Psychotherapy for Parents
with Trauma and
Attachment Difficulties
Lynne Holdem
Psychotherapist, New Plymouth
Abstract
This paper describes the arousal of therapist concern regarding the well-being of children
in families where there is parental mental illness and domestic violence; a vignette
demonstrates how this is understood by the therapist and processed in the therapeutic
relationship. The consequent development of a small pilot to provide psycho-education and
peer support to caregivers and children with parents who have mental illness in a group
setting is described. Reflections are then given, following from the evaluation of this group,
on the need for public funded, attachment informed, family focused therapeutic
interventions for caregivers with infants, children and young people who are deemed at risk
because of insecure or disorganised attachment or behavioural difficulties.
Whakarāpopotonga
E whakaahua ana tēnei pepa i te whakaohonga ake o te mānukanuka o ngā kaihaumanu e pā
ana ki te hauora o ngā tamariki e pāngia ana te matua whāea rānei i te mate hinengaro me
te whakarekereke-ā-whare; he whakaaturanga tā tētahi pito i tā te kaihaumanu arotau me te
tukanga i roto i te here haumanu. Ka whakaahuatia te whanaketanga i ara ake mai i tētahi
maramara whakamātautau ki te whakarato mātauranga-hinegaro, pou aropā hoki ki ngā
kaiāwhina me ngā tamariki whai mātua mate hinengaro i roto rōpū. Ka whakaputahia ake
ngā tirohanga i muri mai i te arotakenga o tēnei rōpū, mō te whai pūtea matawhānui,
mātauranga here, haumanu takawaenga arotahi whānau mō ngā kaiāwhina whiwhi
kōhunganga, mō ngā tamariki me ngā taiohi e whakaarohia ana kei te whakamōrea nā te
here kaumingomingo here tītengi rānei, te whanoke rānei.
Keywords: attachment; poverty; parenting; vulnerable children; supporting families;
children of parents with mental illness
Holdem, L. (2017). Psychotherapy for parents with trauma and attachment difficulties. Ata: Journal of
Psychotherapy Aotearoa New Zealand, 21(1), 29–41. https://doi.org/10.9791/ajpanz.2017.04 © New Zealand
Association of Psychotherapists Inc.
Ata: Journal of Psychotherapy Aotearoa New Zealand
29
Psychotherapy for Parents with Trauma and Attachment Difficulties
Introduction
I find it especially troubling when a patient speaks about one of her children in ways which
reveal the possibility of abuse or neglect. Fraiberg, Adelson and Shapiro (1975) described a
repetition in which “the parent … is condemned to repeat the tragedy of their childhood
with their own baby in terrible and exacting detail” (p. 388).
Anxiety is aroused when patients speak of their child cast in the role of perpetrator or
rescuer, and themselves as victim. The child stands in for their younger self and they assume
unconsciously a perpetrator role in an identification with the aggressor (Freud, 1937).
Although the behaviours may not merit an Oranga Tamariki (New Zealand’s Ministry for
Vulnerable Children) notification, I find it hard to bear the fear that a child may not have a
good enough experience of safe haven and secure base with their parent (Bowlby, 2000).
The Unmothered Child as Mother
Ursula, a handsome woman of forty years, arrives in pursuit of a small boy, who it turns out
is her son Isaac, seven years old. “The baby sitter didn’t come”, she says ruefully. I heard Isaac
complaining loudly as they stepped out of the lift. I commiserate with him, attempting to
put into words for him the strangeness of coming to see this old woman. He softens gradually
and starts drawing a big rocket with explosions coming out of it. By the end of Ursula’s
appointment, he is hiding the sand-tray toys around my room. Twinkling with mischief and
entitlement, he protests loudly when I ask him to tidy up.
A few weeks earlier Ursula towed in her equally reluctant partner Zac. She complains
frequently of his drinking and paranoid accusations of infidelity. Ursula teeters on the verge
of leaving but then tries to convince me of how Zac really loves her. Who else would tolerate
her? Zac is on home detention because he assaulted Ursula. A sturdy, good looking scaffolder,
he provides sarcastic commentary to everything she says, as if to put Ursula in her place or
spoil my regard for her. I am a bit charmed by his dismissive teasing and his superficial
surfer cool. He is a smiling assassin. I squirm a little for Ursula, so tolerant and kind despite
the denigration. His accusations seem to be projections of his own inadequacies. I try to
catch his word darts and invite enquiry: “Your jokes seem to say you don’t value Ursula, but
maybe they really show how much you value her, how scary love is for us all?”
Both Ursula and Zac struggle with splitting defences. Neither have integrated good and
bad objects, illustrating Fairbairn’s theory of splitting an object into exciting object and
rejecting object and ego into libidinal ego and anti-libidinal ego (Fairbairn, 1994). As Celani
(2010) explained:
The whole purpose of splitting is to keep these two separate views of the object apart
so that the deprived child’s libidinal ego can continue loving and longing for the
exciting object while the antilibidinal ego can fight back against the rejecting aspects
of the very same object with all its energy, without the libidinal ego (or the central
ego) ever knowing. (p. 60)
When Ursula goes home, Zac accuses her of infidelity. Separation threatens him,
activating paranoid-schizoid mental states, and perhaps Ursula becomes a rejecting object.
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Lynne Holdem
Identified with anti-libidinal ego in relation to rejecting object, he threatens her (miscues
his unconscious need for reassurance), triggering traumatic affect from childhood
experiences of her emotionally-escalated and self-harming mother. Previously she would
have escalated with him and violence from one or both may have resulted. Now she withdraws and he responds by bombing her with accusatory texts until, fed up, she stops replying.
His aggression then melts into needy desperation, an illustration of Crittenden’s Type C
attachment strategy designed to maintain Ursula’s availability to him. “Angry omnipotence
is alternated with disarming displays of tender vulnerability” (Crittenden, 2005, p. 5). Now
identified with libidinal ego, she becomes the exciting object he longs for. This evokes
Ursula’s caregiving attachment response. Soon she is back in his arms. Thus she adapts to
Zac’s moods and threats in the way that Lyons-Ruth (2007) described the parentified child
maintaining proximity to mother: “Her self-development becomes subordinated to
maintaining her mother’s mood and averting and managing hostile undercurrents in the
relationship” (p. 24).
Recently Ursula told me Isaac had said he wanted to kill her with a knife. My focus is
captured by anxiety about her son. It certainly seems like Isaac cannot turn to Ursula to cue
his need for emotional regulation and comfort and he reacts like Zac or Ursula’s mother
with threat and emotional escalation, in order to gain her attention. When I find out they
stayed the weekend at Zac’s house I suggest it might be hard for Isaac having Mum to himself
and then having to share her again with Zac. Perhaps Isaac feels all the surges of threat and
turbulence in their relationship but is only safe enough to vent his distress when not in
Zac’s presence.
Ursula reveals she has been getting a baby-sitter every night so she can sleep with Zac. I
feel shocked. No wonder Isaac is acting crazy. It is his first week back at school, with a new
teacher and class, and in the past he has been bullied. Isaac must feel his mother’s absence at
home. I wonder how her love for her son seems to be so eclipsed by Zac. Her own separation
anxiety is triggered and she has an awful phantasy of Zac being with another woman. She is
terrified by thoughts of breaking up with him. Ursula would rather be the bad one than have
Zac be bad — “He’s really a good man, he works really hard. I can be pretty impossible”. This
is Fairbairn’s moral defence (Fairbairn, 1994).
At such times, I risk becoming a superego figure to Ursula. Probably I am triggered by my
own attachment distress. When I was little and my mother was helping milk cows, I would
be left in the care of my two brothers, a lonely and frightening experience. These emotional
tides roll over me and I attempt to quieten my feeling but still use it: “You are caught between
wanting to avoid an emotional storm with Zac and your care for your boy? … What’s that like
for you? … Can you help me understand what happens inside you…and what you think
Isaac might feel and need for you? … to know you are there, being with him, protecting him?
… It is so hard to give what you didn’t receive”.
The following week she talks about a new schedule of reading to Isaac before bed. This
was enjoyable for both of them and he was more co-operative. Reading together was her idea.
She appeared to have accepted my challenge regarding his need but remained free to think
about how to meet it. It is reassuring that my directness hasn’t damaged the therapeutic
alliance and, even more, that she has been able to think about and make use of the reflection
I offered.
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Psychotherapy for Parents with Trauma and Attachment Difficulties
Ursula says she is beginning to accept the presence of anxiety when she is alone and
trying to treat it like background music. In time her attachment to her exciting and
frustrating external object, Zac, may gradually become less adhesive as she internalises ego
structuring memories of support from her relationship with me. This may mean she is
more able to differentiate from her bad objects. She seems more able to self-soothe and less
prepared to accept Zac’s accusations and denigration.
Anxiety about neglect or abuse can induce manic reparation responses and I talk too
much or soothe in a frantic way. Sometimes a foggy indifference takes over, possibly a
concordant counter-transference to a patient’s dissociation. Caring too much or not enough
are familiar ways my own defence diverts awareness from feelings, once unbearable. Other
times my uninvolved witness begins to judge and possibly persecute through unspoken, yet
visible, thoughts and feelings. My omnipotent rescuer entertains fantasies of fixing by putting
pressure on the patient to change. The more identified I become with wanting Ursula to
change, the more I risk arousing resistance. Carl Jung said, “We cannot change anything
unless we accept it. Condemnation does not liberate, it oppresses” (1955, pp. 234-235).
It is important to observe and understand counter-transference when working with
clients like Ursula and to assess their therapeutic window and use trial-identification before
making an intervention related to their relationship with their children in order to avoid
shaming them, provoking a punitive response towards the child or flight from therapy.
Ursula was committed to therapy and we continued to include her child and her partner
in our conversations although they did not revisit in person. I became more able to listen
for echoes of the patient’s vulnerable child part and help her see her past in the present. She
gradually developed more reflective ability and insight into her own repressed aggression
and neediness that Zac reflected. Increasingly she was able to stay with and contain her
feeling when she was triggered by her child or spouse, without withdrawal or retaliation, and
to see her child’s “bad behaviour” instead as a clue to his need.
Hands to Hold the Parent
Psychotherapy is a slow business, especially with people with complex Post-Traumatic Stress
Disorder, or attachment styles that have hardened into character traits. Children cannot
wait for their parents to become “good enough” (Winnicott, 1973). I wish the un-mothered
mothers I have worked with had access to early-intervention parenting support that was
therapeutic and relational rather than behaviourist and generic. Possibly, there is “no such
thing as a patient”, but there is always a patient and their family? Here is a role for publicfunded, family-minded psychotherapy with a complementary role for public-minded
psychotherapists.
Taking on the role of manager of Supporting Families in Mental Illness, Taranaki
provided me an opportunity to trial an innovative service for families like Ursula’s.
Consumers of mental health services often lack opportunities for social connection,
identity formation and experiencing agency. I wanted to see if small groups could be used to
make a personal, intimate social environment available to caregivers and their children
while increasing their social connection, belonging and accountability (Block, 2009).
I was seeking an intervention that could be upscale; affordable; worked with both parents
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Lynne Holdem
and children separately but in a connected way; helped them find words for feelings;
developed self-reflective capacity, empathy, and problem-solving; found strategies for selfsoothing and emotional regulation; reduced stigma and created connections with others
experiencing similar difficulties.
In 2012 I attended a conference organised by Children of Parents with Mental Illness or
Addictions (COPMIA). Suddenly, the set of children I had been concerned about had a name,
and research about treatment for them was available (Solantaus, Paavonen, Toikka, &
Punamäki, 2010; Solantaus & Toikka, 2006; Solantaus, Toikka, Alasuutari, Beardslee, &
Paavonen, 2009).
After consultations with family members and other professionals I developed a plan to
work with a small group of mothers while an art therapist worked simultaneously with their
children in a room nearby. While we debriefed, a volunteer would drive families home.
Twelve children from six families and their mothers attended. Parents and children met
with one of the facilitators to assess their suitability for group support in their own home.
The aim of combining psycho-education and peer support to foster resilience was explained
to the parents and informed consent obtained. Family history, school attendance and
behaviour, and parental perception of child’s strengths and challenges as well as interviewer
observations of the state of mind of the parent and their ability to use a group and integrate
information (Crittenden, 2005) informed the assessment of their suitability for the group.
No families were excluded however.
When I pulled up to Sandra’s house her eight-year-old son Jacob appeared at my car
window, smiling and waving a big stick. Jacob ushered me in to his mother, a large young
woman lying on the couch. Sandra said, “You’ve met my ADHD kid!” Jacob had been returned
to Sandra’s care after some years in foster placements. I suspected Jacob’s friendly greeting
disguised anxiety. My arrival possibly evoked previous social worker visitations and
threatened change. Perhaps he was protecting his mother from me. I liked them both
immediately and they engaged with me quickly, rather too quickly. Jacob appeared in
attachment terms “over-bright” (Powell, 2014, p. 144) and controlling in a way common to
children of parents with mental illness or addiction. When a parent is, in Circle of Security
(Powell, 2014, pp. 76-77) vocabulary, “mean, weak, or gone” rather than “bigger, stronger,
wiser, and kind” a role-reversal occurs in which the child appears to give up on object
seeking but maintains proximity by caregiving (Powell, 2014).
For boys, there is more often a controlling and aggressive response or an alternating
combination of clingy and aggressive behaviour. Jacob showed a younger, less verbalised
model of the charm, control and threaten strategy Zac was using in relationship with Ursula.
This was described by Fonagy (1999):
When confronted with a frightened or frightening caregiver, the infant takes in
as part of himself or herself the mother’s feeling of rage, hatred, or fear, and her
image of the child as frightening or unmanageable. This painful image must then
be externalised for the child to achieve a bearable and coherent self-representation.
The disorganised attachment behaviour of the infant, and its sequelae—bossy and
controlling interactions with the parent—permit the externalisation of parts of the
self and limit further intrusion into the self-representation. (p. 18)
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Psychotherapy for Parents with Trauma and Attachment Difficulties
Aggressive behaviour can compel the parent to resume authority and thus reactivate the
parent’s own caregiving system that she has temporarily abandoned (Fonagy, 1999).
While Jacob spun in and out of the house talking rapidly with equal parts charm and
malice, Sandra described barricading herself away so she could sleep. She frequently called
the police because he refused to go to school. Sandra described Jacob as aggressive. He threw
things. I felt he was directing a crusade to engage and control his mother. He may have
experienced her as weak and frightening because of her tendency to collapse into
helplessness or withdraw in the face of his aggression. A strategy she had no doubt developed
as a survival response to her historic abuse.
In the parents’ group Sandra relaxed and opened up. She revealed a distressing history of
childhood abuse and neglect. Foraging hungrily on the snacks provided, she created a home
for herself in the small group of five mothers. Enjoyed by us, she readily showed vulnerability
and self-deprecating humour that seemed both a defence against shame and a display of
some self-acceptance. Similarly, Jacob, being the youngest of the children’s group, became
their mascot.
Psycho-education content was given only in response to cues from the participants to
allow an experience of authoring the group themselves. The children’s group was called the
Up group and the parents decided to name their group Us. They were beginning to feel at
home with each other and me. We listened to, and validated, contributions of the participants
to model holding and being with, to encourage belonging and agency.
In the short time of the group Sandra appeared to start taking in experiences of myself
and other group members as a validating and nurturing holding environment. At the end of
each group the children came to collect their mothers, usually with Jacob in the lead. I saw
him run, face lit like a lamp, excitedly clutching a drawing to give Sandra. I saw Sandra’s
body slump, an audible sigh, as she turned back towards the other women. “The group isn’t
long enough,” she said. She was being asked to give something she needed for herself. Jacob
barely skipped a beat, launched himself at Sandra with his drawing held out like a weapon.
He pulled up right before impact and thrust the drawing into Sandra’s lap.
When the pilot ended with no further funding available, parents continued to meet on a
voluntary basis for a few months until we decided to close. Most of the teens kept in touch
with the agency and call on us when needed. Occasionally one has organised a social event
for COPMIA teens at our premises. Six months after the official pilot Supporting Families
was given a contract for COPMIA work.
An evaluation (Doehring & Holdem, 2015) confirmed some of the existing knowledge
about the stressors experienced by COPMIA families. These include: absent fathers, poverty,
confusing and conflicting involvement of multiple agencies, abandonment by services,
generic services that do not meet individual needs, stigma and bullying, disruption of
parenting capacity and social isolation. What was most valued by participants in their
unstructured interviews, was “the experience of a place of safety, acceptance, non-judgement
and the social connection for both adults and children” (Doehring & Holdem, 2015, p. 14).
Although the project showed promise, I would not try such a short-term intervention
again. A few sessions of counselling as offered by agencies under brief government contracts
only disappoint. Adult victims of abuse and neglect are not just filled with bad internal
objects but empty of good ones. New and consistent “good enough” experiences of support
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Lynne Holdem
need to be taken in as positive introjects to restructure the patient’s internal world. If therapy
is brief the patient will experience the therapist as yet another exciting or frustrating object.
Crittenden (2005, pp. 8-11) provided a clear model for appropriate interventions for
differing attachment types and abilities to process information from preconscious (implicit)
to conscious (explicit and verbal) to consciously reflective (integrative).
Communication with both parents and teenagers was difficult due to lack of phones or
data. Children from the families complained about lack of food and phones at home,
bullying at school, and teachers unaware of the stresses and responsibilities they experienced
when parents were unwell or they were called on to look after younger siblings. It was
apparent from what was said at post group interviews and in group sessions that economic
hardship added significantly to the existing stresses of parental mental illness on the
children and young people as well as on their parents.
Much later I saw Sandra in the street. She told me things were going “alright”. Jacob was
still in her care. She said what she missed most about the group was it was something they
could do together. They could talk about it when they got home. In hindsight Sandra needed
an attachment-informed family therapy that could help her be with Jacob, protect and take
charge of him, instead of withdrawing from him and repeating the abandonment he must
have felt when he was uplifted. Although Child Youth and Family had intervened in a care
and protection role when Jacob was young, little had been done to help Sandra rebuild his
trust or manage his behaviour on return to her care. Unless Oranga Tamariki is funded, or
social workers trained, to provide therapeutic services to the caregivers of children who
have been uplifted from neglecting or abusive environments, the placements will continue
to unravel. Two hundred and eighty of the children in state care had more than three
caregivers in 12 months in 2011 (Ministry of Social Development, 2015). Difficult behaviours
generated by their distrust, fear of abandonment and disorganised attachment upend good
intentions. Caregivers need support to interpret behaviours as signals of trauma and
miscues of attachment need, and to become hands that are strong enough to hold the
children in their care.
Secure attachment is a protective factor for vulnerable children (Atwool, 2007). The
resilience of children like Jacob could be fostered by early therapeutic interventions,
individualised and attachment-focused parenting supports, opportunities for cultural
belonging and recreational interests for children.
I continue to think that a two-group model with liaison between the facilitators would
be a good model to use with COPMIA families; a cost-effective, practical way to disseminate
some of the useful aspects of psychotherapy to vulnerable people who would be unlikely
to access psychotherapy otherwise. It was challenging to engage the parents in joining a
group and to remove the barriers to participation such as transport to the group but the
opportunity for their children to participate in arts therapy and social outings was enough
to get some reluctant mothers through the door. What kept them in was the opportunity to
care and be cared for. This capacity for care is renewable and free. For isolated one-parent
families, the most vulnerable in terms of outcomes for their children, a small group can
provide a different kind of home than the home participants grew up in but could not be
“at home” in.
I am discovering that community work is attachment work too. Peter Block said: “The
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Psychotherapy for Parents with Trauma and Attachment Difficulties
essential challenge is to transform the isolation and self-interest within our communities
into connectedness and caring for the whole” (Block, 2009, p. 1). Could it be that there is no
such thing as a family — there is a family and something … a community?
Circle of Security Groups
Witnessing the reunions of mothers and children at the end of each group brought to mind
Ainsworth’s strange situation (1979). These experiences encouraged a search for earlier
interventions for families like Sandra’s that could repair attachment and improve
relationships before children were older and less flexible, parents less hopeful and
relationships more difficult to change. Circle of Security researchers and clinicians (Powell,
Cooper, Hoffman, & Marvin, 2014) have integrated 50 years of object relations and
attachment research into a group based, clinical intervention evidenced by a number of
studies (Hoffman, Marvin, Cooper & Powell, 2006; Kohlhoff, Stein, Ha & Mejaha, 2016;
Pazzagli, Laghezza, Manaresi, Mazzeschi & Powell, 2014). I discovered the Circle of Security
Parenting (COS-P) which aims to increase parents’ reflective capacity — thinking about
their relationship with their child and the meaning of their child’s behaviour in terms of
how they cue (or miscue) their needs. I then trained in Circle of Security assessment and
treatment planning.
Supporting Families developed a COS-P service to Taranaki families. Programmes are
delivered by two trained social workers using videotaped parent-child interactions. We have
run four parenting groups and have received funding for eight more groups. We have tested
pre- and post-groups for Parenting Sense of Competence and Maternal Attitudes. There is
evidence of sustained positive change shown in these measures. Participants enjoyed and
stayed connected following the group. Comments from one group include:
•
•
•
•
“I don’t care so much about what other people think. I used to get so anxious if my child
cried in public. I’m much more confident now.”
“I sit with him when he is ‘melting down’, rub his back and offer a hug, and he takes the
hug when he is ready.”
“You live with more love when you are OK with things.”
“I used to be scared of her and now I’m not.”
We are working towards providing the intensive COS service, a twenty-week group which
begins with a Strange Situation and Adult Attachment interview and uses moments of
videotape to provide an individualised treatment that factors in the core attachment
sensitivity of the parent and the lynchpin need of the parent-child dyad.
Parenting programmes that are behaviourist and didactic are if anything counterproductive for children with insecure attachment as they tend to make parents more
punitive because they are focused on the child’s behaviour as the problem, not the
relationship between the child and the parent. A holistic family service that can offer longer
term psychotherapy, or attachment informed family therapy, that helps caregivers process
their own trauma and develop reflective capacity is needed.
There is social and institutional pressure put on mothers like Ursula and Sandra to work,
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Lynne Holdem
and put children in factory-like childcare settings while the government congratulates itself
that they are doing vulnerable children a favour. This only exacerbates stress for children
with insecure attachment.
The insecure nature of rental accommodation for low-income families is also
problematic. The children of families that move frequently give up on developing
friendships and attachments to neighbours, teachers and parents of friends. If the child’s
home base is stable these can provide opportunities to develop an internal working model
of relationship, different to the one modelled by their primary caregiver, contributing to
“earned security”. Also, family and neighbours can provide stimulating activities and social
interaction lacking in the house of a depressed or poor parent. Economic hardship and the
threat of eviction loom large as sources of stress for parents and create barriers to community
supports that could otherwise off-set some of the disadvantages created by parental mental
illness.
The Hands of the State
John Bowlby said, “If a community values its children it must cherish their parents” (Bowlby,
1951, cited in Bretherton, 1992, p. 762).
Currently income inequality, poverty, homelessness, low wages and lack of employment
opportunities add stress to families. Stress which often presents as domestic violence and
mental illness and increases the likelihood of insecure and disorganised attachments
developing. Minister Anne Tolley intends to reduce children in state care from thousands to
hundreds by focusing on a child-centred, harm prevention model (Kirk, March 31, 2017).
However, “vulnerable children” do not exist separately from their parents and the
communities around them, and a good enough society protects children’s attachment
experience and prevents the marginalisation of the most vulnerable through fair
distribution of income and other resources.
Research by Costello, Erkanli, Copeland and Angold (2010) revealed “lower rates of
psychopathology in American-Indian youth following a family income supplement,
compared with the non-exposed, non-Indian population, and this persisted into adulthood”
(p. 1954). A living wage or universal benefit could perhaps reduce prevalence of mental
illness and substance use disorders in our young people if it was provided to their families
at an early enough age.
Māori researchers are especially concerned about the over representation of Māori
babies and children being uplifted into state care or placed in youth justice facilities and the
ongoing collective and inter-generational damage from violence, insecure attachment and
loss of knowledge of whakapapa, identity and whanaungatanga (Fleming 2016; Hall, 2015;
Moyle, 2015).
The scientific facts are now in on the consequences of early attachment experience,
having lifelong impact on relationships, school behaviour and learning, mental health and
resilience (Atwool, 2007; Crittenden, 2005; Stroufe’s Minnesota Longitudinal Study of Risk
and Adaptation as cited in Van der Kolk, 2014). The Dunedin Study also showed there is
economic as well as emotional sense in targeting assistance to troubled families (Poulton,
2016). Vulnerable families with children need a chance to get their relationships right
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Psychotherapy for Parents with Trauma and Attachment Difficulties
before the state intervenes, adding to the five thousand children now in state care (Kirk,
2017).
Attachment theory describes a basic lifelong human need for a close and intimate
relationship. It therefore stands at odds and challenges many of the values of contemporary
western societies — that human emotional life (and women’s contribution to the care of
infants and elderly) is not valued; that rationality alone should guide decision-making. As if
government policies were directed by people who had given up on object seeking and
instead become preoccupied with the autistic consolations of technology and material
wealth, like avoidant children, backs turned to the other, reaching for anything, no longer
feeling the need for connection but governed by its absence.
Fonagy (1999) wrote:
I believe that disorganised attachment … can occur at least in part because society
has relinquished its care-taking function, demolished its institutions for supporting
emotional development and shifted its priorities from the mental and emotional to
the material. In the increasing violence around us we may be seeing the casualties of
this cavalier approach. (p. 23)
A good-enough society could evolve if government policies and practices in education,
health, social work, housing, and employment were structured with a fundamental valuing
of our human need for attachment.
Parents are the hands that hold their children and in turn they are held by the grandparents and other family or hapū members. These hands in turn are nested in connections
to neighbours, friends, work-mates, a promise of home from a community that also provides
support to families, parents and children. Hands nested in other hands. Finally, there are the
hands of the state. We can’t keep vulnerable children safe without creating the conditions
that allow families to provide safe and secure attachment experiences and foster for
connected and caring communities.
Conclusion
Psychotherapists, and other professionals, that work with parents or caregivers with parenting
difficulties due to trauma and inter-generational insecure attachment need to observe and
manage their own attachment responses and monitor therapeutic alliance closely.
The needs of children of patients can be factored into treatment if parents feel sufficiently
held in the therapeutic relationship and the interventions offered, whether in individual or
group treatment, are in the parent’s window of proximal development.
Social, cultural and economic factors impact on the well-being and secure attachment of
children and families. Early-intervention family-centred attachment psychotherapy can
increase parental sensitivity to the attachment cues of their young children and create
opportunities to foster more secure and protective attachment in vulnerable families and
marginalised social groups.
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References
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doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.34.10.932
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Ata: Journal of Psychotherapy Aotearoa New Zealand
Lynne Holdem
Lynne Holdem is a registered psychotherapist with an
interest in family work and the intersection of politics and
psychotherapy. She trained with the Institute of Psychosynthesis and joined NZAP as an applicant member in 2001.
She has a private practice in New Plymouth and has also
worked, as a manager, with Supporting Families in Mental
Illness, Taranaki. She has worked recently in the Children’s
Issues portfolio for NZAP. Lynne was elected to Council in
2017, with responsibility for the Public Issues portfolio. Lynne
is a trustee of Community Taranaki. Contact details: lynneholdem@gmail.com .
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