Library) ,46 Fragments of the “Book of the Before and the After,” containing morning and evening Martyrs’ Anthems for several days of the week, including frequent quotations from the Psalms, Probably dating from the 13th century, it was located somewhere in Beijing in the 1920’s but its present whereabouts are unknown.4 ‘Anmerkungen zur Veroffentlichung eines syrischen Lektionarfragments.’ Zeitschriji c/er Deutschen MorgenIãidischen Gesellschaft 146 (1996) 49-60. B53:14 published in D. Qing, ‘Bericht über em neuentdecktes syrisches Dokument aus Dunhuang/China.’ Oriens Christianus 85 (2001) 84-93 and A. Yakup, ‘On the Interlinear Uyghur Poetry in the Newly Unearthed Nestorian Text,’ Splitter aus c/er Gegend von Tu/im: FestschrftJiir Peter Zieme anlaji’lich seines 60. Geburtstags, ed. M. Olmez and S-C. Raschmann (Istanbul-Berlin: 2002) 409-17. Pigoulewsky (1935-6) 14-18, Pigoulewsky (1935-6) 18-21, 46 J F. Coakley, ‘A Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in the John Rylands Library.’ Bulletin ofthe John Rjlands Library 75 (1993) 120-3. “ W. Taylor, ‘Syriac MSS. found in Peking, Ca. 1925.’ Journal of the American Oriental Sociqy 61(1941) 91-7. THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA 105 Middle Persian and New Persian Texts John Chrysostom (ca. 347-ca. 407) and Theodoret (ca. 393-ca. 457) both make statements that imply that parts of the New Testament were translated into Persian at their time, in the late 4th and early 5th centuries. We know from statements in Syriac literature that hymns, discourses and liturgical texts were certainly translated from Syriac into Persian in the 5th century and were still in use in the 8th century. Unfortunately, none of these have survived, except some philosophical works and legal treatises translated from Persian back into Syriac. An important testimony to Middle Persian Christian literature is the fkand-gumdrn(g Wicir a 9th century Zoroastrian polemic against Jews and Christians which cites several Old Testament and New Testament verses in Middle Persian.4 However, undoubtedly the most significant find thus far is the Middle Persian Psalter from Turfan, the only extant Christian manuscript in Middle Persian.4 It represents the language at an intermediate stage between earlier Sassanid inscriptions and later Zoroastrian literature preserved after the Arab conquest. Indeed, the script is similar to Book Pahiavi script, but is actually an earlier form. The extant fragments contain most of Psa. 94-99, 118, 121136 (thus, most of the Songs of Ascent). The manuscript is not older than the 6th century, but the original text was probably significantiy older, perhaps 4th or 5t century. It is generally a literal translation of the Peshitta, including many Syriac loan-words, but it occasionally agrees more with the Hebrew text or the Greek Septuagint.5° 46 On the Bible in Middle Persian, see K. Thomas, ‘Bible, iii. Chronology of Translations of the Bible,’ Enfyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 4 (1990) 203-6 and S. Shaked, ‘Bible, iv. Middle Persian Translations of the Bible,’ Enclpaedia Iranica, Vol. 4 (1990) 206-7. Plate 2: Pahlavi Psalter fragment, Turfan Collection. 50 On the Psalter, see F. Andreas, ‘Bruchstücke einer Pehlewi Ubersetzung der Psalmen aus der Sassanidenzeit.’ Situngsberichte c/er Könglich Preussischen Akaclemie der Wissenschaflen (1910) 869-72 and F. Andreas and K. Barr, ‘Bruchstücke einer Pehlewi-Ubersetzung der Psalmen.’ Sitangsberichte c/er Preussischen Akademie c/er Wissenschaften (1933) 91-152. See also J. Asmussen, ‘The Pahiavi Psalm 122 in English.’ Dr J. vL Unuala Memorial Volume (Bombay: 1964) 123-6 and P. Gignoux, 1 ‘L’auteur de la version pehlevie du psautier serait-il nestorien?’ Memorial !4gr Gabriel Khouri-Sarkis 1898-1968 (Beirut: 1964) 233-44. ‘ DICKENS THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA The liturgical usage of Middle Persian in Turfan is surprising, since it was not widely used beyond the boundaries of the Persian Sassanid Empire. However, the fact that it was found so far to the east indicates that the language had a certain status for Central Asian Christians, even though it was probably not spoken by any of the monks at Turfan during the heyday of the Christian community there (9th..13th centuries). The Middle Persian origins of Central Asian Christianity are also evident in the use of the Pahlavi loan word tars4g “one who fears,” referring to Christians and used in Christian Sogdian manuscripts in the form tarsdk.51 Finally, there is an interlinear Syriac-New Persian Psalter fragment from Turfan which contains Psa. 146:5-147:7, according to the Peshitta numbering (equivalent to Psa. 147 in the English Bible). The Syriac lines are followed by a New Persian translation in modified Syriac script (with the extra letters used in Christian to the west of the Tien Shan Mountains which divide Chinese Central Asia from the former Soviet Central Asia. Almost all of the Christian texts can be dated to the 9th or 10th century. Many are translations of Syriac hagiographical texts or ascetical works, including some that go back to the Egyptian monastic tradition. Some, such as the Antirrheticus of Evagrius Ponticus, contain frequent biblical quotations.54 There are several Sogdian biblical texts of note from Turfan:55 106 Sogdian texts).52 Sogclian Texts There are approximately 500 Christian Sogdian manuscripts from Turfan in the modified Syriac script plus another 50 in Sogdian script, along with a handful from Dunhuang.53 However, no Christian Sogdian texts have been discovered in Sogdiana proper, 5’ The Syriac letter qoph was pronounced /k/ in Sogdian. On the term itself, see S. Pines, ‘The Iranian name for Christians and the ‘God-Fearers’.’ Proceedings of the Israel Acade#y of Sciences and Hnmanities II Gerusalem: 1968) 143-52. 52 T II B 57, T II B 64, discussed in F. W. K. Muller, ‘Em syrisch-neupersisches Psalmenbruchstück aus Chinesisch-Turkistan.’ Festschrifr Eduard Sachau, ed. G. Well (Berlin: 1915) 215-22, E. Benveniste, ‘Sur un fragment d’un psautier syro-persan.’ Jonrnal Asialique 230 (1938) 458-62 and W. Sundermann, ‘Einige Bemerkungen zum Syrisch Neupersischen Psalmenbruchstük aus Chinesisch-Turkistan.’ MemorialJean deMenasce, ed. P. Gignoux and A. Tafazzoli Louvain: 1974) 441-52. 5 On the Christian Sogdian manuscripts from Turfan, see N. Sims-Williams, ‘Die christlich-sogdischen Handschriften von BulayIq.’ Agypten, T/orderasien, Tufan. Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur des alten Orients 23, ed. H. Klengel and W. Sundermann (Berlin: 1991) 119-25, On those in Sogdian script, see C. Reck, ‘A Survey of the Christian Sogdian Fragments in Sogdian Script in the Berlin Turfan Collection.’ Controverses des chrltiens dans l’Iran sassarnde. Studia Iranica Cahier 36, ed. C. Jullien (Paris: 2008) 191-205. - 1. 107 Portions of a Gospel lectionarys6 with Syriac titles in red ink (i.e. rubrics) and Sogdian text in black ink, thus indicating the use of both languages in church services. The Syriac text is generally identical with the Peshita, but there are some textual variations. By contrast, the Sogdian text shows general dependence on the Peshita, but there are some traces of the Diatessaron and the Old Syriac version of the New Testament. In general, the readings are very close to East Syriac lectionaries from later manuscripts.5 C2 = n 41-42, 474-475, 477, The overall manuscript C2 has been published in 0. Hansen, ‘Berliner soghdische Texte II: Bruchstllcke der grol3en Sammelhandshrift C2.’ Akademie der Wissenschafren und der .tind der GeistesLñ’eratur in Main Jahrbuch, Abhandlungen Sozjalwissenschaflhichen Klasse 15 (1954) 821-918. A new and improved reconstruction of the manuscript has been published more recently by N. Sims-Williams, The Christian Sogdian Manuscrzt C2. Berliner Turfantexte XII (Berlin: 1985). On the Bible in Sogdian, see N. Sims-Wiffiams, ‘Bible, v. Sogdian Translations of the Bible.’ Enclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 4 (1990) 207. 5 CS. An edition and translation of this manuscript is currently underway. See Plate 3: Fragment from Christian Sogdian CS lectionary, Turfan Collection. v T II B 67 = a 151 r = Matthew 5:30-33; T II B 64 = n 212 John 1:19-27; T JIB 46 = a 201 r = = Luke 1:1-4; T II B 17 = n 149 r Gal. 3:25ff, published in F. ‘‘1. K. Muller, ‘Soghdische Texte I.’ Abhandlun,gen der Kornglich Preussischen Akademie der WissenschaJien. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 11(1912) 1-111 and discussed in F. C. Burkitt, The Religion of the Manichees (Cambridge: 1925) 119-25 and C. Peters, ‘Der Texte der soghdischen Evangelienbruchstllcke und das Problem der Peiitta.’ Oriens Christianus 33 (1936) 153-62. 108 THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA DICKENS Lectionary fragments with alternating Syriac and Sogdian 58 sentences. Fragments of a Sogdian Psalter, clearly translated from 3. the Peshita, in which the first verse of each Psalm is in both Syriac and Sogdian. Included in this manuscript is a Sogdian version of the Nicene Creed in Sogdian script.59 4. A fragment of Psa. 33 (probably from a Psalter), with the first phrase in Greek, but continued in Sogdian. Unlike other Christian Sogdian texts, it shows the influence of the Septuagint, as well as the Peshita. The translation was probably made in the Sogdian homeland, since Melkites were present there, but not in Turfan.60 However, despite these examples, it is unclear if any books of the Old or New Testament, apart from the Psalms, were ever translated into Sogdian as a whole. 2. Uyghur Turkic Texts Approximately 50 Christian Turkic manuscripts have been discovered from Turfan and a handful from Qara-khoto, in both Uyghur script and the modified Syriac script. Several of these date from the Mongol period. Although there are no biblical texts per se, there are various texts with biblical allusions and brief quotations which indicate the biblical foundation of the extant Turkic Christian literature: The story of the Three Magi, originating in the Syriac Protoevangelium Jacobi.61 1. T II B Y: see M. Schwartz, ‘Sogdian Fragments of the Book of Psalms.’ Altorientalische Forschungen 1 (1 9’4) 257-61. T II B 65, T III TVB, T Ii B 68, so15490 in Schwartz (1974). 60 T II B 66 = so12955, on which see W. Sundermann, ‘Byzanz und BulayIq.’ Iranian and Indo-European Studies: Memorial Volume of Otakar KIlma, ed. P. Vavrouiek (Praha: 1994) 25-8. T II B 29, published in F. W. K. Muller, ‘Uigurica 1.’ Abhandlungen der Konzglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschqften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, No. 11(1908) 5-10, C. MaA0B, flaMI’rxmcH ApeBHeTIopKc’coil flncbMetmocTrs, (MocKaa-AeomnrpaA: 1951) 131-8 and A. van Tongerloo, ‘Ecce Magi ab Oriente Venerunt.’ Philosophie-Philosophj Tolerance. Acta Orientalia Belgica VII, ed. A. Théodoridès (Brussels: 1992) 57-74. 58 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 109 Fragment of an oracle book or collection of apocryphal sayings, including a non-canonical quotation from Luke.62 A prayer booklet written in Syriac and Uyghur scripts (possibly used as a school exercise book), including a Syriac phrase probably taken down by dictation which may refer to Psa. 72:17,63 A wedding Blessing, with references to Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, Joshua and Samson.64 A text which expands on Psa. 68:5, speaking of God as “Mother to the motherless, Father to the fatherless.”05 A fragmentary text from Qara-khoto on the passion of Christ, referring to Jonah in the whale’s belly and Daniel in the lions’ den, probably translated from a Syriac original, due to the use of many Syriac loan_words.66 A small booklet from Qara-khoto containing exhortations to alms-giving, with a Uyghur paraphrase of Prov. 22:9 and a Syriac quotation from Matthew 10:42.6” 62 See Plate 4: Christian Uyghur fragment in Uyghur script with non-canonical saying from Luke [T II B 1 = U 3201 published in A. von le Coq, ‘Em christliches und em manichäisches Manuskriptfragment in Türkischer Sprache aus Turfan (Chinesisch-Turkistan).’ Situngsberichte der Konglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenscha,fien (1909) 1205-8. 63 T II B 41 = U 338, in P. Zieme, ‘Notes on a bilingual prayer book from Bulayik.’ Proceedings of the 2nd International C’onftrence ‘Research on the Church f the East in China and Central Asia,’ Salburg 1-6 June 2006. Collectanea Serica, ed. R. Malek and P. Hofrichter (in press). 64 See Plate 5: Christian Uyghur wedding blessing in Syriac script Kurutka 1857 = U 72641 published in P. Zieme, ‘Em [T III Hochzeitssegen Uigurischer Christen.’ Scholia: Beitrage ur Turkologie und Zentralasienkunde, ed. K. Röhrborn and H. Brands QX’iesbaden: 1981) 22132. 65 T II B 28 = U 4910, published in P. Zieme, ‘Zu den nestorianish-türkischen Turfantexten.’ Sprache, Geschichte und Kultur der altaischen Vflker: Protokollband der XII Tagzing der Permanent International Altaistic Coi/irence 1969 in Berlin. Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur des alten Orients 5, ed. G. Hazai and P. Zieme (Berlin: 1974) 663-4. 66 Pigoulewsky (1935-6) 21-31. 6’ P. Zieme, ‘A Cup of Cold Water: Folios of a Nestorian-Turkic Manuscript from Kharakhoto.’ Jingüao: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia. Collectanea Serica, ed. R. Malek and P. Hofrichter (Sankt Augustin: 2006) 341-45. 110 THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA DICKENS CHRISTIAN MANUSCRIPTS OTHER ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS AND In addition to the manuscripts found in Turfan, Dunhuang and Qara-khoto, there are several other manuscript and archaeological finds from Central Asia and Mongolia that shed further light on the role of the Bible in Central Asia. An ostracon (potsherd) was excavated at Penjikent (modern 68 day Tajikistan), dating from the late 7th or early 8th century. Originally part of a very large vessel, portions of Psalm I and 2 in Syriac were written in black ink on it. The text is the same as the Peshitta, but scribal errors indicate that it was taken down by dictation and the writer was a Sogdian-speaker, not a native Syriac speaker. It was probably an exercise for mastering the Syriac script and possibly may indicate the presence of a school attached to a Christian monastery. A funerary tile from Chifeng, Inner Mongolia, dated to 1253, has a vertical inscription painted in black ink, not engraved (like other Syriac gravestones from Central Asia and China).69 The deceased is described as Yawnan Gonas), head of the local government and commander of the auxiliary troops. Due to the location, Yawnan was probably an Ongut Turk. In addition to the cross and Uyghur Turkic inscription, there is a quotation from Psa. 34:6 in Syriac: “Look unto him [and] hope in him.” Quotations from Psa. 34:6 sometimes accompany an image of the cross in Syriac manuscripts, but this is the only use of this text on a gravestone, perhaps reflecting Syriac manuscripts used in Inner Mongolia at that time. The final relevant artifact is the so-called Gospel of Princess Sara, formerly located in Divarbekir and now in the Vaticanfo It is 6s A. V. Paykova, ‘The Syrian Ostracon from Panjikant.’ Le Musion 92 (1979) 159-69. P. Borbone, ‘Peshitta Psalm 34:6 from Syria to China.’ Tex4 Translation, and Tradition: Studies on the Peshitta and its Lee in the Syriac Tradition. Monographs of the Peshitta Institute Leiden 14, ed. W. van Peursen and B. ter Haar Romeny (Leiden: 2006) 1-10. -o Vat. Syr. 622, described in A. Scher, ‘Notice sur les manuscrits syriaques Ct arabes conserves a l’archevCchC chaldéen de Diarbékir.’ Journal Asiatique, Ser. X, Tom. X (1907) 334-5 and P. Borbone, ‘Princess Sara’s Gospel Book: A Syriac Manuscript Written in Inner Mongolia?’ Jingiiao: 111 a fine example of chrysography (gold ink on blue paper), dated to 1298. It is obviously a Gospel book intended for personal use; the colophon states that it was written for “Sara the believer.., sister of Giwargis (George)... king of the Onga)i (Ongüt).” Based on various factors, scholars have concluded that it was probably written in the IVIiddIe East, not Sara’s homeland of Inner Mongolia. Several factors probably influenced the commissioning of this precious book, including the fact that Mongol rule in the Middle East facilitated communication between the heartland of the Church of the East and the Ongut homeland. Moreover, it was written during when the Ongut Turk Yahballaha III was Patriarch of the Church of the East. The Buddhist custom of writing sutras in gold ink on blue paper may also have inspired Sara’s choice. Whether or not it ever reached the Princess in her Central Asian homeland is unknown. CONCLUSIONS Based on the testimony of Syriac literature from outside of Central Asia and Svriac manuscripts and inscriptions from within Central Asia, it is clear that the Bible played an important role in the life of Central Asian Christians, especially those involved in the monastic lifestyle. However, apart from the Turfan and Dunhuang fragments, manuscript evidence of the use of the Bible in Central Asia is fleeting. Biblical texts are largely preserved in liturgical contexts, including lectionaries; it is unclear whether or not the whole Syriac Bible was ever translated into Sogdian and Uyghur Turkic, although portions of the former and perhaps the latter were used for readings in church services. The exception is the Psalter, one of the most important parts of the Bible for those living a monastic lifestyle, as is evident from the extant Psalter fragments in Syriac, Middle Persian, Sogdian, and New Persian. Apart from these liturgical texts, the influence of the Bible on Central Asian Christianity can also be seen in some of the other texts found in Turfan and elsewhere, whether prayers, wedding blessings or texts of unclear purpose. In each of these, we can see The Church of the East in China and &nfral Asia. Collectanea Serica, ed. R. Malek and P. Hofrichter (Sankt Augustin: 2006) 34-8, 112 DICKENS biblical allusions, paraphrases and direct quotations, including innovative texts which extend the biblical quotation or supply noncanonical quotes from biblical authors. Even non-manuscript materials, such as the ostracon and funerarv tile, bear witness to the importance of the Syriac Bible in Central Asia, even for those whose mother tongue was Sogdian or one of the Turkic dialects of Central Asia. Finally, the beautiful Gospel prepared for Princess Sara in Mongolia gives us a glimpse into the role that Christianity played amongst the upper class in certain parts of Central Asia. As elsewhere in the history of the Church of the East, the Bible played a foundational role in the establishment and growth of the various Christian communities scattered across Central Asia, from modern-day Afghanistan to Mongolia. The evidence, fleeting as it is, clearly shows that Christianity in Central Asia was not merely a thin veneer over the animistic and shamanistic religious core of the Turkic peoples. There was sufficient spiritual vibrancy and knowledge within the community to support teachers and interpreters of Scripture. With the eventual demise of those th and early 15th centuries, the only 4 communities in the late 1 testimonies we have of their Christian faith are the sporadic archaeological artifacts, inscriptions and manuscripts that have survived the ravages of time and which still speak to us of the presence of a Syriac church, whose origins were in Mesopotamia, that once numbered Sogdians, Qarluqs, Uyghurs, Onguts and Mongols amongst its members. LISTING OF PLATES P/ate 1, Syriac Psalter fragment, Turfan Collection. P/ate 2. Pahiavi Psalter fragment, Turfan Collection. P/ate 3. Fragment from Christian Sogdian C5 lectionary, Turfan Collection. P/ate 4. Christian Uyghur fragment in Uyghur script with noncanonical saving from Luke, Turfan Collection. P/ate 5. Christian Uvghur wedding blessing in Syriac script, Turfan Collection. THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY Andreas, F. (1910). ‘Bruchstücke einer Pehlewi-Ubersetzung der Psalmen aus der Sassanidenzeit,’ Situngsberichte der Konig/ich Preussischen Akademie der JVissenschaften: 869-72. Andreas, F. and Barr, K. (1933). ‘Bruchstücke einer Pehlewi Ubersetzung der Psalmen,’ Situngsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: 91-152. Asmussen, J. (1982). ‘The Sogdian and Uighur-Turkish Christian Literature in Central Asia before the Real Rise of Islam: A Survey.’ In: Indo/ogica/ and Buddhist Studies: Volume in Honour ofProfessorJ. lT” de Jon,g on his Sixtieth Birthdaj, ed. L. Hercus et. aL Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies: 11-29. ‘The Pahlavi Psalm 122 in English.’ In: Dr J. M. Unva/a Memorial T/o/ume. Bombay: Kaikhusroo M. JamaspAsa: 123-6 Assemani, J. S. (1719-28). Bibliotheca Orienta/is C7ementino-Vaticana, 3 vols. in 4. Rome: Tvpis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide. Badger, G. (1852). The Nestorians and Their Rftua/s, 2 vols. London: Joseph Masters. Baumer, C. (2006). The Church of the East: An Illustrated Histoy of As.yrian Christianity, London and New York: I.B. Tauris. Benveniste, E. (1938). ‘Sur un fragment d’un psautier syro-persan,’ JournalAsiatique 230: 458-62. Bidawid, R. (1956). Les /etters dupatriarche nestorien Timothée. I. Studi e Testi 187. Vatican City: Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana. Borbone, P. (2006a). ‘Peshitta Psalm 34:6 from Syria to China.’ In: Text, Translation, and Tradition: Studies on the Peshitta and its Use in the Sjriac Tradition. Monographs of the Peshitta Institute Leiden 14, ed. W. van Peursen and R. ter Haar Romeny. Brill: 1-10. ‘Princess Sara’s Gospel Book: A Syriac Manuscript Written in Inner Mongolia?,’ In: Ji,igilao: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia. Collectanea Serica, ed. R. Malek and P. Hofrichter. Institut Monumenta Serica: 347-8. ‘Some Aspects of Turco-Mongol Christianity in the Light of Literary and Epigraphic Syriac Sources,’ Journa/ of Asiyrian Academic Studies 19:2: 5-20. 115 DICKENS THE SYRIAC BIBLE IN CENTRAL ASIA Budge, E. A. W., tr. (1928). The I.4onks of Ki2bldi Khdn, Emperor of China. London: Religious Tract Society. Burkitt, F. (1925). The Relzgioz of the Manichees. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Erdal, M. (1998). ‘Old Turkic.’ In: The Turkic Languages, ed. by L. Johanson and E. Csató. London: Routledge: 138-57. 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Akademie-Verlag: 661-8. MaA0B, C. (1951). flaM1ITHHKH ApeBHeT1opKcKoi FIHcbMeHH0cTH. MocKBa-AenrnlrpaA: I43AaTeACTBO AKaAesHH HayK CCCP. I PREsTER JOHN’S REALM: NEW LIGHT ON CHRISTIANITY BETWEEN I MERv AND TuRFAN ALEx]I SAvCHENKO SocIETy FOR THE ExPLoRATION OF CENTRAL AsIA AND vLRK DIcKENS SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES The question of the historical role of Nestorianism in Turkestan, and of the reasonsfor its complete disappearance belongs to the questions of main conceni for that part of the local intellectuals who take interest in the A more academic forozulation would of course countO s past become possible when all iiformation of the Oriental authors is collected, and when those places where, according to that information, Christiani once flourished are subjected to thorough studj in order to discover substantial new monuments. \Xilhelm Barthold (1 869—1 930), ‘More on Christianity in Central Asia” ... For centuries, Europeans were captivated by the figure of Prester John, the legendary Christian priest-king who supposedly ruled over vast stretches of Asia. The West eventuall3 realised that he never existed, but the fascination with Christianity far to the East of Europe remained and indeed was based on solid historical fact. As the quote from Barthold above points Out, the task of 1 V. V. Bartol’d, Rabopo otdeljmpivblemam istorii Srednçj Aii 2. Sochinenja (Moscow: 1964) 315.