International Seminar on ‘Creating & Teaching Music Patterns’
Proceedings
Indian Music and the English Language Fifty years later
Daniel M. Neuman, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) [USA]
Abstract
It has been almost 50 years since Harold Powers published his important article on Indian music in
the English language. Since that time there has been a vastly increased number of scholarly books
and articles in English on various aspects of Indian music and its socio-cultural traditions, including
more recently, many studies on non-classical forms. In this paper I begin with the issue of
ethnomusicology in India, and following this with an overview of some of the important works
published in North America and Europe. I organize these studies in terms of their major themes of
history, ethnography, gender, regional and popular music traditions and some of the theoretical
streams that now characterize them.
Keywords: anthropology, ethnomusicology, Indian music, history, fieldwork, collaborative research
Introduction
It has been almost half a century since Harold Powers published his influential article, “Indian Music
and the English Language: A Review Essay” in the journal Ethnomusicology (1965). 1 Today it would
be virtually impossible to even attempt such an essay given the proliferation of scholarship in
English on Indian music since then. But even then, Harold Powers, insisted on calling himself an Indic
musicologist, and never an ethnomusicologist. And his essay was actually about Indian musicologists
writing in English. At that time, there actually was not yet much in the way of ethnomusicological
research in India, or writings outside of India, about its music that could be considered historical and
anthropological.
The term ethnomusicology used to be problematic in India. This was certainly due to the mistaken
assumption in India, that ethnomusicology was the study of what Indian scholars thought of as
inferior forms of music—folk music, tribal music and so forth—and Indians certainly didn’t think of
their music as inferior in any respect. This misunderstanding was also communicated by the way the
word ethnomusicology was used, albeit rarely, in Indian publications such as Bhattacharya’s 1968
book on Ethnomusicology and India (Bhattacharya 1968) and Chauhan’s 1973 work on tribal music
(Chauhan 1973).This misunderstanding about what ethnomusicologists actually do is well illustrated
by the following personal anecdote.
In 1989-90 I was conducting fieldwork for our ethnographic atlas of Musicians in West Rajasthan,
working principally with Langa and Manganiar musicians (Neuman, Chaudhuri, and Kothari 2006).
One pleasant evening, at a conference in Jodhpur, a distinguished historian from Jaipur and I were
chatting as we relaxed on our charpoys outside. He slowly moved the conversation to my work and
started asking me questions about it. He questioned the validity of my being a foreigner working on
Indian music. He correctly assumed that I had an imperfect knowledge of Hindi or Marwari and
presumably, Indian culture. He asked that had he gone, for example, to Germany, to study Mozart,
1
(Powers 1965)
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would his scholarship have been accepted with his imperfect knowledge of German and German
culture. I answered no. (Of course I was not considering the possibility of there being an audience in
the Indian academy for scholarship on Western classical music. Had there been then, the answer
would probably have been yes. Ethnomusicology was an “invention” of the academy in the West
which had as its intention the desire to understand, through translation as it were, the musical
systems and cultures of other peoples.) Then why, he asked me, do you feel entitled to do the
research you do? This was a fair enough question. My answer was simple. As an anthropologist, I
was doing ethnography, the ethnography of Indian musical culture, and had there been such a
research agenda and practice in India at that time, then my own work could perhaps have been
redundant. But there also was an important methodological aspect of being able to “see” as an
outsider, what was called an “etic” as opposed to an “emic” perspective. 2 Since no one in India was
conducting the kind of research I was conducting, and also no one with an “etic” perspective, I did
believe that my research would turn out to be a contribution to academic scholarship.
The historian’s question wasn’t so much about ethnomusicology, after all, as it was about postcolonial sensitivities regarding the perceived power imbalances between scholars from rich and
powerful countries conducting research in poor and less powerful ones. 3 But anthropologists from
India, albeit not many, had in fact conducted research in the United States. India in the 1960s and
1970s was still celebrating a post-Independence nationalism that made research in India, about
India and for India, paramount. Similarly, as I finally suggested to him, had he been able to carve out
a new research emphasis regarding Mozart, for example reception studies of Mozart audiences in
small German towns, then yes, conducting such research would have been perfectly valid for an
Indian with an imperfect knowledge of German and German culture.
This exchange exemplified a subtle tension between Indian scholars and non-Indian ones, but these
tensions never had much real impact, because music scholars in India and in North America and
Europe were following largely different research agendas in very different kinds of institutions.
Meanwhile, scholarly research of Indian music has proliferated in India and outside and for the rest
of my paper, I want to examine some general themes of research that have developed in the last
quarter century, since the late 1980s.
I want to look at this period because of its importance in the globalization of knowledge, ideas and
things. I will include recent research on the classical Hindustani tradition as well as the extension of
2
The classic distinction between emic and etic has been fundamental to anthropology and ethnomusicology. As Marvin
Harris wrote back in the 1970s, “The operational meaning of etics, in contrast, is defined by the logically nonessential status
of actor-observer elicitation. Interaction between anthropologist and actors is deemed productive only to the extent that
principles of organization or structure that exist outside of the minds of the actors have been discovered. These principles
may in fact be contrary to the principles elicitable from the actors themselves with respect to the manner in which they
organize their imaginations, concepts, and thoughts in the identified domain (Harris 1976, 331). The terms were originally
derived from the linguistic distinction between phonetic and phonemic by Kenneth Pike (Pike and Summer Institute of
Linguistics. 1954, Pike 1971).
3
By the 1980s this was of course, as post-colonial discourse, an important theme in social science and humanities
research which I will touch on a bit later in the paper.
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International Seminar on ‘Creating & Teaching Music Patterns’
Proceedings
Indian music studies beyond the classical traditions. These now include popular musics, regional
music, the musics of adivasis, women’s music as well as other forms.
Indian music studies today
There was a time not so long ago, I mean a little more than a century ago, when Indian classical
music was largely learned and taught, father to son or stepson, and mother to daughter or adopted
daughter and this transmission was limited to the sub-continent. This transmission fact is known to
all of you. Perhaps less well known are the methods used in this transmission and some of their
musical implications.
Today in contrast, Indian music, in all its aspects, is studied, learned, taught, performed and written
about throughout the world. By this I mean not only Hindustani or Carnatic classical music, but also
its regional traditions, such as Rajasthani Manganiar and Langa music, its popular traditions, such as
Bollywood and Assamese rock music, its Adivasi traditions such as is found in Jharkhand, as well as
the transmission of women’s traditions. And I mean also, not only contemporary traditions, but
historical traditions both in newly discovered documents by Kathrine Schofield (2013) and her
team, as well as recently translated works, for example those by Faqirullah (1996).
If Bhatkhande was one of the first systematic modern scholars of Indian music, (Bhatkhande (1995
(1910)), and also widely published at the time in North India, today we have scholars from around
the world, in Europe and North America to be sure, but also Iran and Central Asia, China, and Japan
as well.
We also have new schools in India dealing with the learning of Indian music. These range from
Kolkata’s ITC Sangeet Research Academy which attempts to simulate the guru-shishya system of
instruction, and the Department of Instrumental Music at Rabindra Bharati University here at this
conference, to AR Rahman’s Chennai School in which young people are taught to read and write
with Western notation and perform and compose non-classical forms. We even have a world music
focus in the newly established Global Music Institute out of New Delhi. 4
Our focus for this conference is on “Creating & Teaching Music Patterns,” and I intend to discuss this
within the larger eco-system in which Indian music is thriving, because everything from musical
paltas to patterns of residence affect the creation and consumption of music.
I shall begin with something that most of us share, that is the Guru-Shishya or Ustad-Shagird system
of traditional Hindustani music. But I want to introduce—synoptically—what might be for you, new
ways of thinking about that modality of musical transmission by relying on the intensive discipleship
and research of some of my colleagues.
4
http://globalmusicinstitute.wordpress.com/ They write: “Our curriculum is comprehensive, with an in-depth study of
Indian classical and folk music, the tradition and the root of our musical expression along with a broad range of musical
genres including Jazz, Rock, Pop, Blues, Western Classical, and World Music, which are an integral part of the Indian music
industry today. It also incorporates music technology and music business management, which we believe is very essential
for today’s working musician.”
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Traditional Hindustani Pedagogy
When I first started studying with Ustad Sabri Khan in 1969, I quickly learned that my teacher
listening to me was less important than the physical signs of my doing rīyāz. He did this by inspecting
my cuticles and nails to see how hardened the former was and how deep the groove of the latter. It
was the physical properties of my body, not the acoustical practices of my playing that constituted
the empirical basis for evaluating my dedication, for it was dedication, not the foreign concept of
musical talent, that counted most for my ustad.
Some years later, Regula Qureshi started studying with Sabri Khan, and in her 2009 article (Qureshi
2009) about the special relationship between ustad and shagird, she draws a contrast with the
typical studio teaching relationship found in Western conservatories In the Indian case, discipleship
is highly social. This is illustrated by the gaṇḍā bandhan ceremony, the exchange there of laḍḍu and
naẕrana, the involvement of witnesses from the family, the extended birādarī and a group of other
disciples. She also points to the shift in these social patterns, when Sabri Khan moved from his home
in Niariyan mohalla in Old Delhi to Asiad village, in which the easy access of the birādarī members
no longer existed. Therefore, a new pattern of residence affect ts the social dynamic of the gurushishya system of learning. Another point she makes is that very little is conveyed about technical
and theoretical aspects. Learning is by repetition.
Dard Neuman develops this concept of very abstract musical transmission even further. As he puts it
“We will see that master musicians (ustads) typically withheld forms of technical nomenclature and
referential knowledge. They made students practice rāgs without telling them the rāg names, and
sing notes without singing the note names.” What was critical was rīyāz, and in rīyāz, was rote
memorization through seemingly unending repetition. Dard Neuman’s point is that musicians in this
system learned a body practice in which the throat or hands moved autonomously “independent of
a directing mind.” He hastens to add that he is “not suggesting that the cognitive process—or the
brain—is inoperative in these preparatory exercises. “I am instead suggesting,” he writes, “that the
cultural sense of the “I that thinks” is kept in check until the “thing that thinks”—the body
instrument—is properly trained to direct musical ideas.” (Neuman 2012, 426)
The very special relationship between disciple and teacher in India has always had a special place for
ethnomusicology, since unlike the commonly perceived hierarchical relationships of foreign
researchers in many other places, foreign disciples in India were always clearly subordinate to their
teachers. An excellent example is Stephan Slawek who recounts his “feast or famine” periods as a
disciple of Ravi Shankar, representing the realities of having a guru who is also a world level and
traveling celebrity (Slawek 2000, 465)
This interestingly appears to be also largely true for the Indian middle class disciples of otherwise
poorer class ustads; there were very clear class, religious and even caste distinctions, but respect
was always shown to the ustad.
Collaborative work
One major change has been the practice of collaborative work in research on Indian music. In 1969, I
cannot think of a single instance of collaborative work resulting in collaborative publications. But in
1994 Richard Widdess published an important paper, called “Involving the Performers in
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Transcription and Analysis: A Collaborative Approach to Dhrupad” where he worked closely with
Ritwik Sanyal (Widdess 1994). Then in 2004 they published a book on Dhrupad together (Sanyal and
Widdess 2004). In a similar vein, I and Dr. Shubha Chaudhuri co-authored (with Komal Kothari) the
Rajasthan atlas I mentioned earlier, published in 2006 based on fieldwork mainly in 1989-90. We
worked closely with Komal Kothari at the time, but also with many of the musicians who went out
and collected much of the data on musician families used in the book, from scores of villages in
West Rajasthan.
Another two volume work has just appeared and is the result of a major collaborative ethnographic
effort from the UK, to gather every known khayāl composition in existence. This is Nicolas Magriel’s
(also a one time student of Sabri Khan) two volume work called the “Songs of Khayal” (Magriel and
Perron 2013) .
Yet another UK collaborative team approach involves history. The leader of the team, Katherine
Butler Schofield, has been publishing on Persian and Urdu sources since 2000 in a series of articles 5,
and just a month back she reported that her team has uncovered 200 previously unknown
manuscripts on Indian music (Schofield 2013). 6
This is history of a very different kind from what we would have found in India forty years ago. Then,
most history was from and about ancient and medieval texts on musicology, not music culture. This
history was about reconstructing musical sounds, not rediscovering musical life. This brings me to
another area I want to consider.
Historical Work
Social and cultural history was always a difficult area to explore in India. Partly this was because of
the inaccessibility or even existence of historical documents, and frankly an absence of interest on
the part of Indian scholars at the time. This absence of interest was in part due to social conditions
of the scholars themselves, whose practice was to work in archives of medieval texts rather than the
alleyways of contemporary mohallas.
To be sure there were a few works about musicians and musical culture in English and Bengali. Atiya
Begum Fyzee Rahamin published her music of India book first in 1914 (Fyzee-Rahamin and Fyzee
Rahamin 1914) and S.K. Chaubey published his “Indian Music Today” in 1945 (Chaubey 1945) and
Gosvami’s in 1957 (Gosvami 1957) and Birendra Kishore Roy Choudhury’s self-published book in the
late 1950s. 7 But it is remarkable that there was hardly more into the early 1960s. And the case was
even more problematic when it came to musical biographies. These emerged only from the 1980s
and for the most part were hagiographies put together by disciples. 8
5
(Schofield 2000, 2003/2004, 2007b, a, 2010)
6
I should also point to the collaboration of Jon Barlow and Lakshmi Subramanian publishing in the Economic and
Political Weekly (Barlow and Subramanian 2007). This last work is historical and part of a series that Subramanian has been
writing for the Economic and Political Weekly (Subramanian 1999), (Subramanian 2006b).
7
(Roy Choudhury n.d.). Available to read at http://davidphilipson.com/pages/TansenBook.html . His Bengali version is
(Roy Choudhury 1965).
8
Examples are: (Khan et al. 2000), (Sapra 2004), (Chaudhuri, Mahajan, and Chaudhuri 1993), (Menon 2001) and in
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But other histories were beginning to emerge in India and abroad. For example Najma Ahmad’s
1984 book on Hindustani music in the 17th and 18th centuries introduced Western readers to details
of Persian works until then not widely known there (Ahmad 1984). In 1993 Allyn Miner published
her groundbreaking study on the history of sitar and sarod (Miner 1993), later published in India
(Miner 1997). In 1996 Sarmadee published his translations of Faqirullah (Faqirullah 1996) and in
1998, Bonnie Wade published a history of music during the Mughal period based on iconographic
materials (Wade 1998). And in 2004, the aforementioned work by Widdess and Sanyal provided an
important history of Dhrupad (Sanyal and Widdess 2004). 9
Another major theme has been the “invention” of the classical found in Janaki Bakhle’s work on
Bhatkhande and Paluskar (Bakhle 2005) and Amanda Weidman’s in a similar vein for South India
(Weidman 2006) and also in Lakshmi Subramanian’s work on the shift in patronage (Subramanian
1999, 2006a). Schofield provides a useful critique of this position—looking at pre-colonial
evidence—as well as a thorough overview of the issues surrounding the “invention” of the classical
in India. She also correctly locates the influence of Hobsbawm’s and Ranger’s seminal work, “The
Invention of Tradition” in this discourse (Schofield 2010) (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983). 10 This is
part of the movement in post-colonial and nationalist studies exploring the various ways in which
our “knowledge” of institutions has been recalibrated to take into account the mediating effects of
colonial formations of knowledge.
A different kind of recalibration of our understanding of Hindustani music, and its artists and
audiences can be found in Dard Neuman’s research. Regarding musicians, he documents their
emergence as biographical figures and celebrities in post-Independent India in marked contrast to
their marginal status earlier (2004).
Other recent work is Adrian McNeil’s book on the history of sarod and its various Pathan lineages
(McNeil 2004) and James Kippen’s important translation and commentary (but perhaps not widely
known work) of Paluskar’s first principal, and his textbook, at his first music college in Lahore
(Kippen and Patavardhana 2006). Most recently, a very major compilation of articles appeared in a
volume edited by Joep Bor and others that covers the history of Hindustani music from the 13th
century to the middle of the 20th (Bor et al. 2010). In it we have everything from early texts and
forms to instruments, musician castes, Western interactions and shruti theory. Indeed one of the
contributors, Madhu Trivedi subsequently wrote his own history covering dance and theater in
addition to music (Trivedi 2012).
Another kind of history is that related to recordings. The definitive work in this regard is Kinnear’s
(Kinnear 1985, 1994), but also a serious study of the early recording artist, Gauhar Jan (Sampath
2010). 11 Dard Neuman traces the paradox of the discovery of “live” performance as transitory, with
Urdu, (Khan 1969 (1940)). These all are useful, however, and sometimes a useful reminisce would contain something
unexpected such as the work on Ali Akbar during his Jodhpur years (Mathur and Mathur 2008).
9
Mention should also be made of Naomi Owens early work on Dhrupad (Owens 1969)
10
This work spawned many other “invention” works such as Nicholas Dirks on Caste (Dirks 1989) and Kofi Agawu’s
on African rhythm (Agawu 1995).
11
In this latter regard, I believe that my first book published in 1980 had the first reference to her in English
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the advent of gramophone recordings and the permanence they fix in this otherwise non-scored
tradition. This was part of an evolution about senses of loss that he links with the idea of great
artists and the birth of a modern auratic sensibility emerging after Independence (Neuman 2009).
Finally, important older dissertations that remain unpublished should also be noted. Here I would
include Rebecca Stewart’s on tabla (Stewart 1974) and John Grieg’s on 16th century Hindustani
music history (Grieg 1987).
There are certainly many more instances that I could cite, but I wanted to highlight the proliferation
of works in English on Indian music history mostly since the 1980s, these becoming more abundant
as we move closer in time.
Ethnography
Even though history has recently loomed more importantly in ethnomusicology, the hallmark of
ethnomusicological research has been fieldwork culminating in ethnography. Ethnomusicology
typically includes musicology, in the double sense of history and analysis, as well as ethnography, in
which the emphasis is on the social and cultural contexts of music traditions.
Keeping my discussion to books in English published outside of India and on Hindustani music alone,
we can begin with Nazir Jairazbhoy’s 1971 musicological study of North Indian rāgas which was
based in part on his own close ethnographic work with Ustad Vilayat Khan (Jairazbhoy and Khan
1971).
Sometimes the line between ethnography and history can be blurred. Back in 1978 I published an
article on the formation of gharānās as a distinctly late 19th and early 20th century phenomenon
(Neuman 1978). Although this was technically “historical,” I certainly thought of it at the time as an
extension of my fieldwork in 1969-71, and in that sense an ethnographic work. Since then there has
been a minor industry on gharānā scholarship. Some of it had to do with my claim that gharānās
only existed for vocal traditions, not for instrumental traditions. This appeared to be the case in
1969-71. But by the mid-1970s, gharānā as a rubric was being used for sitar traditions (Imdadkhani
and Maihar), sarod (Bangash, Lucknow) and the tabla baj (Delhi, Ajrara, Lucknow etc.) all of which
became transformed into gharānās. 12 This is probably due to the rising importance of
instrumentalists and tabla virtuosos, itself perhaps linked to the dissemination of Indian music in the
West. 13 My claim to vocal exclusiveness of gharānā identity was outdated within a few years of my
work there. This is a good example of how we ourselves enter into the flow of history.
(unfortunately poorly transliterated) (1980).
12
Interestingly, I recently discovered a quite different use of the term “gharānā,” interpreted as a patrilineal substitute
for “gotra.” Nesfield published the following in 1885. “Sometimes we find a caste broken up into small exogamous groups,
which are known in the caste itself as gots, but are not the same as Brahmanical gotras sprung from a Vedic saint. In castes
where no clan or got or gotra can be traced the rule of exogamy is always applied to the gharána or circle of blood
relationship, on the male side, traced back to the fourth or fifth generation. The gharána is of course a much smaller circle
of prohibited degrees than the modern gotra or the ancient clan.” (italics in original)
13
The importance of tabla players in the West was apparent to anyone who attended performances there, as their
rhythmic virtuosity was immediately accessible to untutored audiences in a way that even highly virtuosic tan work by
sitarists and sarodiyas was not.
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Other new books were appearing based on ethnographic fieldwork. In addition to my own 1980
work, there was Wim Van der Meer’s book on Hindustani music focused on vocal music (Meer
1980), Bonnie Wade’s 1985 work on Khayāl (Wade 1985), Charles Capwell’s study of the Bauls
(1986), Regula Qureshi’s detailed analysis of Qawwali performances utilizing the then new
methodological analysis of video recordings(1986) and James Kippen’s comprehensive ethnography
of the Lucknow tabla tradition (1988).
Ethnomusicology includes organological works and two important ones are Joep Bor’s 1986 study of
the sarangi published as a volume of the NCPA quarterly journal (Bor 1986/87) and Lars-Christian
Koch’s recent book on the famous instrument maker, Kanailal and the whole very specialized culture
and industry of sitar and surbahar manufacturing in India (Koch 2011). 14 Special mention should also
be made of his film about rūdra vina construction. These are ethnographies in the highest sense,
relying almost entirely on fieldwork requiring great patience, and endurance. For example, a
younger scholar, Alan Roda at the last Society for Ethnomusicology conference held in November
2013, looked at how the instrument itself, the tabla, helps sustain the relationships between makers
and players (Roda 2013). 15
Currently there is a large cohort of younger scholars who are publishing ethnomusicological work,
although most of them no longer focus on classical music. Those that do include Matthew Rahaim
who has recently published a fascinating book on the role of gesture in Hindustani vocal
performance (Rahaim 2012) and Dard Neuman whose forthcoming book provides a new
interpretation on the multiples roles of khandani musicians in 20th century Hindustani music history.
More recent dissertations, just in the last decade point to the extent of scholarly activity in
ethnomusicological research on India in recent times. See as examples, (Katz 2010, Ayyagari 2009,
Beaster-Jones 2007, Coventry 2013, Dhokai 2007, Kobayashi 2003, Kvetko 2005, Lyberger 2003,
Rahaim 2009, Schreffler 2010, Neuman 2004).
These recent works also highlight the big change in the ethnomusicology of India with regard to
music traditions outside the classical systems.
14
See also http://www.asianart.com/articles/landsberg/index.html for Steve Landberg’s web-based history of Kanailal.
This is another example of informed non-academic writing on Indian music discussed towards the end of this paper.
(Landsberg 2000)
15
In his abstract he writes, “Musicians famously become close to their instruments, naming them, absorbing them into
their own sense of identity as they adopt terms for themselves like “guitarist” and “pianist.” The intimate relationship they
have with their instruments is dialogic as both the musician and instrument respond to each other’s actions. This
instrumental relationship exists not only between musicians and their instruments, but also between instruments and their
makers, who similarly identify with their profession. In addition to the complex interactions between people and
instruments, the instruments themselves forge sonic, economic, and social relationships between people, playing an
important role in altering inter-human behaviors as well. In this paper, I address the relationships between players, makers,
and sets of North Indian drums called tablas by focusing on the role the tablas play in creating, altering, and sustaining those
relationships. Incorporating discussions from science and technology studies, speculative realism, and material culture
studies, I use my analysis of tabla construction as a lens through which to address ways in which music scholarship can take
seriously non-human actors that contribute so greatly to musical production both in performance and on the “workshop
stage.”
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Ignored and Hidden Music Traditions of South Asia
As I write these words, a new book is about to be published that covers a vast range of material
concerning professional women performers in pre-Independence India and the emergence of
“respectable,” that is middle and upper class women becoming stage performers in postIndependence India. This is Anna Morcom’s new book, “The Illicit Worlds of Indian Dance: Cultures
of Exclusion (Morcom 2014) . A somewhat different but equally interesting work for South India—
one that balances history and ethnography in equal measure—is Davesh Soneji’s recent “Unfinished
Gestures: Devadasis, Memory and Modernity in South India.” In it he includes remarkably detailed
historical records from the Tanjore court as well as contemporary ethnography in Tamil Nadu and
Andhra Pradesh, providing information on the lives and deeply politicized transformations in their
work and identities in the last century. (Soneji 2012).
That both these works deal primarily with dancers is itself telling as the work on women performers
has only recently begun in earnest, and the recent history of dance and women is better
documented than it is for music and women. These examples also point to the wider range of
historians, anthropologists, dance scholars and others who are now writing on Indian performance
traditions.
In fact there are several American ethnomusicologists who have been working on women
performers as such. The earliest was Jennifer Post—who interestingly was pursuing a degree in
Marathi language, not music, history or anthropology—who in 1982 wrote a groundbreaking
dissertation on Marathi and Konkani Speaking women in Hindustani music between 1880-1940
(Quinn 1982). But at that time she had great difficulties conducting field research on this subject
because of the sensitivities even then, surrounding hereditary women performers 16. By the new
millennium things had changed considerably. Amelia Maciszewski has been working closely with
women performers from all classes but most especially Girja Devi. She also recounts work with
those from the tawaif-baiji community that attended the conference of women music makers
organized by Rita Ganguli in 1984, a conference at which I (but no other foreigner) presented a
paper (2001b, a, 2006). Another is Carol Babiracki who has been working with lower status groups in
Jharkhand and has written on a particular performer (Babiracki 2008), as well as the politics of these
communities (Babiracki 2000, 2004). Regula Qureshi has also published on women performers
(Qureshi 2006).
There is still much research on women needed but it is certainly coming. A SOAS dissertation came
out in 2008 by Shweta Sachdeva (Sachdeva 2008) dealing with Tawa’if performers and in Delhi there
was a seminar in January 2011 devoted to the subject of courtesans. Vidya Rao recently published a
memoir on Naina Devi, who was herself from the aristocracy, but a highly-respected thumri singer
and a great supporter of those women less fortunate than she (Rao 2011). Rita Ganguly, the
organizer of the landmark 1984 conference mentioned above, and a one-time neighbor of
Siddeshwari Devi, wrote a memoir on Begum Akhtar published in 2008 (Ganguly and Sabharwal
2008). This has been a radical turn for the subject which has emerged in India just from about the
beginning of this new millennium.
16
Personal communication
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But there are other historically ignored forms that are now coming under the scrutiny of serious
scholars. Gregory Booth has written on subjects ranging from Brass Bands and the musicians in them
in India (2009, 1997, 2005a) to the music and their production in Mumbai movies (2008, 2005b).
Bollywood itself has become a major subject, indeed so major that ethnomusicologists have far from
a monopoly on this subject that ranges from film studies to literary criticism. But a musical analysis
can be found in works like Morcom’s study of Hollywood style orchestral music in Bollywood films
(Morcom 2001) and the first dissertation on the musical subject in English written by Allison Arnold
in 1991 (Arnold 1991). Even as early as 1992, however, studies were published about the impact of
film music on folk music (Marcus 1992) and this provides a connection to the next major
development in the recent ethnomusicology of India.
Regional Music Studies
Punjab, Rajasthan, UP, Jharkhand, and Uttarkhand are all areas that have attracted specialty studies.
For example, a whole issue of the Journal of Punjab Studies was devoted to its music and musicians
edited by Gibb Schreffler (Schreffler 2011). Schreffler’s teacher, Scott Marcus at the University of
California, Santa Barbara, worked extensively in both India and Egypt, and was working in U.P. in the
early 1990s studying Biraha (Marcus 1994). Also since the early 1990s, Carol Babiracki, mentioned
earlier, has spent many years working in Jharkhand publishing important work particularly on
adivasi communities and women entertainers there (Babiracki 2004, 2000) and Shubha Chaudhuri
has published on the Manganiar of Rajasthan and their relationship to the goddess, Rani Bhatiyani
(Chaudhuri 2009).
Regional music can also be related theoretically to political movements through specific genres such
as is found in Anna Schultz’s recent book “Singing a Hindu Nation: Marathi Devotional Performance
and Nationalism (Schultz 2013).
More recently, younger scholars like Stefan Fiol have been publishing on their research in the hill
country areas of Uttarkhand (Fiol 2010a, b, 2012), with a focus on theoretical issues such as new
forms of media and ritual (Fiol 2010a), identity and liminality (Fiol 2010b), and politics, and regional
nationalism through the lens of popular musics (Fiol 2012). Most recently he has also represented
what is called activist (or applied or engaged) ethnomusicology (Fiol 2013).
Other types of Research
A useful overview of activist ethnomusicology can be found in Rebecca Dirksen’s article available
online 17 (Dirksen 2012). In addition to Fiol’s work just mentioned there is also the work of
Maciszewski (2007) and Babiracki (2000) representing the interests of women performers who
otherwise have limits to their agency. In one sense, much of the research of what I have chosen to
call here ignored and hidden forms of music, constitute what Gage Averill has called engaged
ethnomusicology (Averill 2003).
I discussed historical studies earlier on, but mention must also be made of historical studies of
Indian music research itself. Both Martin Clayton and Bennett Zon in different works have set out to
interpret Fox Strangways’ (1914) classic work on Indian music (Clayton 1999), (Zon 2007).
17
http://ethnomusicologyreview.ucla.edu/journal/volume/17/piece/602
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Mentioning Clayton and Zon reminds me that the important work of British ethnomusicologists like
them along with Widdess, Schofield, Magriel, Marcom and others suggests, if you will permit me,
the idea that there is now a well-established gharānā of ethnomusicologists in England, distinct but
collaborative with their Indian and North American counterparts.
There is not enough time to go into yet other areas such a media studies and popular music, but
these will surely be important areas for the future as we contemplate the implications of the
internet era and for India specifically the fact that cell phones exploded in use between 2002 and
2012 from 45 million to 925 million (Doron and Jeffrey 2013). There have of course been studies of
the gramophone in India in addition to Kinner’s discographies, such as Qureshi’s (Qureshi 1999) and
Farrell’s work (Farrell 1993). Indeed speaking of the late Gerry Farrell’s important research, we also
need to draw attention to the influence of India’s music in the West (Farrell 1986, 1988), and in a
series of articles, how the orient was portrayed through music (Clayton and Zon 2007) as well as
Lavezzoli’s recent book on direct Indian influences in Western music (Lavezzoli 2007) with an
emphasis about Ravi Shankar’s unparalleled influence in the West. 18
There are two areas, finally, with which I wish to conclude and that is archives and ethnomusicology
university programs in Indian music.
Archives
Through a grant from the Smithsonian Institution, Nazir Jairazbhoy was able to establish the Archive
and Research Centre for Ethnomusicology (known as the ARCE) in Delhi in 1982. 19 A unit within the
American Institute of Indian Studies, it has been directed almost from the beginning by Dr. Shubha
Chaudhuri, The ARCE was established so that visiting scholars were enabled to deposit a copy of
their field recordings at ARCE, so these would not be lost to India. There was also a distinct sense of
Jairazbhoy wanting to give back, sensitive as he was to the tensions about ethnomusicology
summarized above. 20 It also has an extensive library and is open to all scholars conducting music
research in and about India. This is a very valuable resource and needs to be better known to
scholars in India.
Indian Music in North America and Europe
Finally, a brief summary of Indian music training in the West. Rotterdam University in Holland
actually offers degree programs in Indian music performance just like any Western music
conservatory. Hari Prasad Chaurasia has been a prominent teacher there, and acted as dean for a
while if my memory serves me correctly. Other universities, notably UCLA, Wesleyan, and the
University of Washington have had visiting or permanent artists in residence there since the 1970s.
Balasaraswati used to teach at UCLA in the Dance department and more recently Shujaat Khan
taught at UCLA, in the Ethnomusicology department, for about ten years. At Wesleyan, the brothers
18
This statement should not obscure the fact of Ravi Shankar’s equally unparalleled influence as a guru in India. I
believe the claim that Ravi Shankar has many more disciples—and many of them very important artists in their own right—
than any other guru in Hindustani music, and probably for all of India, is indisputable.
19
Originally located in Delhi and Pune, ARCE is currently located in Gurgaon.
20
Personal communication. I worked closely with Nazir for many years regarding the ARCE.
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of Bala, Vishwanathan and Ranganathan were permanent faculty there for decades. At the
University of Washington, Ali Akbar and Zakir Hussein taught there briefly in the 1970s, and Zia
Mohiuddin Dagar, Yunus Husain Khan, Sabri Khan and Sharmistha Sen were annual visiting artists
there in the 1980s. They have all had deep influences on students and indeed faculty interested in
Indian music. One unusual example is a brief residency by Imrat Khan at the University of
Washington. While there he was interviewed by John Rahn, then editor of Perspectives in New
Music, the premier (Western) music theory journal. This interview resulted in an article co-authored
by both (Rahn and Khan 1992).
It would be unfair not to mention one major, non-university school of Indian music and that is the
Ali Akbar College of Music located near San Francisco. Founded sometime in 1967, it has provided
instruction for numerous performers, some of whom have gone on to be professional performers.
Two notable graduates in the academy are sarodiyas George Ruckert now at MIT and David Trasoff
who also completed a Ph.D. at UC Santa Barbara under Scott Marcus.
Conclusion
I have excluded much of the recent research on Indian music written and published in India, because
listeners to this talk will know much of this literature in any event. 21 But I do want to point out one
interesting pattern, and that is the publication of works by individuals who are not formally
academics, but whose knowledge is deep. This is an example about how scholarship of Indian music
has expanded beyond the traditional academic areas of musicology and ethnomusicology. There are
many instances but I want to especially mention two: One, the work of Deepak Raja, who has been
exceptionally prolific with his excellent publications of book length studies (Raja 2005, 2009, 2012).
The other is reference to the sophisticated writings of professional performers who are now
publishing papers and books. One excellent example is Aneesh Pradhan who has engaged as a public
intellectual on behalf of music while maintaining an active career as a much sought after tabla
performer whilst also being the author of a book. 22
I began this paper with Hindustani pedagogy and have ended with Indian music studied and taught
outside of India. As you can see from this overview, there has been a remarkable explosion of
research on and teaching of Indian music since Harold Power’s 1965 article and the variety of papers
at this conference exemplifies a continuing growth in knowledge that promises only more expansion
in the future. For that, I am sure, we are all grateful.
21
I have also excluded encyclopedias including the South Asia volume in the Garland series (mentioned in my
reference to Slawek) and the three volume Oxford Encyclopedia of the Music of India which was Nikhil Ghosh’s lifelong
work finally completed in 2011(Ghosh 2011) .
22
http://aneeshpradhan.com/ Also see his book (Pradhan 2011)
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Department of Instrumental Music, Rabindra Bharati University | 16-18 December, 2013
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