A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo's Food Supplies and Urban Landscape

© 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 Mamluk Studies Volume 23 Edited by Stephan Conermann and Bethany J. Walker Editorial Board: Thomas Bauer (Münster, Germany), Albrecht Fuess (Marburg, Germany), Thomas Herzog (Bern, Switzerland), Konrad Hirschler (Berlin, Germany), Anna Paulina Lewicka (Warsaw, Poland), Linda Northrup (Toronto, Canada), Jo Van Steenbergen (Gent, Belgium) © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 Bethany J. Walker / Abdelkader Al Ghouz (eds.) Living with Nature and Things Contributions to a New Social History of the Middle Islamic Periods With 169 figures V&R unipress Bonn University Press © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available online: https://dnb.de. Publications of Bonn University Press are published by V&R unipress. Sponsored by the DFG-funded Annemarie Schimmel Institute for Advanced Study “History and Society during the Mamluk Era, 1250–1517”. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Theaterstraße 13, 37073 Göttingen, Germany All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. Cover image: © Bethany J. Walker Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISSN 2198-5375 ISBN 978-3-8470-1103-3 © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 Contents Editorial Introduction Bethany J. Walker Introduction: The Physical World as a Social World . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Part One – Contributions to Environmental History Section One – Socialized Landscapes Anthony T. Quickel A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gül Şen The Landscape of Southern Bilād al-Shām through the Eyes of the Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Cosmographer Āşık Mehmed . . . . . . . . . ˙ ˙ Christopher Braun Equipped with Shovels, Pickaxes, and Books: Treasure Hunters and Grave Robbers in Medieval Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 49 79 Section Two – Resource Management Hend El Sayed Reassessing the Building Craze in Mamluk Cairo: Meeting the Demand of Building Material . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Stefan Peychev Water and the City: Ottoman Sofia in the Early Modern Period . . . . . . 139 Chiara Corbino Animal Husbandry and Landscape Exploitation in Mamluk Southern Bilād-Shām: The Evidence from Tall Hisban . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 6 Contents Section Three – Disease and Environmental Crises Yossef Rapoport 1068 in the Fayyum: A Micro-History of an Environmental Crisis . . . . . 181 Rachel Hoffman The Local Ramifications of a Global Catastrophe: The Impact of the Black Death on the Mamluk Sultanate, 1341–1382 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Raymond Ruhaak An Analysis of What Fostered Resilience of the Irish Sea Area Gaels and the Bedouin of the Mamluk Frontier Leading Up to the Black Death . . . 221 Part Two – Contributions to Material Culture Studies Section One – Complexity of Patronage Iman R. Abdulfattah The Complex of Qalāwūn in Cairo: Connoisseurship in Early Mamluk Architecture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 Muhammad Hafez Shaaban The Curious Case of a Fourteenth-Century Madrasa: Agency, Patronage and the Foundation of the Madrasa of Umm al-Sultān Shaʿbān . . . . . . 285 ˙ Noha Abou-Khatwa Shaping the Material Culture of Cairo in the Second Half of the Fourteenth Century: A Case Study in the Patronage of Amir Sirghatmish ˙ al-Nāsirı̄ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 ˙ Miriam Kühn Contextualizing the Patronage of Mamluk Minbars: A Case Study of the Minbar in the Mosque of ʿAsalbāy in Madı̄nat al-Faiyūm . . . . . . . . . 349 ˙ Section Two – The Materiality of Identity Nicolò Pini Walls of Identities: Built Environment as a Social Marker . . . . . . . . . 375 Elisa Pruno / Raffaele Ranieri / Chiara Marcotulli The Material Culture in Shawbak Between Crusaders, Ayyubids and Mamluks: The Case-Study of Hospitaller’s Chapel . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401 © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 7 Contents Nikolaos Vryzidis Islamic Material Culture in Late Byzantine and Early Modern Greek Contexts: Shifting Meanings and Methodological Problems . . . . . . . . 423 Section Three – The Materiality of Ritual Julie Bonnéric Social and Cultural Interpretation of Material Culture: The Example of Lighting Devices in Mamluk Mosques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453 Tobias Nünlist Devotion and Protection: Amuletic Scrolls Dating from the 14th Century: A Contribution with Special Consideration of Is 1624 (Dublin) . . . . . . 475 Bilal Badat “By the Pen and what they inscribe”: A Study of Pen-Related Rituals in Ottoman Calligraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 535 Section Four – Decoding Daily Life Warren C. Schultz Moving Beyond Dating: What Else Might the Presence of Mamluk Copper Coins in the Petra Region Represent? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 563 Gül Kale Stuff of the Mind: Mother-of-Pearl Table Cabinets of Ottoman Scholars in the Early Modern Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 577 Part Three – Bridging the “Gap”: Practice and Knowledge Transfer Aleksandar Shopov The Vernacularization of Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Agricultural Science in its Economic Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 639 Fien De Block Timekeeper-Teachers and their Discursive Instruments: A Material Approach to Al-Jāmiʿ al-mufı̄d fı̄ bayān usūl al-taqwı̄m wa-l-mawālı̄d ˙ . . 683 Yehoshua Frenkel The Contribution of European Travel Literature to the Study of the Environmental History of the Levant (13th-15th centuries) . . . . . . . . . 705 Biographies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 725 © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 8 Index of Names Contents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 733 Index of Subjects and Places . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 741 © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 Anthony T. Quickel A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape* Introduction Describing Cairo in the travelogues of his late 14th-century journey to the Holy Land, the Italian traveler Leonardo Frescobaldi wrote: “[…] the greater part of Cairo is planted. The beginning of the desert is five miles from Cairo […] especially to the south and west, they harvest chick-peas, beans, melons, cucumbers and kidney beans.”1 Unique among the travelogues featuring depictions of Cairo during the Mamluk period, Frescobaldi’s account describes the city within the context of its environmental setting. Numerous descriptions of the gardens, orchards, and farmland inside and outside of the city abound in both foreign and local sources, corroborating the reports of the landscape made by the Italian traveler. However, Frescobaldi’s remark is exceptional in its broadness; whereas others describe gardens as they were viewed proximately, Frescobaldi presents the scene from afar. Cairo, the medieval urban metropolis, was situated within a greenbelt. Developing an understanding of Mamluk Cairo within its environmental and agricultural context is important given the prevailing historiography of the city. Imagining the urban and geographical landscape on the basis of the existing corpus of scholarship regarding medieval Cairo calls up images of built-up spaces and a manmade setting. The city’s urban history has predominantly centered * This piece is an outgrowth of both my master’s thesis at the American University in Cairo as well as a spring school and workshop at the Annemarie Schimmel Mamluk Kolleg at the University of Bonn. I am especially grateful to Prof. Bethany Walker for her support and for encouraging my participation in the numerous events held at the Kolleg, from which I have profited greatly. 1 Frescobaldi / Gucci / Sigoli 1948, p. 54. It should be noted that kidney beans were a New World crop and would not be present anywhere in the Old World until after the Columbian Exchange of 1492 CE. Additionally, the common bean (phaseolus vulgaris), of which the kidney bean is one variety, was also not present. The inclusion of both “bean” and “kidney bean” may be a problem of the translation of the original travelogue of Frescobaldi; unfortunately, I have not seen the original to correct the mistranslation. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 34 Anthony T. Quickel around its buildings, which is partly a consequence of the Mamluk’s immense architectural legacy, indeed a great fortune for art historians and posterity alike. Alongside this urban history as a pre-modern society, Mamluk Egypt’s economic history is focused upon the production of bulk commodities and the distribution of Cairo’s mainstays of grains, especially wheat, and sugar. Given these two main themes, – an urban history centered on built-up spaces and an economic history that heavily focused on bulk agricultural commodities – both Cairo’s non-constructed urban landscape and its agricultural production of non-bulk commodities remain greatly understudied. Stepping into this gap, this study explores Cairo’s environmental setting, especially as it relates to the city’s food supplies. Gaining an appreciation for the immensity of Cairo’s food provisions from near and far lays the foundation for a better understanding of Cairo’s role in the production of its own foods, especially as it relates to agricultural activities occurring within the city proper. This approach to medieval Cairo’s environmental setting alongside its food supplies, may encourage the redirection of the historian’s imagining eye away from its buildings and streets, impressive they may be, to its gardens and orchards, onto its rooftop pigeon coops, and through its surrounding fields. In doing so, a more complete – and green – portrait of the medieval Mamluk city may emerge. Cairo’s Urban and Edible History The predominant feature of medieval Cairo’s urban historiography is the centrality of constructed space. Its markets, residences, and religious edifices are the prominent feature in most studies of Mamluk Cairo. Chief among these works, André Raymond’s magisterial Le Caire provides an expansive overview of the city’s evolution from the founding of the first Arab settlement at Fustāt to the ˙ ˙ sprawling metropolis of the late 20th century.2 Scholarship on the development of particular neighborhoods or surrounding areas, such as Būlāq, Azbakı̄yya, and Fustāt, is a specialized subset of the larger Cairene urban history and was espe˙ ˙ cially prevalent in the 1980s.3 Meanwhile, studies on Cairene structures from houses to religious institutions are well-established and integrated into socioeconomic, cultural, political, and art historical fields of study.4 While many of these works mention the city’s green spaces, especially the ponds, canals and 2 Raymond 1993. See also: Abu-Lughod 1971; Behrens-Abouseif 2007; Clerget 1934; Lane-Poole 1902; Al Sayyad 2011; Zakı̄ 1943; Denoix 1992; and, Schemeil 1949. 3 For examples of these more neighborhood histories, see, among others: Hanna 1983; BehrensAbouseif 1985; and, Kubiak 1987. 4 For example, among many others, see: Creswell 1959, 1960; Raymond / Wiet 1979; Garcin / Maury / Revault / Zakariya 1982; Behrens-Abouseif 1989; Hanna 1991; Fernandes 1998. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape 35 household gardens, rarely are they discussed in reference to the city itself. Two articles by Doris Behrens-Abouseif and Nasser Rabbat, however, move the discussion in this direction.5 In their research, both authors discuss the importance and role of gardens/orchards and plantations (bustān pl. basātı̄n / ghayt pl. ˙ ghı̄tān) within Cairo. From scenic Fatimid belvederes to the hippodromes of the ˙ Mamluk cavalry, Behrens-Abouseif and Rabbat illustrate the ubiquity of green spaces in the urban landscape and its surroundings. In addition to the nature of Cairo’s urban historiography being generally structure-centric, Rabbat also describes the problem of projecting modern conceptions of the city onto its Mamluk antecedent: “[…] This is modern Cairo, sprawling across miles and miles of former agricultural and desert land and made up of densely laid out buff-coloured buildings with few green spaces between them. The only green is along the banks of the river and on the island of Gezira. These unalleviated expanses of tan are perplexing, to say the least, for a city lying at the apex of the bountiful Nile, one of the mightiest rivers in the world and the greening agent of its own valley. It is also misleading, insofar as it convinces urban and landscape students that Cairo has always been a toneless city with no gardens or parks, when the historical records unmistakably suggest otherwise.”6 Both scholars also describe the city’s gardens and landscape as being important in producing foodstuffs, especially fruit. That being said, their research does not address food production within the context of its provisioning throughout the city itself, a topic that the present paper will examine. Overlooking the important role of Cairo’s own gardens, orchards, and plantations in the immense task of supplying the city is part of a larger pattern of economic studies dealing with the city’s food provisions. These works focus especially on the city’s grain, and sometimes sugar, to the detriment of the many other foodstuffs coming into the Mamluk capital.7 The focus on grains and sugar in the secondary literature is largely a consequence of the source material, in that the Mamluk primary sources also focus on these commodities due to their centrality to the economy. Bread has been the sine qua non of the Egyptian diet since antiquity and failing to guarantee its stable supply and cheap price was, and remains, politically disastrous, with bread riots and protests occurring as expressions of public discontent throughout the period of Mamluk rule.8 Those studies that do discuss a broader cross-section of Egypt’s food economy primarily relate to its preparation and cooking techniques, as well as the cultural 5 Behrens-Abouseif 1992; Rabbat 2004. 6 Rabbat 2004, p. 43. 7 See, for example: Lapidus 1969; Shoshan 1978; Shoshan 1980; Ashtor 1984; Lev 2004; Tsugitaka 2004. 8 Lapidus 1984, p. 147; Shoshan 1980; Elbendary 2015, pp. 147–149, 151f., 154. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 36 Anthony T. Quickel practices or foodways surrounding its consumption. This category of secondary literature has especially grown in recent years, with Paulina Lewicka’s Food and Foodways being a major advance in understanding Mamluk foods beyond grains and sugar.9 Even so, these recent works generally treat food within a social or cultural lens rather than as part of a larger economic system that brought food commodities from farm to fork. The present author’s previous research – alongside that of Leonor Fernandes – has attempted to fill the gap left between the economic studies of bulk food commodities and the social and cultural histories of food within Mamluk Cairo.10 Additionally, the work of Van der Veen and Cox regarding consumption patterns in the Roman and Islamicate port of Qusayr al-Qadı̄m, demonstrates the ways in which archaeology may shed light on ˙ both the foods that were consumed and the networks responsible for their transport.11 However, extending the implications of a study of the supply and distribution of multiple foodstuffs beyond the mainstays necessitates a discussion of the supply of Cairo in order to understand the city’s role in supplying itself. Mamluk Cairo’s Bulk Food Supplies – Upper and Lower Egypt The vast majority of Cairo’s food supplies in terms of bulk commodities like cereals were produced in Egypt’s rural countryside, especially in Upper Egypt. Throughout the medieval period, Upper Egypt was the major center of production for the cereal crops that formed the basis of the Egyptian food economy. Wheat (qamh), barley (sha‘ı̄r), sorghum (dhura), and millet (dukhn) were all ˙ grown in large quantities and shipped to Cairo from Upper Egypt for storage and sale in the city.12 While the provenance and use of sorghum, millet, and barley is controversial, wheat – the most important of Egyptian crops – destined for Cairo is known to have been grown in Upper Egypt during times of abundancy.13 Wheat and other cereals were also grown in other areas of Egypt, especially the Delta, but these crops were generally exported to other provinces or to Europe, an arrangement that existed since the Fatimid and Ayyubid periods.14 Furthermore, as in the Ayyubid period, taxes in Lower Egypt were generally paid in cash, whereas those of Upper Egypt were paid in kind.15 These in-kind tax payments of cereals 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Lewicka 2011. Quickel 2015; Fernandes 2004. Van der Veen and Cox 2011. Shoshan 1980, p. 469; Lapidus 1969, p. 3; Lev 2004, pp. 149f., 152, 160; Fernandes 2004, p. 522. Lev 2004, p. 152. Ibid. Lapidus 1969, p. 3. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape 37 and crops filled the warehouses of the Mamluk regime and served to supply the Cairene population.16 Sugar was another major Upper Egyptian commodity destined for the markets of Cairo and for exportation.17 Having probably arrived in Egypt sometime in the middle of the 8th century, sugar cane spread throughout the province during the following century.18 During this period, it supplanted many local summer crops, as indicated in al-Nābulsı̄’s commentary on the rising prevalence of sugar cane in the Fayyūm during the Ayyubid period.19 From there, sugar cane became a major crop in both Upper and Lower Egypt, however, the former dominated the market.20 Al-Qazwı̄nı̄, writing in the 19th century, explicitly states that Asyūt was a ˙ major sugar center whose products were exported worldwide.21 Sugar cane was processed both in Upper Egypt and in Cairo, and both contained large numbers of refineries.22 Thus, processed sugar was consumed throughout Egypt and also exported abroad. Rice was also grown in bulk in both Upper and Lower Egypt and then shipped to Cairo and elsewhere.23 Rice production was prevalent in the Fayyūm, although it was increasingly replaced with sugar cultivation.24 It was also grown heavily in the area of Lake Manzala, in the Delta, and Manfalūt in Upper Egypt, which were ˙ known to have some of the best-quality rice.25 Additionally, the Lower Egyptian towns of Barnabāl and Rosetta (Rashı̄d) were important centers of production.26 Determining who consumed rice, however, is difficult. Both Levanoni and Ashtor suggest that rice consumption was beyond the means of the vast majority of Egyptians and was probably only eaten by the urban elite.27 However, it is reasonable to assume that its consumption was proportional to the increase in the efficiency of its production. This is supported by the numerous accounts attesting to its widespread consumption by the time of the Ottoman conquest and throughout the century that followed.28 The events during the Mamluk period 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Ibid. Tsugitaka 2004, p. 96. Ibid., p. 87. al-Nābulsı̄ 1898, pp. 101f., 122f., 125f.; as cited in Tsugitaka 2004, p. 89. Tsugitaka 2004, pp. 90f. al-Qazwı̄nı̄ 1960, p. 147; as cited in Tsugitaka 2004, p. 96. Tsugitaka 2004, p. 90. Fernandes 2004, p. 522; Ibn Ridwān 1984, p. 84. ˙ al-Nābulsı̄, 1898, p. 102. al-Zahı̄rı̄ 1894, p. 35. Al-Zahı̄rı̄ also states that the waters of Lake Manzala were used for the ˙ cultivation of sugar cane ˙and colocasia; al-Zahı̄rı̄, 1950, pp. 50–55, as cited in Fernandes 2004, ˙ p. 522. 26 Lewicka 2011, p. 141; al-Zahı̄rı̄ 1894, p. 35; idem. 1950, pp. 51–53. ˙ 27 Levanoni 2005, p. 209; Ashtor 1975, pp. 126f.; Zubaida 2000, p. 93. 28 Lewicka 2011, p. 153. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 38 Anthony T. Quickel that led to the transformation of rice from being a food of the elite to that of the masses is yet to be studied. Another major food staple brought to Cairo was livestock. Cattle and sheep were both prevalent in Upper Egypt and were transported to Cairo for consumption, as is well-attested by al-Maqrı̄zı̄.29 Mutton was the king of the meats in Cairo, while beef and other meats were also consumed.30 Sheep meat was, however, generally priced beyond the reach of the majority of the urban population, but its byproducts, such as trotters and heads, were widely enjoyed.31 Furthermore, there seems to have been a hierarchy of mutton, beef, and goat, respectively in the Cairene meat markets.32 Camel, buffalo and game meats were also consumed by the urban poor.33 Raised and grazed in Upper Egypt, the livestock were then shipped to Cairo where they were slaughtered and sold. The staple commodities of cereals, sugar, and livestock were not the only foods consumed in the city. Secondary bulk foodstuffs also came to Cairo from the countryside, with the Delta being especially important in the supply of these goods. Lower Egypt famously raised numerous varieties of bovines, including cows and water buffalo that produced the milk required for cheese-making.34 Cheeses were made in a variety of ways and were categorized either by the type of animal from which its milk derived, or based on the town in which it was produced. Poultry and fish were two other major products coming into the city from the Delta. Various bird species of Lower Egypt were caught and sent to Cairo for sale and consumption. Frescobaldi’s fellow traveler, Gucci, remarked that Rosetta had great numbers of fowl: “Then of chicken and great partridges there is abundance and this island supplies Cairo with almost everything it wants in great abundance for its big population.”35 Fish were caught along the coast, as well as in the Nile’s delta tributaries that provided both sea and river species. The majority of these fish were preserved by salting, pickling, or frying. The fish that were caught and processed in the Delta and sent to Cairo were also exported to the Levant and Europe.36 29 30 31 32 33 34 al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. I, pp. 189f. Lewicka 2011, p. 175. Ibid.; Lewicka 2007, p. 27. Ibid.; Finkel 1932, pp. 122ff.; idem. 1933–1934, pp. 1ff. Lewicka 2011, p. 175. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 1973, v. III/1, p. 295. Here al-Maqrı̄zı̄ informs his reader that in Muharram 829/ ˙ milk and 1425–6, “the death toll of the river-buffalos increased, which was the reason why cheeses became scarce.” 35 Frescobaldi 1948, p. 97. 36 Lewicka 2011, p. 211; Al-Zahı̄rı̄ 1894, p. 108. ˙ © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape 39 Foodstuffs from Afar Beyond the major staple food commodities produced in Lower and Upper Egypt, Cairo also received a great deal of imported victuals from further afield. These imported crops and goods either did not grow well in Egypt or were the specialties of other regions. Among these were the great varieties of foods imported from Syria and the Levant, which were especially renowned for their oils, cheeses, fruits, and nuts.37 Egyptian olives were notoriously poor for oil production, while those grown in Upper Egypt were generally only pickled.38 In order to meet demand, olive oil was imported from throughout the Mediterranean, including Tunisia, Sicily, Palestine, and Syria.39 Cheeses were also imported from Europe, Syria, and other regions.40 Among the European varieties, hard cheeses from Sicily and Crete were the most common.41 While Lewicka remarks that the characteristics of the Syrian cheeses are not entirely clear,42 they were probably made from goat or sheep milk and similar to the Levantine cheeses of today.43 Fruits and nuts were also imported in large quantities. Among the fruits coming from the Levant were pomegranates, pears, apples, plums, and quinces.44 Whether these fruits came dried, as jellies or juices, or fresh is the subject of some debate. While Lewicka argues that it was possible to ship the goods fresh in chests filled with ice, the cost would probably have been prohibitively high for all but the wealthiest consumers.45 On the other hand, Goitein contends that imported fruits were sold dry.46 This is supported by the fact that dried fruits (nuqaliyyūn) were known to be sold in multiple locations, as Goitein mentions.47 Al-Maqrı̄zı̄ tells his readers that once Levantine goods arrived they were sent to either Wakālat Amı̄r Qawsūn or to Wakālat Bāb al-Juwwanı̄yyah and subsequently distributed ˙ throughout the city.48 If fresh, imported fruits were transported using ice, and therefore would have probably been sent almost immediately to their destined customers rather than left to sit and perish in one of the city’s wakālas. As for dried fruits, al-Maqrı̄zı̄ states that they were sold in various markets, but espe- 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 Fernandes 2004, p. 522. Ibid., p. 520; Lewicka 2011, pp. 316–318. Goitein 1983, pp. 252f.; al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. II, p. 94; idem. 1973, v. II/1, p. 226. Goitein 1983, p. 252; idem. 1967, pp. 46, 124. Lewicka 2011, p. 233; Goitein 1983, pp. 251f. Lewicka 2011, p. 234. Ibid. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. II, p. 93; Lewicka 2011, p. 268; Fernandes 2004, p. 253. Lewicka 2011, p. 269. Goitein 1983, p. 246. Ibid. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. I, p. 363; v. II, pp. 93f. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 40 Anthony T. Quickel cially Sūq Bāb al-Zuhūmah in the city center.49 Whether fresh, dry, or jammed, the imported fruits of Syria and the Levant were heavily consumed in Cairo, supplementing the fresh fruits grown locally, as will be discussed below. Likewise, nuts were also imported from Syria and sold in Cairo’s markets. Apart from minimal amounts of almonds, few nuts were grown in Egypt in the medieval period.50 Instead, pistachios, carob, almonds, and other nuts were imported and sold throughout the city.51 Finally, despite robust domestic production, sugar and honey were both imported into Egypt in great quantities. While sugar consumption increasingly competed with that of honey, the latter remained in high demand throughout the medieval period.52 In order to meet the Egyptian population’s appetite for both sweeteners, merchants routinely imported both from various regions around the Mediterranean basin, especially from Palestine, Tunisia, Barqa, and later on from Europe.53 Locally Grown – Food from Cairo’s Immediate Environs The bulk commodities of Upper and Lower Egypt represented the central focus of the Egyptian agricultural system. Maintaining their supply was critical to the economic well-being of the Mamluk regime in addition to its political viability, as previously mentioned. However, the food economy was more diverse and richer than the central foodstuffs of the medieval Egyptian diet alone. Other than the discussion of foods imported from afar, the majority of what has preceded in this paper has focused on these few commodities. This parallels the main body of secondary scholarship regarding the Cairene food economy. What is missing from the description above, as well as from the majority of studies on the issue, is the discussion of food produced locally in Cairo’s immediate surroundings. A great deal of Cairo’s milk and dairy supply came directly from the local area. Some cheeses were made within the city’s immediate environs using milk from cows and buffaloes that were living within the greater Cairo area. In his study of the Geniza documents, Goitein notes this local industry, especially with regards to the existence of Jewish livestock farmers and milk producers in the Fustāt ˙ ˙ area.54 Furthermore, it would be highly unlikely that milk was shipped to Cairo for direct consumption from the Delta, where the majority of milk-production oc49 50 51 52 53 54 Ibid., v. II, p. 97. Lewicka 2011, p. 283. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. II, p. 93; Fernandes 2004, p. 253. Lewicka 2011, p. 299. Ibid.; Goitein 1967, pp. 125f. Goitein 1967, p. 124. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape 41 curred. Other than Goitein, the primary and secondary sources are relatively silent on the importation of raw milk into the city. However, the time necessary for transportation in Egypt’s hot climate would have rendered unprocessed milk, coming from even a minor distance, inconsumable. Beyond dairy cows, other animals were either hunted or raised in the immediate area surrounding the city. Al-Baghdādı̄ relates that Cairo’s inhabitants would catch and eat mice from the desert and the fields around the Nile, calling them quails of the fields (samān al-ghayt).55 The head of the chancellery, al˙ Qalqashandı̄, also describes the raising of geese, chicken, and other poultry in urban contexts, such as pigeons being frequently kept on rooftops and on local farms, as is still true today.56 This is echoed in the travelogues of Felix Fabri, who visited Cairo in 1483 CE, and devoted an entire section to describing pigeon keeping. Beyond their edibility, the pigeons were also kept for sport and for sending messages.57 Additionally, incubators for hatching chickens were located within the city and were a great curiosity for foreign visitors.58 In fact, two of these travelers, Fabri and von Harff, dedicate more space in their travelogues to describing this agricultural innovation than to their trips to the pyramids in Giza. Between Cairo’s own local production and the various fowl species coming from the Delta, poultry was abundant in the city and the market dedicated to its sale seems to have been quite lively. The Market of the Poultry Sellers (al-dajjājı̄n) sold “chicken and geese of unimaginable numbers” as well as doves, nightingales, robins, parrots, and quails;59 Friday mornings were especially busy. Al-Maqrı̄zı̄ tells a charming story of children buying sparrows (‘asāfı̄r) and then setting them ˙ free, for they were told that freeing a sparrow would gain them entrance to Paradise.60 The sparrows sold for a mere copper coin, whereas quails (simān) could sell for 800 dirhams and some songbirds (tı̄yūr al-masmūw‘a) for thou˙ sands: “As the bird makes more sounds, the more expensive the price becomes.”61 At these rates and with such beautiful voices, clearly not all of the birds were for consumption. In addition to the fish coming from Lower Egypt, a great number were caught locally. Throughout Egypt, Nile fish were most frequently caught in the autumn.62 This was the time when the river’s floodwaters began to recede from the fields and return to their banks. By simply setting nets as the water began to flow away, one 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 al-Baghdādı̄ 1998, p. 123. al-Qalqashandı̄ 2010, v. III, p. 314; Fernandes 2004, p. 520. Fabri 1975, pp. 482f. Fabri 1975, pp. 479–481; von Harff 1946, p. 110. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. II, p. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Lewicka 2011, p. 213; al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. I, pp. 107f. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 42 Anthony T. Quickel could catch fish in great abundance.63 Even more conveniently, fish stranded in fields by the descending waters could be picked by hand from puddles and muddy irrigation ditches.64 In Cairo, these fresh fish were sold at fish markets, especially in mud-brick huts along the banks of the Great Canal (khalı̄j al-kabı̄r), which ran parallel to the river on the western side of the city.65 In Cairo, as elsewhere, the autumnal Nile fish that were not immediately sold were laid on reed mats and salted directly, placed in vessels, and then prepared for sale.66 Beyond milk, fish, and birds, local gardens and orchards provided the city with fresh green groceries. As in most parts of Egypt, fruits and vegetables were produced and consumed locally. Some of this consumption of locally produced crops shaped regional diets, which gained such notoriety that they appear in the chronicles of the period. For example, Ibn Duqmāq relays that the Upper Egyptians had diets based heavily on dates and sugar due to their prevalence in the region.67 Concurring, al-Maqrı̄zı̄ states that diets varied by region and that the Upper Egyptians were heavy eaters of sweets. However, the leftover dates and sugar were shipped to Fustāt.68 Consumption of locally produced crops makes ˙ ˙ sense, since like milk, most fruits and vegetables were perishable unless they were dried or transported on ice. Accordingly, it must be assumed that the vast majority of these crops were consumed near the source of production. Other than a reference from al-Zahı̄rı̄ stating that pomegranates were produced in Manzalah ˙ and transported throughout Egypt, there are few other references to the production and shipment of fresh fruits and vegetables in the chronicles.69 Thus, despite all of the food being shipped to Cairo for consumption, it would have been necessary to produce food locally as well. Fruits and vegetables were grown in the orchards and fields around the city. In addition to placing Cairo in a green belt, per the opening quote, Frescobaldi describes the Cairene suburb of “Materia [sic]” (al-Mattarı̄yyah) just to the north ˙˙ of the city, where there were many gardens and orchards growing dates, lemons, oranges, and a fruit that he calls musae, or the apple of paradise.70 Another foreign visitor also observed the cultivation occurring around Cairo and recognized its immense financial value. Regarding the gardens of the port suburb Būlāq, Jehan Thenaud writes in 1512 CE: 63 64 65 66 67 68 al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. I, pp. 107f. Ibid. Ibid., v. I, p. 108. Ibid. Ibn Duqmāq 1983, pp. 41–46. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ also describes the diets of the various regions of Egypt in this section, see: alMaqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. I, p. 44. Fernandes 2004, p. 520. 69 al-Zahı̄rı̄ 1894, p. 35. ˙ 70 Frescobaldi 1948, p. 53. The plant, musae, seems to be the banana, being a derivative of the Arabic word mūz. This suggestion is also made by the editor of Thenaud 1995, p. 36. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape 43 “In that place, there are sumptuous and great gardens and orchards of fruit trees, such as lemons, limes, watermelons, oranges, apricots, berries, and bananas… these gardens, every morning and night, are watered from the Nile which is drawn by cows and horses; for this, there is no garden that is not annually valued to its lord from five hundred or a thousand seraphs of gold. Of these [gardens] around Cairo there are more than five hundred thousand.”71 The Mamluk chronicler Al-Maqrı̄zı̄ also describes the landscape around the city in detail and confirms Thenaud’s description of Būlāq, stating that it had at least two large orchards and produced sugarcane in addition to colocasia.72 He claims that Rūdah Island was covered with palaces and gardens/orchards, with the latter ˙ numbering over 150.73 In the marshy flood plain between the Nile’s eastern edge and the Great Canal, al-Maqrı̄zı̄ tells of other gardens as well as promenades (almuntazahāt).74 Roughly near this flood plain, in another marshy area, the chronicler describes the Bustān al-Tāg, famous for its ubiquitous lotuses (bashnı̄n), the roots of which could be eaten or used for medicine.75 Outside of the city’s northern gates, his account depicts orchards as well as neighborhood markets supplied with turnips, cabbage, and fruits, in addition to cattle, sheep, and grains.76 In fact, regarding the entire area surrounding Cairo to the north, al-Maqrı̄zı̄ relates a narrative of great agricultural activity, with the land divided between waqf holdings and those belonging to the dı̄wān of the sultan. This area was especially productive in flax, cucumber (al-muqāthı̄), and many other crops.77 In addition to travelogues and chronicles, the gardens and orchards also appear in waqf documents. Fernandes describes the relationship between Mamluk Cairo’s endowments and these agricultural holdings: “Often… large fields and orchards located around the city were selected by the sultans to be part of their holdings… the produce of these orchards was under the direct control of the administrator of the Waqf [sic], i. e. the founder and later his descendants, and that it was destined for the markets of Cairo.”78 Examples of this abound. The fruits grown on lands in the suburbs of Cairo, Giza, and the island of Jazı̄rat al-Fı̄l were designated in the waqfı̄yyah of Sultan alMu’ayyad Shaykh to be delivered to the Dār al-Tuffāh for sale.79 The waqfı̄yyah of ˙ Sultan al-Ghawrı̄ also mentions agricultural properties around Cairo. His en71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 Thenaud 1995, p. 36. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. II, p. 130. Ibid., v. II, p. 177 Ibid., v. II, p. 125. Ibid., v. II, p. 129. Ibid., v. II, pp. 130, 136, 138. Ibid., v. II, p. 129. Fernandes 2004, p. 525. Ibid. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 44 Anthony T. Quickel dowment held orchards near the Bāb al-Zuwāylah for dates, in addition to other orchards around a nearby pond, Bı̄rkat al-Ratlı̄ “[…] where all sorts of citrus fruit were grown in addition to dates, pomegranate, grapes, apricots, almonds, and bananas.”80 This property also contained palm, olive, lemon, and other fruit trees alongside grapevines and rose-bushes, in addition to a barn for cattle.81 Another holding near Būlāq further contributed to al-Ghawrı̄’s waqf and included palm trees, a jasmine garden, and yet another barn for cattle.82 Further study of other waqfı̄yyāt would certainly yield numerous more examples and could be engaged with a focus on better understanding Cairo’s food supply and the connections between its urban institutions and the landscape immediately surrounding the city. Such a project is yet to be undertaken. Much of this local produce, of the waqf holdings or otherwise, was destined for the aforementioned Dār al-Tuffāh. This funduq was especially important in the ˙ distribution of local green groceries and was located at the southern gate of the city, the Bāb al-Zuwāyla.83 Upon arrival at the Dār al-Tuffāh from the surrounding ˙ orchards and agricultural land, the produce was then sold to the various markets of Cairo and Old Cairo. Al-Maqrı̄zı̄ informs his reader that the funduq was originally in the hāra al-sūdān (the Quarter of the Sudanese) but was converted ˙ into a garden during the reign of the Ayyūbid sultan Salāh al-Dı̄n Yūsuf ibn ˙ ˙ Ayyūb. The structure existing in the time of al-Maqrı̄zı̄ was built in 1340 CE by the Amı̄r Tuqūzdamur and was part of the waqf benefitting his khānqā in the Qarāfa ˙ (Cairo’s great cemetery).84 Al Maqrı̄zı̄ describes the Dār al-Tuffāh to the reader: “Upon seeing [the fun˙ duq], you will always remember it. The scent emerges as from Paradise because of its odor and the beauty of its appearance, and the elegance of its sellers while they are displaying [the produce] with mixed fruits and scented blossoms.”85 Furthermore, we are told that the open spaces of the funduq were covered with awnings to protect the fruits from the sun. This scene of prosperity seems to have lasted until 1403 CE, when al-Maqrizi states that conditions at the funduq had deteriorated. The market was unable to regain its former glory. However, on Saturday, 16th Sha‘ban, 821 AH/ 18 September, 1418 CE, its upper floors and outside shops were destroyed because the windows of the al-Mu’ayyad Shaykh Mosque faced onto the market; the waqf deed was transferred, and restorations on the market began.86 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 Ibid. Alhamzah 2009, p. 92. Ibid. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. I, p. 363; v. II, p. 93; Idem 1973, v. II, p. 543. al-Maqrı̄zı̄ 2000, v. II, p. 93f. Ibid. Ibid., v. II, p. 94. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 A Medieval Garden City: Mamluk Cairo’s Food Supplies and Urban Landscape 45 Not everything was centralized through the Dār al-Tuffāh or other markets. In ˙ many cases, the peasants from surrounding areas would bring their produce directly into the city each morning, make their sales, and then return to their homes and farms at night.87 Some of these venders would set up temporary displays of their produce in front of merchants’ shops that were selling the same product. This often led to confrontations and complaints to the market-inspector (the muhtasib).88 In addition to selling their produce directly on the street, these ˙ individual merchants were likely the main suppliers of the small neighborhood markets from which a large part of the population received its daily food.89 Unfortunately, little else is known about the individuals who brought their crops independently into the city; they were, however, a link in the supply chain and were undoubtedly an important part of the provisioning network. Conclusion The image of Mamluk Cairo within an agricultural greenbelt defies the historical imagination that has been shaped by histories focused on the city’s built-up, constructed urban spaces and the influence of its modern arid and concrete condition. By realizing that Cairo was neither a walled-off city surrounded by sand nor an isolated urban entity disconnected from its surroundings, we can better understand the ways in which the Mamluk city was connected to the natural and landscaped elements around it. As mentioned, Behrens-Abouseif and Rabbat have already contributed to reshaping the way we consider the medieval city and its green spaces, especially its gardens and lakes.90 Both scholars have demonstrated that the city was indeed surrounded by cultivated land and that the gardens were an important feature of Cairo’s landscaped surroundings. That said, their studies are centered on the performative functions of the gardens for pleasure, discussing at length the paths, kiosks, and belvederes in creating recreational spaces, rather than their economic value and agricultural activity. Conversely, scholarship which has focused on the issues of agriculture and economy has done so with a view towards Egypt’s larger agrarian economy and the bulk commodities that sustained it. The local production and supply of food for the Mamluk capital falls at the nexus of these two research areas. As this present has shown, Greater Cairo’s gardens, orchards, and farms enhanced and enriched the food economy, contributing to the city’s consumption needs in its 87 88 89 90 Fernandes 2004, p. 521. Ibid., p. 522. Ibid., p. 521. Behrens-Abouseif 1992; Rabbat 2004. © 2020, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033 46 Anthony T. Quickel supplementation of foodstuffs brought from Upper and Lower Egypt and abroad. This local production was oftentimes organized by the waqf system, and its infrastructure was also partly dictated by the regime – e. g. there were numerous gardens built and lakes dug at the command of the sultan. These mechanisms and processes were not discussed at length in this paper, but warrant further study, as they would further elucidate how the city interacted with and was integrated within its immediate surroundings. This study is a contribution to the attempt to move the discussion in a direction that will reshape the ways we imagine Mamluk Cairo. Beyond stones and bricks, streets and minarets, Cairo’s markets were colorfully well-supplied with great varieties of foods, with the city’s own environs doing much of the supplying. The city’s topography was not just desert and flood plain, but also lakes, orchards, and fields that were utilized for the benefit of Cairo’s inhabitants. Reimagining the Mamluk city, therefore, requires us to look past its monuments and walls, its large-scale agricultural activities and commodities, and see the orchards and plantations that enriched the Cairene diet and made the capital a garden city. Bibliography Primary Sources Al-Baghdādı̄, ‘Abd al-Latı̄f. 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KG, Göttingen ISBN Print: 9783847111030 – ISBN E-Book: 9783847011033