The Chastising of God’s Children from manuscript to print

THE CHASTISING OF GOD'S CHILDREN FROM MANUSCRIPT TO PRINT Steven Rozenski Klincksieck | Études anglaises 2013/3 - Vol. 66 pages 369 à 378 ISSN 0014-195X Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse: Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck http://www.cairn.info/revue-etudes-anglaises-2013-3-page-369.htm -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Pour citer cet article : -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Rozenski Steven, « The Chastising of God's Children from manuscript to print », Études anglaises, 2013/3 Vol. 66, p. 369-378. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Klincksieck. © Klincksieck. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. 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Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Steven ROZENSKI Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck Possibly the first print by Wynkyn de Worde was the devotional treatise The Chastising of God’s Children (c. 1493). Extant manuscripts correct scribal errors carefully, but the incunable introduces many variants. These, as well as the incunable’s colophon and title page, show Wynkyn de Worde’s Chastising evincing more skepticism about human virtues, and amplifying the distinction between corporeal and non-corporeal revelations in the discernment of spirits. The incunable is concerned with spiritual needs, not with the social approbation of revelatory experience or the suppression of heresy; its critique of images and visions foreshadows future controversy. Le traité de dévotion The Chastising of God’s Children fut probablement le premier ouvrage imprimé par Wynkyn de Worde (1493 ?). Si la tradition manuscrite corrige avec soin les erreurs des copistes, l’incunable introduit de nombreuses variantes. En les analysant ainsi que le colophon et la page de titre de l’incunable, nous découvrons que de Worde scrute avec scepticisme les actions humaines, qu’il développe, dans le discernement des esprits, la distinction entre révélations corporelles et spirituelles. L’incunable répond à une nouvelle attente spirituelle et ne s’attache plus à valider les révélations ou combattre l’hérésie ; sa critique des images et des visions annonce les controverses à venir. The Chastising of God’s Children, an anonymous Middle English devotional text composed at the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth century (most likely in the 1390s), was designed to guide female religious in contemplation and the discernment of spirits while equipping them to resist both temptation to exuberant displays of excess and, more dangerous still, contemporary heresies spurred by revelatory theology (Kerby-Fulton 260-69). It draws on many Latin sources: the Ornatus spiritualis desponsationis, i.e., Geert Grote’s Latin translation of Jan van Ruusbroec’s De geestelike brulocht, whose English reception has been mapped (De Soer; Sargent; Cré), Henry Suso’s Horologium sapientiæ, again with a complex English reception, (Schultze; Rozenski), James of Milan’s Stimulus amoris, Cassian’s Steven ROZENSKI, The Chastising of God’s Children from manuscript to print, ÉA 66-3 (2013): 369-378. © Klincksieck. Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck The Chastising of God’s Children from manuscript to print Études Anglaises — 66-3 (2013) Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck Collationes, and Alphonse of Jaén’s Epistola solitarii. The vast array of sources for The Chastising is discussed by Bazire and Colledge (41-49). Citations from The Chastising will be taken from their critical edition, and cited parenthetically by page and line number. Although all of these borrowings are silent, the author cites several authorities by name: Jerome, Isidore of Seville, Thomas Aquinas, Augustine, Bonaventure, and Gregory the Great. Beyond drawing on theological tradition, the text also begins to open the tools of Latin exegesis to a vernacular audience; the author performs a complicated dance between translation, exegesis, and incomplete, untranslated quotation of the Vulgate—fighting “a constant battle . . . between his democratic and his despotic impulses” (Sutherland 373). These intricate considerations of the role of vernacularity and Latinity in promoting scriptural understanding found a ready audience in late-medieval England, for the text was a considerable success. It survives in ten complete (or once complete) manuscripts (as well as one incomplete manuscript), and was used later in the fifteenth century as the principal source text for the Disce mori (two manuscripts) and Ignorancia sacerdotum (one manuscript). A quite different measure of its success can be found in the care several scribes took in both copying the text and correcting their copies: Bodleian Library MS Bodley 505 [B], British Library MS Harley 6615 [H], Bodleian Library MS Laud misc. 99 [La], and Cambridge, Trinity College MS B.14.19 [T] all bear evidence of significant correction. In the case of B a different hand corrected the work of the first scribe against the exemplar; in T the correction took the form of collation with an entirely different (and, as it happens, more accurate) manuscript. It was also esteemed highly enough to circulate alongside other high-profile works of vernacular theology, some of particular complexity: in B, for example, The Chastising appears with the Middle English translation of Marguerite Porete’s The Mirror of Simple Souls—this unusual pairing is discussed in detailed by Cré; in Cambridge, Magdalene College MS Pepys 2125 [P], the Pseudo-Bonaventurean Passion Meditations and extracts from Richard Rolle’s English works; and, in T, the popular English translation of James of Milan’s Stimulus amoris. A thorough account of the manuscript tradition of The Chastising can be found in Bazire and Colledge (1-41) and I adopt their sigla (Bazire x). Although the text’s success in manuscript offers us some evidence for Wynkyn de Worde’s decision to print it early in his career (it may have been the first text he printed), it remains to be considered what changes were made in the text’s transition from manuscript to print. How was The Chastising adapted to suit the interests of a late fifteenth-century devotional readership? Its popularity evidently continued unabated through the end of the fifteenth century, as it seems to have achieved commercial success in print: Mary Erler has located eighteen largely intact copies (Erler 125, 150-51). While this c. 1493 incunable [W] can Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck 370 371 Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck be fruitfully included in a stemmatic analysis of The Chastising, it has enough variants of significance to warrant an analysis of its adaptations distinct from the extant manuscript record (see Bazire 32 for its place in their stemma). Although a direct copy-text is no longer extant, W is most closely related to P, British Library MS Additional 33971 [Add], and Cambridge, St. John’s College MS E.25 [J]. Curt Bühler concisely noted several modifications unique to the printed text: many are shown to be simply the results of errors common to early printers. There are turned letters, omitted letters, simple misreadings of copy, as well as more lengthy instances of probable eyeskip. Some of the errors occur only in certain of the incunables, demonstrating an ongoing process of correction at the press as the editions were produced (Bühler); de Worde’s skill as a printer have long been criticized, whilst his business acumen makes no doubt (West 243-44). There are numerous other variants, however, and the more substantive changes are best seen in the context of its adaptation in the religious milieu of Wynkyn de Worde’s London in the final decade of the fifteenth century, or (with less likelihood in many instances), as the result of a source manuscript produced closer to de Worde’s time than to the text’s original composition roughly a century earlier. There are many instances of the simple substitution of a more modern term for one that might have seemed slightly archaic in the metropolis by the 1490s. For instance, clepen (215.6) is changed in W to the more current “ben callid,” benymeþ (208.30) becomes “takyth awaye,” and gastfulnesse [fear] (146.13) becomes “ferdnes” in W. There is a preference for “fiend” in W over the mixture of references in the manuscripts to “fiend” and “devil”; knowyng (226.27) becomes “cunning” in W. Other times one can see attempts to clarify a mildly complicated turn of phrase from the manuscript record: “Of þe nonnpowere of þe fiend” (153.16-7), for instance, becomes the more straightforward “That the fende hath noo power” in W. The struggle of the will against temptation is referred to with the aggressive phrase “fiȝtiþ þerwiþ” (201.11); in the incunable we find the calmer “saith contrary.” In the penultimate paragraph of the treatise de Worde goes still further in trimming the text: Þese foure maners of preieng þe postle shewid in his pistle, al be it þei stonde nat so in ordre, whanne he seide þus: In eche oreison and obsecracion wiþ þankynges ȝoure postulacions moten [may] be knowen bifore god. In þis maner þanne preieþ, aftir þe techyng of þe apostle, and aftir cristis wordis, as I seide in þe bigynnyng of this short pistle: Wakiþ and preieþ, þat ȝe falle not into temptacion. (227.16-22) All of the underscored material is deleted in W; concision is clearly valued above the more exact, wordier account of both earlier text and scriptural citation found in the manuscripts. Overall, however, the tone established by W’s variants can be characterized as somewhat more pessimistic and skeptical about divine Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck The Chastising of God’s Children from manuscript to print Études Anglaises — 66-3 (2013) Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck judgment and human missteps when compared to the text found in the manuscript tradition. At times, the difference can be a quite modest one: “doute of predestinacion” (167.4), for example—a fairly neutral, unemotional state—is changed in W to the more forceful “drede of predestynacion.” Or, when discussing the feeling resulting from a genuine vision of God, the manuscripts relate that the soul “feliþ hym [itself] fulfilled or rauyshed or chaufed [warmed] and heet [heated] wiþ a goostli swetnesse or sauour in þe loue of god.” (178.17-8); W simply removes “swetnesse or” (an unfortunate omission for an audience which may have read of Richard Rolle’s detailed experiences of divine sweetness). Similarly, where the manuscripts read “it is ful comfortable to þenke on þe wordis þat god seiþ bi þe prophete” (200.22-3), W omits “god” and adds “in the psalme” after “prophete”: not directly changing the meaning, certainly, but nevertheless effecting a delicate move away from the affirmative experience of hearing the voice of God in the text which follows (similar to the removal of “and aftir cristis wordis” we saw above). The efficacy of petitionary prayer is weakened somewhat in the incunable: the manuscripts read “[p]redestinacion is begunne bi þe ordynaunce of god, it is holpen be þe preier of seintes, and of goode men, and it is endid bi a mannes owne wirchyng” (156.12-5). W omits “and of goode men,” potentially offering a glimpse of contemporary skepticism about the use of (human) prayers and indulgences in freeing souls from Purgatory. This chapter on predestination was unsurprisingly treated with significant disdain by the post-Reformation readers who encountered it: the copy of W held by the library of the University of Glasgow (Hunterian Bv.2.19), for example, bears a marginal comment at the beginning of the chapter by a late sixteenth-century reader: “[t]his mater is to high for the symple clerk to learnedly speak of.” W’s changes are not universally negative, however. The text ends (save the Latin colophon), “He þat is þanne almiȝti, riȝtful and merciful, in his riȝtwis chastisyng haue mercy on us synful. Amen” (228.2-3). W alone changes us here to the: a more universal, rather less selfcastigating turn of phrase with which to end the work. The colophons themselves reveal much about how the text itself, as artifact, was understood by its copyists and printer. Three manuscripts and W conclude with “Iesu christe uere, quos castigas miserere” (228.4) [Jesus Christ the True, you who chastise, have mercy], with W adding to this “Amen. Explicit hic liber castigacionis puerrorum dei” [Amen. Here ends the book of the chastising of God’s children] and H adding “Explicit epistola castigacionis puerorum dei. Sit laus deo, pax viuis, requies defunctis. Iesu criste fili dei, miserere mei. Amen” [the letter of the chastising of God’s children ends. Praise be to God, peace to the living, rest to the dead. Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me. Amen]. J ends with a concise “Explicit liber” [the book ends]; Add has a Latin couplet preceded by a prayer for mercy for he who wrote it, seemingly extrane- Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck 372 373 Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck ous to the text proper (“[q]ualibet ecce die vescendi tempus habetur, ac expendendi lucrandi nec retinetur” [In each day one is granted time for enjoyment, but it cannot be kept for saving nor spending]). While some of the manuscripts are comfortable with the simple, traditional Latin request for mercy from Christ (with a reference to his role as castigator connecting the colophon to the text proper), others end with a conclusive recapitulation of the book’s title; H is the most idiosyncratic in referring to the text as “letter” rather than “book,” as well as including its short declaration of praise, peace, and repose (the use of epistola in the colophon is especially curious, as H’s own incipit refers to the text instead, along with the other manuscripts, in English, as a book, even as the dedicatory paragraphs following the table of contents refer to the text as a “short pistle” [95.1]). W takes a middle path, retaining the most standard aspect of this set of colophons—the commonplace request for mercy—while also ensuring textual cohesion and integrity in the new marketplace in which it will find itself by repeating the title of the treatise in its closing words. The title page added to W similarly functions to present the book more forthrightly to a potential reader. B, the base manuscript chosen by Bazire and Colledge, for instance, has as a detailed incipit: “Heere bigynneþ þe kalender eiþer þe table of þe chapitels of þis tretys heere aftir suyng [following], þe whiche tretys is clepid [called] þe chastisyng of goddis children” (91.1-3). The presence of a table of contents in the vernacular devotional treatise is significant enough for B’s scribe (uniquely among the scribes of the text) to warrant a doubling of expressions for the feature—Dutton provides and in-depth analysis of the role of tables and contents in late-medieval devotional compilations, including The Chastising (123-60). The incunable, however, begins with a separate title page which reads: “The prouffytable boke for mannes soule, and right comfortable to the body, and specyally in aduersitee & trybulacyon, whiche boke is called The Chastysing of goddis Chyldern.” This practical advertisement for the text highlights its benefits to both body and soul (the former a rather questionable claim) and marks its “profitability,” however the reader might wish to define it, first and foremost. Compare this practical copy to the aureate diction of Caxton’s introduction to his second edition of The Canterbury Tales (1484), for instance: “Grete thankes, laude, and honour ought to be gyuen vnto the clerkes, poetes, and historiographs that haue wreton many noble bokes of wysedom, of the lyues, passions, & myracles of holy sayntes, of hystoryes, of noble and famous Actes, and faittes, and of the cronycles sith [since] the begynnyng of the creacion of the world vnto thys present tyme” (Crotch 90). Beyond this effort to identify and market the treatise conspicuously with its title page, W also inverts the order of the first two items of the text: the manuscripts first present the table of contents, then contain a short dedicatory epistle before the first chapter begins. De Worde’s Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck The Chastising of God’s Children from manuscript to print Études Anglaises — 66-3 (2013) Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck edition instead opens the body of the text with these dedicatory paragraphs. Instead of the brief summaries of the twenty-seven chapters of The Chastising, we instead encounter a first-person explanation of the virtuous intentions of the author and his trepidation in offering up his discussion of “þe termes of diuinite” in “any maner vulgare” (as all manuscripts save H read) or, as W reads, the “comyn langage” (95.17-8). These paragraphs, addressing the text to a “religious sister” (95.1), are densely laden with affirmatively affective terms—comfort (five times in the first paragraph), grace, mercy, riȝtwisnesse and wisdom, feiþ, pacientli and gladli—which offer a rather disconcertingly optimistic prospectus for a potential purchaser when compared to the more dour details of the treatise offered in the lengthy table of contents (some chapter descriptions are as long as nine lines in the incunable). Some of the most theologically significant moments of textual revision which occurred as the text made its way to print can be found in the precepts concerning the discernment of spirits, most particularly the discussion of the role of images therein. The twelfth chapter of The Chastising details the danger posed by those who follow a particular form of “contrarious lyueng” (142.1). The author details their failings at length, referring to them as “goddis pacientis” (142.1-2); they seem intended to represent devotees of some type of Free Spiritism, real or imagined. In the midst of this, he mentions that “sum wiþ her errours bien taken wiþ wikked spirites, and . . . sum in dissert after her desire han reuelacions” (145.2-1). Bazire and Colledge write in the apparatus that dissert (in B) “could be ‘disseit,’ the letter, whether ‘r’ or ‘i,’ being badly formed” (145); all other manuscripts save Add read “deceyte” or a variant thereof. This seems likely to be the correct reading, given the unrelenting condemnation of “goddis pacientis” that constitutes the chapter’s theme. W, however, quite surprisingly reads desert: while the steady condemnation of heresy in this chapter led most other scribes to see the revelations described here as mere deceit, W seems to have been less anxious about the “messangiers of antecrist” (144.10) and consequently less careful in maintaining the condemnatory atmosphere that pervades the passage. The language of corporeal, spiritual, and intellectual vision in chapter eighteen is very carefully maintained, however. The author discusses numerous Biblical revelations both visual and aural, categorizing them and emphasizing the superiority of intellectual vision. Whereas six of the manuscripts mistake the description of Paul’s rapture to the third heaven, claiming that “in such a rauysshyng þe insiȝt of þe soule bi a wondirful myȝt of god is clierly fastned in bodili substaunce wiþ a sooþfast knowyng” (170.1-3), the incunable agrees with the remaining manuscripts in insisting on the soul’s “fastening” on unbodily substance. In the next paragraph, W stresses the corporeality of corporeal visions by writing that they are seen outward by “bodely eye wittes” rather than the simpler “bodili wittis” of the manuscripts. In the detailed Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck 374 375 Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck analysis of intellectual vision in this chapter, W uniquely emphasizes the split between corporeal and non-corporeal revelation. The manuscripts claim that in intellectual vision the soul “sees” such things as “loue, charite, deuocion, ioie, peas and suche oþer,” emphasizing that “Noon of suche þinges vnbodili mowen b(e) shewid bi ymage, but oonli in þe siȝt of þe soule,” and the soul is only able to perceive such abstractions insofar as it itself contains them. W largely agrees with this account, but the emphasis shifts: he changes vnbodili to bodeli and omits þe siȝt of. Instead of intellectual vision’s superiority over spiritual vision, W seems content simply to emphasize the split between corporeal and non-corporeal vision; the incunable text goes on, however, to delete the reference to “sight” in referring to the action of the soul in this form of revelation, strengthening its separation from the terminology of sensory perception. In determining the validity of visions, the twentieth chapter of The Chastising offers seven “tokens” to discern whether the visions are from a good spirit or the devil. The first method involves two forms of social control, both of which are significantly altered in W: a vision comes from God (or “a good spiryte,” according to W) if the visionary “is preued meke, inward and outward, and lyueþ vndir obedience and techyng of his goostli fadir” (177.18-9). W omits “and outward, and lyueþ,” retaining the importance of obedience to one’s spiritual adviser, but otherwise limiting the role of the social performance of humility in response to a visionary experience. In the eleventh chapter, the author directly addresses the dangers associated with Free Spiritism: those who claim to have reached the highest state of contemplation believe that their will is entirely unified with God’s and thus are no longer bound to obey the laws of Holy Church. “Þese men,” he writes, “in þer owne siȝt bien [are] ful contemplatif, but in goddis siȝt þei bien verray fugitiues, bicause þei haue runne awei and fledde fro god” (139.5-7). The phrase verray fugitiues, although expanded quite clearly by the clause following it, is perhaps the most frequently distorted phrase in the manuscript tradition. Add and P read “verray fictifs;” Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson C.57 [R] and T have “wery for feyntenesse” (with the annotator of T managing to correct this to “verry fugetyuys”); J has “werray fayturs.” The scribe of Liverpool University Library MS Ryl.F.4.10 [L], himself perhaps weary, has “very odious.” W seems to hedge its bets, reading “very fyctifs feyners”: while the sense of fleeing from God has been lost in the garbled transmission of this phrase from manuscript to manuscript, there is a newly polysemous flavor to this passage in W: fleeing from God, and from truth, has brought them to fictitiousness and feigning. Improper use of visions leads not only to a distancing from God, but to a loss of truth, to a dissimulation that threatens the trustworthiness of the image and the basis of representation itself. The fairly uncommon noun feigner appears in the OED only twice before de Worde’s use of Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck The Chastising of God’s Children from manuscript to print Études Anglaises — 66-3 (2013) Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck it; both instances, quite tellingly, refer to the misuse of prophecies and images (s.v. feigner). The murky web of medieval textual transmission in the transition from manuscript to print in this instance led the creators of the incunable to an entirely apposite turn of phrase, emphasizing and reinforcing The Chastising’s overriding concern with the control and regulation of visionary experience. This incunable from the dawn of Wynkyn de Worde’s career is far from his last encounter with ecclesiastical regulation of visions and images. Most notoriously, de Worde printed an English translation of John Ryckes’s Ymage of Love in 1525; sixty copies were bought by Syon Abbey, England’s only Bridgettine foundation and an energetically orthodox intellectual powerhouse. He soon was ordered to recall all copies of the text, however, as they were suspected of containing heresy by London authorities. We cannot be certain what precisely was objectionable about the book; the text opens, however, with a pointed critique of physical images, before going on to emphasize that by careful reading of scripture one can come to realize that “external images rather than God’s words leave the reader empty” and that instead, through diligent reading, one can recognize “the ‘ghostly’ reflection of God in the soul,” that is, the true image of love (Krug 205; for a detailed exposition of the printing of spiritual texts in the first decades of print in England, see Keiser). The attempt by the author of The Chastising of God’s Children to “negotiate the competing claims of Latin and vernacular, inside and outside, ‘prevy’ and public” for a “restless audience” of devotional readers (Bryan 29) in the late fourteenth century was a definite success; the text offers a rich, nuanced amalgam of theological information designed to help vernacular readers interpret the Bible correctly, avoid the dangers of heresy, and determine whether a revelatory experience was inspired by God or the Devil. In adapting the text for print, Wynkyn de Worde’s edition maintains all of these crucial elements, but subtly shifts several of its emphases in order to better serve the theological interests and devotional concerns of his late fifteenth-century audience. The distinction between corporeal and non-corporeal experience grows in importance and the attention to the social regulation of revelations is diminished, even as the “voice of sobriety and restraint” (Ellis 153), so prominent in the manuscript versions, becomes still more pronounced. Steven ROZENSKI Harvard University Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck 376 The Chastising of God’s Children from manuscript to print 377 Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Harvard University - - 140.247.0.95 - 21/01/2014 23h38. © Klincksieck The prouffytable boke for mannes soule, and right comfortable to the body, and specyally in aduersitee [and] trybulacyon, whiche boke is called The chastysing of goddes chyldern, [Westminster: Printed by Wynkyn de Worde, 1493] STC (2nd ed) 5065. [W] Cambridge, Magdalene College, MS Pepys 2125. [P] Cambridge, St. John’s College, MS E.25. [J] Cambridge, Trinity College, MS B.14.19. [T] London, British Library MS Additional 33971. [Add] London, British Library, MS Harley 6615. [H] Liverpool, University Library MS Rylands F.4.10. [L] Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 505. [B] Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud misc. 99. [La] Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson C.57. [R] Bibliography Bazire, Joyce and Eric Colledge, eds. The Chastising of God’s Children and the Treatise of Perfection of the Sons of God. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1957. Bryan, Jennifer. Looking Inward: Devotional Reading and the Private Self in Late Medieval England. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 2008. Bühler, Curt. “Seven Variants in The Chastising of God’s Children.” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 43 (1949): 75-78. Cré, Marleen. “Contexts and comments: The Chastising of God’s Children and The Mirror of Simple Souls in MS Bodley 505.” Medieval Texts in Context. Ed. Graham Caie and Denis Renevey. Abingdon: Routledge, 2008. 122-35. — “‘We are united in God (and God with us?)’: Adapting Ruusbroec in The Treatise of Perfection of the Sons of God and The Chastising of God’s Children.” The Medieval Mystical Tradition in England: Papers Read at Charney Manor, July 2004. Ed. E. A. Jones. Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2004. 21-36. Crotch, W. J. B. The Prologues and Epilogues of William Caxton. New York: Burt Franklin, 1928. De Soer, G. B. “The Relationship of the Latin Versions of Ruysbroek’s De geestelike brulocht to The Chastising of God’s Children.” Mediæval Studies 21 (1959): 129-45. Dutton, Elisabeth. Julian of Norwich: The Influence of Late-Medieval Devotional Compilations. Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2008. Ellis, Roger, and Samuel Fanous. “1349-1412: Texts.” The Cambridge Companion to Medieval English Mysticism. Eds. Samuel Fanous and Vincent Gillespie. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2011. 133-61. Erler, Mary. Women, Reading, and Piety in Late Medieval England. 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