Manuscripts (Medieval Studies)

„Tu deinen Mund auf und iss, was ich dir geben werde.“ Der Adressat dieser Anweisung ist der alttestamentliche Prophet Ezechiel, der von Gott angehalten wird, eine Schriftrolle zu essen, ihren Inhalt sich einzuverleiben und die sich auf diese Weise angeeigneten Worte Gottes zu verkünden (vgl. Ez 2,8ff.). In jenen Texten des Mittelalters, die unter der literaturhistoriographischen Ordnungskategorie ‚mystische Literatur‘ subsumiert werden, steht das Geschriebene meistens nicht am Beginn des Offenbarungsprozesses, sondern ist sein Produkt. Bemerkenswerterweise stellt die Schriftwerdung des Offenbarten in den Texten ein Thema für sich dar. Anders gesagt: Die Texte reflektieren die Bedingungen ihrer Entstehung; sie legen Wert darauf, den Leser in die Umstände ihrer Genese einzuweihen.
Dies gilt auch für die Helftaer Offenbarungsliteratur, deren textintern präsentierte Buchentstehungsgeschichten die deutliche Signatur von Schwester N, einer namentlich nicht bekannten Konventualin, tragen, von deren schriftstellerisch-kompilierender Hand auch die vor Kurzem entdeckte Sonderedition des Legatus divinae pietatis in der Leipziger Handschrift Ms 827 zeugt. Für gewöhnlich werden die im Helftaer Schrifttum gemachten Aussagen über die Entstehungsumstände der einzelnen Werke als kulturgeschichtlich verwertbare Fakten referiert, die über tatsächliche Schreibprozesse informieren. Doch zeigt der Prolog der Sonderausgabe des Legatus, wie Autorschaft modelliert und Schreibszenarien kreiert werden können, was die Frage nach dem Referenzwert vieler faktisch anmutender Details rund um die Buchgenesen, aber auch in Bezug auf die Figurationen von Autorschaft aufwirft.
Ohne diese Implikationen des Themas aus den Augen zu verlieren, widme ich mich in meinem Vortrag den Produkten der um 1300 tätigen Literaturwerkstatt von Helfta. Einleitend werde ich Spuren literarischer Interessenbildung bei jenen Grafenhäusern nachgehen, aus deren Reihen sich die Gründer des Vorgängerkonvents von Helfta rekrutieren. Der Blick auf die Anfänge von Helfta ist insofern aufschlussreich, als die Akteure, mit deren Namen der Literaturbetrieb um 1300 verbunden ist, Nachfahren der Förderer von Helfta bzw. der Stifter des Vorgängerkonvents waren. Diese Akteure haben in verschiedenen Funktionen zur Entstehung eines Textcorpus beigetragen, das nach einhelliger Meinung der Forschung nicht nur Werke mit Offenbarungscharakter, sondern auch solche umfasst, die aus seelsorgerischem Anliegen heraus verfasst wurden. Welche Werke mit Helfta tatsächlich in Verbindung stehen und welche wohl nicht, möchte ich im Einzelnen erläutern. Dabei gilt es, sowohl den Inhalt der neu aufgefundenen Leipziger Handschrift Ms 827 zu berücksichtigen, als auch die Argumente auf den Prüfstand zu stellen, die die Forschung veranlasst haben, das Fließende Licht und die Exercitia spiritualia dem Helftaer Literaturbetrieb um 1300 zuzuschlagen.

In the first half of the fourteenth century, the most prestigious place of learning for Hungarian clergymen was Bologna. Clerics studying there not only became prominent ecclesiastical figures, but also fulfilled important roles in the chancery and diplomacy of the Hungarian Angevin kings. While in Bologna or after their
return to Hungary, many of these men of letters commissioned illuminated manuscripts from Bolognese workshops, and thus played a decisive role in the reception of the new sensibilities of Italian art in Hungary. The first of these patrons that can be clearly identified is Demeter Nekcsei, magister tavarnicorum of the Hungarian court. Work on Nekcsei’s two-volume Bible was most likely completed by 1338, the year of his death. The paper analyses this manuscript.

It was not until the second decade of the twelfth century that Carolingian script started to be used in Galicia, closing the cycle of more than 200 years of use of Visigothic script as the main graphic system in the north-western Iberian Peninsula. A new period of openness to European cultural currents put then an end to the graphical and liturgical particularism of the territories that would become Spain, meaning a drastic change for all literate and illiterate people that was not received with equal eagerness in all areas. Some ecclesiastical institutions, led by ambitious bishops and abbots, saw an opportunity to grow and present themselves as the new main cultural centres of the medieval Iberian Peninsula, taking away the political and cultural prominence of those that had once been instrumental in the reorganization of the Christian peninsular realms after the Muslims’ arrival. Others seem to have been reluctant to accept a new rite and to adopt a new script, neither of which was a national product. Caroline minuscule had not evolved gradually, like Visigothic script had, from the previous documentary and book hand writing systems used, but was imposed, like the Roman rite, mostly by political interests of kings, ecclesiastical elites, and cultural pressure. Acceptance of change would lead to a cultural unification in which the glorious Visigothic past, Visigothic script, and Visigothic rite were no more than a memory.
In analysing the extant manuscript sources, codices and charters, that speak of liturgical imposition and graphical acculturation, the present work discusses not only how the process occurred, but what it must have meant, politically and culturally speaking, for major cultural peninsular institutions both old and new, for those closer to the Carolingian Empire and those geographically distant but very much in the political and ecclesiastical centre of northern Christian Iberia. After a brief historical and graphical review of how the process of change developed in Septimania and Catalonia as early as the ninth century, and in Aragon, Navarre, and the Leonese-Castilian kingdoms well into the eleventh century, attention will be given to what was the old kingdom of Galicia, in the far north-western corner of the peninsula. A thorough look at the extant written sources produced in the two main Galician sees, Lugo and Santiago de Compostela, from the late eleventh to the mid-twelfth century, and their historical context, highlights the steps of graphical and cultural change, simultaneously providing valuable evidence about how the transition from the old Visigothic script system to the new European Carolingian one must have been experienced by the scribes and copyists who lived it.

Este artículo responde la frecuente pregunta sobre cómo se encontraron las soluciones para averiguar el sistema de escritura y el idioma del manuscrito medieval MS408, como se describió en el artículo de la revista Romance Studies titulado The Language and Writing System of MS408 (Voynich) Explained (Cheshire, 2019). Desvelar el enigma fue un proceso muy intuitivo, así que explicar cómo se hizo es un reto en sí mismo.

This article explores the relationship between the marginal imagery and text of the Psalms within the thirteenth-century Rutland Psalter. It is argued that certain marginal images, which appear predominantly secular in nature, interact with and illuminate the text of the Psalms in surprising ways. These marginal figures evince a dynamic creative process in which a secular body of illuminators used words and phrases on the page to initiate playful and often quasi-literate pictorial responses. Furthermore, in at least one instance the margins of the Rutland Psalter interact with not just the words of the Psalm but the meaning behind them. The bas-de-page figures accompanying the miniature of Jacob's Dream of the Ladder at the start of Psalm 80 encourage the viewer to contemplate the text of the Psalms, much like the textual glosses stemming from the writings of St. Jerome. Ultimately, this article suggests that the margins were, at their time of creation, a novel way of reinforcing the text for a lay viewer. The very puzzle of encountering an esoteric image could, as a mental exercise for the lay viewer, heighten his or her personal engagement with the page.

This article presents a manuscript that significantly enriches the textual corpus of ›Helfta Mysticism‹ with a series of hitherto unknown writings. Aside from this, it contains what is by some distance the oldest copy of the ›Legatus divinae pietatis‹, in the form of a ›special edition‹ that consists of excerpts from the known text as well as new material. This is preceded by a prologue and a florilegium which is marked in an epilogue as Gertrude’s own work. We argue that the epilogue of the florilegium, the prologue and the ›special edition‹ itself were probably composed by ›Sister N‹ of Helfta herself. The article provides a full description of the manuscript (Ms 827), a breakdown of the new ›special edition‹ of the ›Legatus‹-text, and an edition, translation, and close reading of the prologue.

Im Folgenden soll eine Handschrift vorgestellt werden, die die Textbasis der Helftaer Mystik mit einer Reihe von bislang unbekannten Schriften bereichert. Außerdem enthält sie die mit Abstand älteste Abschrift des ›Legatus divinae pietatis‹ in Form einer ›Sonderausgabe‹, die aus Exzerpten aus dem bekannten Textcorpus und aus weiterem bislang nicht bekanntem Material besteht. Dieser geht eine Vorrede und ein im Epilog als Gertruds Werk ausgewiesenes Florilegium voraus, Texte, die wie die ›Sonderausgabe‹ selbst von Schwester N von Helfta stammen dürften. Die vorliegende Studie bietet eine Beschreibung von Ms 827, die Aufschlüsselung der ›Sonderausgabe‹ des ›Legatus‹ sowie Abdruck, Übersetzung und inhaltliche Analyse der Vorrede.

So far, studies of Pelplin's manuscripts have focused exclusively on selected, most prominent volumes with signatures 23 (19), 43 (79), L 13. Some scholars have attempted to attribute to Pelplin's Cistercian scriptorium also manuscripts 2 (3), 3 (4), 5 (1), 8 (5), 28 (20), 30 (90), 50 (78), 85 (186), L 21, though their analysis tend to omit calligraphic decorations (M. Nierzwicka being a notable exception). The analysis of penwork, however, is an invaluable tool for identifying the provenance and dating of manuscripts.
The collection of volumes in Pelplin currently includes two manuscripts with confirmed origin and creation date: "Summa Confessorum" 30 (90) and Gradual L 13. The first one has a colophon while the latter was subject of extensive provenance studies. Both were written in Pelplin: "Summa" in 1319 and the Gradual in the 2nd half 14th C. Comparative studies of other codices indicate that they too were most likely made by local monks. Decoration of manuscript 57 (66) and 27 (44) are nearly identical with those adoring pages of manuscript 30 (90). Though executed with less skill, the penwork of a group of writings marked with signature 17 (27) and dating probably to before 1319, are also similar to those in the "Summa". Nicholas of Lyra's "Commentaries" [sygn. 5 (1)] were made later which is indicated by both their content and its decorations which appropriate elements from manuscripts 30 (90) and, at the same time, serve as source of inspiration for Gradual L 13. The latter volume's decorations are also linked with the characteristic motif of swelling bulbs drawn in the manuscript 67 (134). The decoration of the initial incipit from manuscript 67 (134) was copied with almost no alternation in Nicholas of Lyra's  "Commentaries" which, according to their colophon, were written in 1416 and are marked with signature 22 (11). It seems likely, that the distinct form of penwrok from the 'circle' of "Summa Confessorum", developed earlier. This process can be seen in volumes with signature 3 (4), 66 (116) and the Antiphonary L 9. Finally it can also be added that decorations in manuscript 20 (47) are analogous to some of those in L 9. It is very likely that the Antiphonary L 9 is either one of Pelplin's scriptorium earliest work or that it was used by local monks as a model for their works.

The Diocesan library in Pelplin contains several manuscripts which originate from its mother monastery in Doberan. They probably came here with the first monks from Doberan to the newly founded monastery in Pogódki (1258) which moved to Pelplin a few years later (1276). The stock consists of six manuscripts with a definite possession note of Doberan Monastery and seven further handwritings which are classified by research work as originating from Doberan. The article presents the manuscripts and the current state of research.

Ornament as Argument  explores notions of ornamentation and materiality in 10th and 11th-century Christian manuscript illumination. In particular, the book investigates the function and metaphoric meaning of so-called textile pages—images evoking the weave patterns of Byzantine and Islamic silk. An analysis of a broad range of objects situates textile pages in the context of medieval reading practice, visual exegesis, and worship. Based on various theological arguments that bear on the images and the book as an object in itself, the illuminations emerge as powerful textile metaphors. These concern material approaches to scripture, textile readings of the incarnation, and the physical book as body. Ornament as Argument thus contributes to a new understanding of the vital role illuminated manuscripts played in medieval material culture.

Hillel Zeitlin (1871-1942) was the leading figure of what may be called philosophical neo-Hasidism among Eastern European Jews in the pre-Holocaust era. A tireless author, journalist, and polemicist, he published constantly in both the Yiddish and Hebrew press, offering a bold new vision of contemporary spiritual life grounded in his reading of Hasidic sources. But Zeitlin sought to become an activist as well as a literary figure. He was especially concerned with the situation of the rootless Jewish youth. Throughout his career as a public figure, beginning shortly after World War I, he issued calls for a new organization of Jewish life. In a series of articles published in the 1920s he sought to form an elite Jewish spiritual fraternity to be called Yavneh, the most fully elaborated of his attempts at intentional community. The present study collects together Zeitlin’s Yiddish writings on the Yavneh fellowship, which are here re-printed and translated for the first time. Alongside these we present a newly discovered manuscript signed by Zeitlin, a single-sheet four-sided signed text in which he describes more succinctly and clearly the nature of the group and its intended function.

Script for video https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OjepyBwdpOY, which is part of the MOOC "Deciphering the secrets of medieval illuminated manuscripts", offered by the universities of Colorado (US) and Complutense (Spain) through www.coursera.org,

introduzione al volume che l'insegnamento del vocabolario della propria disciplina non è sempre la principale preoccupazione di un docente universitario, e che ciò vale anche per chi «insegna la paleografia e le materie correlate, quali in particolare la diplomatica e la codicologia». Se, forse, in passato ci si poteva permettere di presumere che gli studenti possedessero gli attrezzi concettuali e terminologici necessari allo studio di una certa disciplina, nel caso particolare la paleografia, oggi nulla può essere dato per scontato. Evidente dovrebbe quindi risultare, più che l'utilità, la necessità di uno strumento che accompagni i discenti in un ambito tecnico quale la paleografia latina, tanto indispensabile allo studio del nostro passato quanto confinato in un orizzonte quasi esotico -il che potrebbe, in una prospettiva didattica, essere volto in vantaggio, poiché c'è un'inevitabile alterità nel passato e una quota di mistero sempre nuovo da indagare. Del glossario di Adelaide Ricci colpisce innanzitutto la semplicità: una virtù che tuttavia nasconde un lungo e paziente lavoro di chiarificazione, percorso che conduce alla chiarezza. È proprio la chiarezza terminologica a svolgere la funzione di autentica guida dei perplessi -o degli inesperti, quali sono non solo gli studenti, ma anche gran parte degli storici non specialisti della disciplina. Si trovano nel Glossario, per questa ragione, voci che dettagliano aspetti specifici dell'edizione di manoscritti (è il caso delle iniziali decorate e della loro nomenclatura), termini legati alla storia dei testi e alla loro redazione (alcuni, originale o redattore, apparentemente intuitivi, altri, come abitato o rasura, che appartengono al lessico più tecnicamente specifico della materia) e altri più generali ma che potrebbero talvolta causare fraintendimenti (come, nella struttura di un'opera, sommario, indice o intercolùmnio). Un pregio indiretto del Glossario di paleografia risiede nel suo mostrarci, attraverso la terminologia, la ricchezza della storia del libro nel suo farsi oggetto concreto di lettura e di studio; va quindi doppiamente apprezzato il fatto che questo volume si pone consapevolmente all'interno di questa nobile storia, che contiene e dalla quale è contenuto: in tale prospettiva si pone un'eccellente bibliografia ragionata, tanto semplice quanto intelligente, valida guida per gli studenti che opportunamente intendano proseguire nello studio della materia paleografica, una disciplina preziosa e, come tutte le altre, in evoluzione. Ai paleografi esperti, infine, il Glossario di Adelaide Ricci può servire come utile promemoria relativamente a un aspetto che ogni specialista tende paradossalmente a trascurare, per non dire dimenticare: la bellezza della propria terminologia specifica.

The International Conference The Impact of Arabic Sources on Divination and the
Practical Sciences in Europe and Asia was held in Erlangen (2014 January 21-23) at
the International Consortium for Research in the Humanities, in collaboration
with the Union Académique Internationale/International Union of Academies,
the Académie des sciences du monde islamique (Amman), the Centre for the
History of Arabic Studies in Europe (Warburg Institute, London) and Micrologus
(SISMEL, Florence)

Das Reichsstift St. Maria und Pusinna zu Herford ist außerhalb des westfälisch-niedersächsischen Raumes trotz seiner Bedeutung für andere sächsische Frauenkonvente weitgehend in Vergessenheit geraten. Die Ursachen sind u.a. in seiner Säkularisation 1802 und dem Fehlen wirkungsmächtiger Überlieferung zu suchen, die ihm über seine Aufhebung hinaus kulturelle Wichtigkeit für breitere Bevölkerungskreise verliehen hätte. Die Vita Waltgeri ist ungeachtet der seit Jahrzehnten um sie geführten Kontroverse' keine Quelle von großer spiritueller Aussagekraft. Der Kult der Stiftsheiligen Waltger und Pusinna blieb regional beschränkt. Die in Herford überlieferte Pusinna-Vita ist zudem nicht echt. Das Stiftsgebäude wurde ab 1810 als Spinnerei genutzt und mit Ausnahme der Münsterkirche schließlich abgerissen. Archiv und Bibliothek wurden in "Rettungslager" nach Münster verbracht. 3 In Herford scheint zu dieser Zeit -wie in anderen westfälischen Orten auch -die Bewahrung der schriftlichen Überlieferung des Stifts nicht als Aufgabe erkannt worden zu sein.' So gelangten Handschriften der Herforder Reichsabtei in das Staatsarchiv Münster. Das Staatsarchiv Münster gab die Handschriften aus den Bibliotheken der aufgehobenen Klöster im Zuge von Zentralisierungsmaßnahmen des preußischen Staates an das Königliche Hauptstaatsarchiv Berlin ab. Von dort gelangten sie 1875 in die Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin.' Bei diesen Verlagerungen wurden die ursprünglichen Provenienzen aufgelöst; ein geschlossener Bibliotheksbestand des Stifts blieb nicht erhalten. Deshalb gibt es keine Untersuchungen zu seiner Bibliothek. Bücher waren im früheren Mittelalter eine Kostbarkeit. Der Umfang der Bibliothek eines Konvents, die Gestaltung ihrer Handschriften, gar die Aktivitäten eines eigenen Skriptoriums, sagen deshalb viel über sein geistliches Leben wie über seine wirtschaftliche Situation aus. Sigrid Krämer stellte 1989 die noch erhaltenen Handschriften zusammen, die sich einmal in der Herforder Bibliothek befanden.' Sie musste bei ihrer Untersuchung aller mittelalterlichen Frauenklöster überwiegend von Bibliothekskatalogen ausgehen, ohne auf die Handschriften und ihre Geschichte im Einzelnen eingehen zu können. Als einzige sicher im früheren Mittelalter in Herford entstandene Handschrift begegnet in ihrer Aufstellung das »Herforder Evangeliar«, das nach der Säkularisierung in die Königliche

The prayer book of Mary of Guelders dates, according to the colophon, from 1415 and has been written by Helmich die Lewe by order of Marie d"Harcourt, duchess of Guelders. It's an extremely big and ambitious prayer book that reflects the ideas of the patroness. This paper argues that Mary not only ordered the book, but that she played a significant role in the design of the book and it's religious programme.

L’article analyse un corpus de 122 manuscrits contenant le texte complet du Nouveau Testament latin. Ces manuscrits de format maniable constituent une production assez homogène du point de vue matériel et textuel et sont originaires de l’Italie du nord dans la plupart des cas. Ils ne semblent pas avoir été conçus en fonction de la liturgie, mais plutôt pour la lecture personnelle.

This brief essay describes minuscule 1780, a complete Greek manuscript of all 27 books of the New Testament.  This is one of only two such manuscripts in the United States.  Digital page-views are online, and this essay features an index of the New Testament books in the manuscript.  In addition, minuscule 1780's text of First Peter 1:1-12 is compared to the same passage in Codex Sinaiticus, and the outcome shows that in those 12 verses, 1780 has the more accurate text. 
(3 pages, with embedded links)

A través de la documentación conservada el artículo analiza cómo las fronteras entre las diferentes tareas relacionadas con el libro se flexibilizan en función de las necesidades de mandantes y artífices. A excepción de ejemplares muy notables que se encomiendan a profesionales de reconocido prestigio en las diferentes disciplinas, en general en la creación del libro medieval se aprecia una gran versatilidad y carácter práctico.

The principles of Saenger and Parkes on the analysis of word spacing in Insular manuscripts are here applied to the Irish ogam corpus.  Differences in the adoption of aerated text between that corpus and the Anglo-Saxon epigraphic corpus are examined and the reasons for these differences are explored.  Finally, the dating of the adoption of aerated text in both Insular manuscripts and the ogam corpus is compared.

Исследуется вятская оброчная книга, содержащая уникальные сведения за 7101–7124 (1592/93–1615/16) гг. Данные этой книги ранее не привлекались исследователями в их работах по вопросам оброчного землевладения в России. Для второй части книги применяется статистический метод исследования, на основе которого делаются выводы об особенностях раздачи угодий на оброк на Вятской земле в Смутное время. Подтверждается сделанное предположение о зависимости дачи на оброк от социально-политических событий, уменьшение количества оброчных записей в книге за отдельные годы коррелирует с периодами социальных возмущений в регионе. Фактические данные оброчной книги предоставляют разнообразные и часто уникальные сведения для изучения истории Вятской земли указанного периода.

La collana "Fonti tradotte per la storia dell'Alto Medioevo" si propone di rendere accessibili a un pubblico di lettori interessati ma non specialisti i più significativi testi europei di interesse storiografico relativi all'Alto Medioevo feudale (IX-XI secolo) e finora non tradotti in lingua italiana. Di ogni testo è offerta una versione accurata e completa, accompagnata da introduzioni e note e corredata da un'ampia documentazione ausiliaria.

This chapter focuses on the problem of tale-order in the witnesses of the Canterbury Tales and pays special attention to the differences in the order of the tales in Cx1 and Cx2. A brief history of the problem of tale-order is offered first, since it is likely that that was what prompted Caxton to change the order of Cx1 was that ω presented a different tale-order. Although the tale-order in Cx2 is unique and probably conflated, this new order should partly reflect the order of the lost manuscript, and might offer new information about it.

Il Convegno internazionale intende indagare le forme e le funzioni dello spazio sacro per meglio comprendere, nel loro contesto, le opere artistiche. Per questa ragione le due giornate di studio intendono portare nuovi contributi sull'uso e l'organizzazione dello spazio nelle chiese cattedrali, negli edifici monastici e in quelli degli ordini mendicanti. Recuperare attraverso la rilettura delle fonti dove si trovavano dipinti, sculture, suppellettili liturgiche, in che modo questi erano usati nei diversi momenti della celebrazione liturgica, aiuta a restituire, almeno idealmente, come si presentava in realtà un edificio medievale, che appare oggi spesso ridotto alle sue sole linee architettoniche. Presupposti tecnico-costruttivi, funzioni, necessità cultuali, vita comunitaria e pellegrinaggi sono solo alcuni degli aspetti fondamentali nella "rappresentazione" dello spazio del sacro che trovano il loro fulcro nella concreta realizzazione di opere. Queste ultime sono intese come "vettori", reciproche connessioni nello spazio, concepito non in senso astratto, ma come forza centripeta in cui il divino si manifesta con i segni tangibili dell'arte in età medievale.

Past and recent historiography on the fifteenth-century Wegestreit described early Parisian Albertism as an intellectual trend internal to the Arts Faculty and almost exclusively identified with the figure of Johannes de Nova Domo. Although historical documents hinted at the existence of a more established school, no further evidence could be provided. In this contribution we focus on the manuscript Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, ms. 760, which contains a commentary to the Sentences given at Paris by Lambertus de Monte, albertista magnus, around 1423. This previously unnoticed source turns out to be the first important witness of the presence of Albertism in the Faculty of Theology at Paris, and testifies to a significant reception and development of the ideas of Johannes de Nova Domo. Moreover, the manuscript evinces an interesting constellation of marginalia, some of which bear traces of unknown works of the Albertist Heymericus de Campo. The article aims to present the source from a textual and material perspective, insofar as it investigates also some peculiar aspects of the history of the manuscript. The codex came from the Augustinian Canons’ Convent of Korsendonk, where it was partially copied, as we discovered, by the erudite Johannes de Meehrout.

Earlier scholarship faced a number of limitations in classifying catena manuscripts on the Acts of the Apostles. This study makes a comparison of exegetical scholia in selected text passages (Acts 2:1-16, 8:9-25, 28:19-31) in order to determine the different types of catena and how they relate to each other. This survey reveals the diversity of the tradition: some manuscripts are merely copies, which repeat the same text with only small variations, but others are unique and cannot be directly identified with a particular catena type. It is therefore necessary to expand the classification of catenae on Acts in the Clavis Patrum Graecorum so as to mark subdivisions within the individual types. Keywords catena-manuscript-Acts of the Apostles-Clavis Patrum Graecorum-scholia-Andreas the Presbyter Recent years have seen a significant increase in the study of patristic exegesis of the New Testament, especially with regard to biblical catenae.1 Detailed research on the catenae on the Acts of the Apostles, however, is yet to be Vigiliae Christianae 76 (2022) 281-305 Table 1 List of catena manuscripts on acts and type identification Catena type Shelfmark GA Acts folios Century C150