Research on the Iconography of the Leopard

1 RESEARCH ON THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE LEOPARD Nadine Nys Joachim Bretschneider The recent finds of a seal in the shape of a leopard both in Hamoukar and in Çatal Hüyük and of wall paintings depicting leopards in Avaris not only made it clear that this animal played an important role in both these regions, but also that it would be worthwhile to undertake a thorough investigation into its iconography. The up to date publication of the article on the iconography of the lion by Buchholz only stressed the absence of a summarizing study about the leopard1. The starting point of this research into the role and function of the leopard in the art of the Eastern Mediterranean, Mesopotamia and Iran was the hypothesis that this animal could have had an iconography that was basically similar during many ages in all these regions. Of course this is not a solid base for acquiring strong and undisputable conclusions, but we wanted to see if this hypothesis still stood after a thorough investigation of the material, that almost entirely consisted of objects and depictions. Literature that mentioned the leopard in a special role was scarce, although it exists2. On Cylinder A Gudea, king of Lagash, mentions the placing of felines (young lions and leopards) at the entrance of a temple and the finding of several statues and bones at entrances of temples seems to support this use as a guardian (Fig. 1)3. 1 H.-G. Buchholz, ‘Beobachtungen zur nahöstlichen, zyprischen und frühgriechischen Löwenikonographie’, Ugarit-Forschungen. Internationales Jahrbuch für die Altertumskunde Syrien-Palästinas, bnd 37, Münster, 2006: 27-216 2 Most texts mention the leopard as part of the fauna of the country and are therefore not relevant for this investigation. Cylinder A XXVI: 26-27: Gudea talks about the ga-DU of Eninnu (cf. infra). Statuettes of leopards were found in temples in Ur and Uruk (Fig. 1); one seal from Jemdet Nasr depicts a feline that is being taken to a temple (Fig. 32). A lot of leopard figurines were found in Uruk: Wrede 2003: figs. 739-756; figs. 838-840. On the Uruk figurines the spots are indicated by little holes that were filled in with semiprecious stones; figurines from the Ubaid period have painted spots: Heinrich et al. 1936: pl. 13 F. In Nippur also a figurine of a (walking) leopard was found: Legrain 1930: 35 nr. 320. The leopard at the entrances of temples takes the function of the more common lion gate keeper. The lion will not be mentioned here because he has its own complex iconography although sometimes role and function of leopard and lion are probably the same: Buchholz 2006 2 In the Inanna-myth the goddess is said to be the leopard of the mountains or the leopard between the gods of Anuna4. In the Epic of Gilgamesh Enkidu is depicted as “the leopard of open spaces”5. Aššurbēlkala brought troops of leopards into Assur for his people to admire6 and he and other Assyrian and Persian kings hunted the leopard7. 4 Z. 73; Sjöberg, ZA 65, 1975: 180 f.: on quote Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983: 601. GE VIII I 16: on quote Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983: 601; Dalley 1991: 106. 6 AKA 141, IV 22 f.; AKA 202, 35 f.; RIA V 234 f.: on quote Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983: 600. 7 Assyrian kings: AKA 141, IV 22 f.; AKA 202, 35 f.; RIA V 234 f.: on quote Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983: 600; Persian kings: on quote Harmon 1912: 1-10. 5 3 The Hittite Boğazköy-texts relate the leopard to Inar(ra), Tetešapi and the sun goddess and mention that in Yazilikaya the goddess Hepat(u) and her son arruma (Fig. 66) are depicted standing on a leopard; the same texts tell about a religious ritual that involved a goddess and a leopard and dancers dressed in leopard skins and mention the use of tendons of leopards as medicine. Recent sources tell about the finding of feline bones in temples in Boğazköy, Norṣuntepe and Troy8. Texts from the XVIIth and XVIIIth Dynasties in Egypt talk about the leopard that was hunted, but depictions of the animal as prey have not been found9. The skin of the leopard or the living animal was often part of the objects that were offered to the pharaoh for tax payment10. It was used among other things as a garment for priests and deceased, as a fetish in the context of the burial rites and it played a role in the ritual of the Opening of the Mouth11. Since the leopard was extinct in Egypt from the XVIIIth Dynasty, skins and/or live animals had to be imported from countries such as Nubia and Punt. In the Aegean also, where no leopards lived, the animal must have been the prey in hunting trips according to some sources but here again no such images were found12. 8 Boğazköy-texts: K.BO. 20, 33 + Vs. 13 f.; 21, 22 Rs. 38 f.; KUB 25, 51 Vs. I 2 f.: on quote Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604-605. Religious ritual and medicinal use: Mellaart et al. 1989: 44; Burde 1974: 20; WilliamsForte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 605. Offerings of feline bones in Anatolia: Ertem, Fauna, 1965: 148; Von den Driesch et al. 1981: 56: on quote Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604. 9 Keller 1980: 63; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1006. Saleh et al. 1987 thinks that a leopard is depicted as prey in a hunting scene in the Grave of NeferMaat (Fig. 45), but the represented feline can be seen here as helper with the hunt, a use that is also mentioned in ancient Egyptian sources: Keller 1980: 86. For more information about the hunt in ancient Egypt: Altenmüller Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 221-235. 10 Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1006-1007. A depiction of taxpayers that bring a living leopard to the pharaoh: Offerings of the Nubian, mural, XVIIIth Dyn. (1539-1295 BC), Tomb of Rekhmire (TT 100), Thebes: Keller 1980: fig. 30. Probably the beautiful arm that holds a leopard skin was part of such a scène also: Arm with leopard skin, fragment of a statue, bronze with copper, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. E 10657. 11 Rössler-Köhler Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 149-150; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 665; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 71-72. 12 Keller 1980: 63. 4 An attempt has been made to include every known picture of the leopard in the investigation and to exclude all the dubious cases, where the depicted animal can easily be a lion. In total some 175 pictures were found, ranging from the depiction of the animal itself to representations of its skin. Mesopotamia and the Levant brought forth the greatest number of objects (60), but that was solely due to the wide distribution of objects in the so called Intercultural style (Figs. 1112, 46, 69-70). Next came Egypt (50), then the Aegean (35) and finally Anatolia (28). It is not the intention to include all investigated pictures of leopards in this article. The most important will be treated, others will be only mentioned with a reference. Of course one must realise that by studying such a diverse area over an extended period (from the Neolithicum to the Iron Age) generalisations can not be avoided. Yet some serious conclusions could be made and this article has to be regarded as a departure point for more thorough and specified researches. The most difficult pictures to interpret were those from Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar, not only because they have no precedents, but also because their iconography turned out to be quite unique. Yet some assumptions could be made, by comparing them to some more easily comprehensible pictures from other regions. The functions and roles of the leopard that were uncovered, four in total, can not be seen apart, but overlap with each other. Most depictions of the leopard carry at least two, sometimes all. The most obvious of them, the identification of groups or individuals leads to the second, the role of the (depictions of the) leopard as a symbol for power and status. This function leads in its turn to the leopard playing a protective and supporting role. The last one stands a bit apart and is not so obvious at first glance: the leopard as symbol for fertility or, what occurs most, in general for the “Weltkreislauf”. Each function will be treated in a separate paragraph with an additional section about the so-called Masters and Mistresses of the Animals. 5 1. IDENTIFICATION The appearance of Sem-priests and other members of the religious elite of ancient Egypt majestically dressed in leopard skin, makes it clear at once that garments made of this material were not meant for just everyone. Through their clothes these priests show to the outer world and to the gods that they have a very high status and position between men and gods (Figs. 2-3)13. Most of these priests play some part in the religious rites that accompany funerals and burials. Especially the Sem-priest played a very important role here, because he was the one performing the ritual of the Opening of the Mouth, that was essential for the continuous living of the deceased in the Afterlife (Fig. 4)14. With the pharaoh the Sem-priest was usually his continuator; in other funerary rites this function was held most of the time by the eldest son of the deceased (Fig. 58). When the wearing of the leopard skin by priests is an expression of individuality then the same must apply to the deceased who are portrayed wearing a garment of the same material (Figs. 5, 59)15. 13 Winlock 1932: 186-187; Vigneau 1936: 69, 78, 95; Pritchard 1969: 283 nr. 297; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1006-1007; Tutanchamun in Köln 1980: 25; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 664-665; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 75; Kischkevitz 1989: 34; Te Velde Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 1995: 1735, 1740. Iconography of Onuris: J. Praets, Onoeris: een iconografische studie, diss., Leuven, 1978; Junker, Die Onurislegende, Hildesheim, 1988. Representations of Sempriests will appear in graves for a long time; an example is to be seen on a relief in a grave dating from the late 7th century BC: Funeral procession, relief, XXVIth Dyn. (ca. 656-610 BC), Grave of Nes-peka-shuty, Thebes, lime, 35 x 57 cm, New York, Metropolitan Museum (Rogers Fund), inv.nr. 23.3.468. 14 The Shrines of Tut-Ankh-Amon 1977: 17; Tutanchamon in Köln 1980: 25; Reeves and Wilkinson, The complete Valley of the Kings: tombs and treasures of Egypt's greatest pharaohs, London, 1997: 46. For more information about the ceremony of the Opening of the Mouth: Dondelinger et al. 1987: 9, 13-22, 50-55. 15 Winlock 1932: 186-187; Vigneau 1936: 69, 78, 95; Pritchard 1969: 283 nr. 297; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1006; Tutanchamun in Köln 1980: 25; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 75; Kischkevitz 1989: 34; Ikram et al. 1998: 24-25; De kunstenaars van de farao’s 2002: 53, 202, 288-290, 306; Schroer et al. 2005: 250. Other images: Stele of Karo, XIXth Dyn. (1295-1186 BC), Tomb of Karo (TT330), Deir el-Medina, painted lime, 76 x 55 cm, Turin, Museo Egizio, inv.nr. 1636: De kunstenaars van de farao’s 2002: 203 cat.nr. 152; Offerings of Paser and his wife, XIXth Dyn. (1394-1213 BC), mural, Tomb of Paser (nr. 106), Thebes: Baines and Málek, Atlas van het Oude Egypte, transl. from English by De Vries, Amsterdam, 1988: 106. 6 ! "# % & '' ( % $ & % " / 0 # 1* 2 3 1 "# 41 1 7 * # %%' ) * "#+ , - . % ) #1 56 ## / / . # 2 #2 8 #1 " 9 % : %% # #2 % # 7 ;2 < < %% "1 8 " / : " 8 " 8 On the reliefs in the palace of Sargon II in Korsabad inhabitants of the Zagros region are shown bringing horses and gifts to the king (Fig. 6 a & b). Their garments make it clear that these people belong to the elite. Some of them are dressed in leopard skins16. In the Aegean one can see the same phenomenon; a dignitary depicted in the palace in Pylos wears the leopard skin with the same pride as the priests do in Egypt (Fig. 7)17. Strangely enough in the same palace there is a painted scène of Mycenaears fighting against barbarians and opposite to what could be assumed, it’s the barbarians that are dressed in leopard skins (Fig. 8). This seems to be contradictory, but investigation has proved that the mural is a copy of a North-African painting18. This shows one difference between the regions; whereas leopard skins are used in the Aegean, Egypt and the Zagros region as a sign of high status, the same material identifies warriors in other countries as it often, though not exclusively, does in Mesopotamia (Figs. 9-10)19. The cape is a garment that in Mesopotamia is only known from the Early Dynastic III period20. Capes of leopard skins were only worn by soldiers, while capes in other materials were worn by men and women alike. Sometimes Masters of the Animals are dressed in leopard skins or are, in one case, a mixed creature composed of parts of human and animal body parts; the function here couldn’t be more clear (cf. infra). 16 Roaf 1995: 59. Vigneau et al. 1938; Lang 1969: 93-94; Keller 1980: 63; Levi 1987: 43; Hiller 1996: 91; Der Neue Pauly 1999: 68. The god Dionysos and his followers the Meneads could be included here, but their connection with the leopard seems to be rather more decorative than symbolic: Edwards 1978: 66; Keller 1980: 63. 18 Lang 1969; Levi 1987: 43. 19 Legrain 1930: 240; Woolley 1934: 376; Strommenger 1971: 42-44; Parrot 1972: nr. 347; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602-603; Muscarella Art of the First Cities 2003: 326-327; Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003: 338-339; Schroer et al. 2005: 274. 20 Strommenger 1971: 44. 17 9 = # 6 ! 9 !6 " #1 9 # 6 3 %% #1 #1 ' >69 9 # 6 % % " > 1# #1 2 2 " 3 / % ? @ #1 )# # / )# ** 3 * % )# ** > " 9 " > # / )# ** % . 91 # ! " 9 ( " 8 #1 * " 2 6 * # * 5 # #1 "# # " "+ % ! > / # # 8 #1 " " 10 > 8 #1 " "9 ' % = B # "# > * # 9# / > C "" "# # % / / > 8 #1 2 # * " 9 > " 9 > # % ! AA777& # % > #1 > # % "" "# "" 11 These depictions are solely found on objects in the so-called “Intercultural style” (Figs. 11-12)21. The Conical vase (Fig. 11) combines different motifs that are common for this style; the gods, Masters of the Animals, sit on leopards or bulls and control twisting snakes. The same function can be assumed in the many statuettes coming from Nevali Çori and Çatal Hüyük that depict women and men clothed in leopard skins (Figs. 1322, 1423, 1524, 1625, 17)26. 21 Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003: 245, 339; Perrot et al. 2005: 142. Another depiction of a man dressed in a leopard skin: Master of the Snakes (fragment of a vase), relief, middle-late 3rd mill. BC, Tarut, chlorite, 7,5 x 10,8 cm, Riyad, National Museum, inv.nr. 2632: Art of the First Cities 2003: nr. 224 d. For more information about the Intercultural style (name used for the first time by Roger Moorey) and about the origin of its name: Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003 : 245-246, 325-345; Cleuziou, 'Jiroft et Tarut sur la côte orientale de la péninsula arabique', Dossiers d’Archéologie - Jiroft. Fabuleuse découverte en Iran, nr. 287, Dijon, 2003: 114-125; Madjidzadeh, Jiroft, the earliest Oriental Civilization, Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, Iran Cultural Heritage Organization Research Center, 2003; H. Pittman, 'La culture du Halil Roud', Dossiers d’Archéologie - Jiroft. Fabuleuse découverte en Iran, 287, Dijon, 2003: 78-87; Perrot et al. 2005. 22 Hauptmann 1999: 77. The same belt or shawl is to be seen on figurines from Tepe Ganj Dareh in Luristan: G. Eygun, 'Les figurines humaines et animales du site néolithique de Ganj Dareh (Iran)', Paléorient, vol. 18, nr. 1: 109-117. 23 Die ältesten Monumente der Menschheit 2007: 326, cat.nr. 244. A little head found in Çukurkent wears a similar cap: Male head with cap of leopard skin, ca. 5500 BC, clay, Çukurkent: J. Mellaart, 'Preliminary Report on a Survey of Pre-Classical Remains in Southern Turkey', Anatolian Studies, vol. 4, 1954: 185. 24 Mellaart 1963: 93; Mellaart 1967: 216, 218; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602. 25 Mellaart 1963: 83, Mellaart 1967: 174, 188, 216-217; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604. The term goddess is used here although it is by no means certain that the women are indeed goddesses. It was Mellaart who relatively soon after his first excavation of Çatal Hüyük concluded that these women certainly must have been goddesses and this didn’t only influence his later explores but also the ideas of most other researchers. Mellaart went a bit to far with this when he redrew some images from Çatal Hüyük in a later publication (Mellaart et al. 1989). Only in more recent years this has been questioned, for example by L. Roller (Roller 1999) who has come to some more nuanced conclusions: she thinks the figures are not just pure religious emblems, but are in stead symbols of the economical and social structure of the society with its distinct groups of people. 26 Mellaart 1962: 60, 64-65; Mellaart 1963: 93; Mellaart 1966: 189; Mellaart 1967: 166167, 188, 204-205, 208, 216, 218; Mellaart 1970: 168; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602, 604-605; Cutting 2007: 133; Die ältesten Monumente der Menschheit 2007: 35-36, 196, 293. 12 Exceptionally rare in Çatal Hüyük is the find of a leopard claw pendant in the grave of a woman (building 42 – level IV)27. The pendant lies close to a plastered human skull that the woman holds on her chest. Without doubt the leopard claw (and the plastered human skull, of which only two (?) have been found in Çatal Hüyük) indicate the special social significance of the woman. Mellaart, the first excavator of Çatal Hüyük, already assumed that garments made of leopard skin were used to identify some (group of) people and Roller later came to the same conclusion28. This will without doubt be the case with the paintings that decorated a lot of the walls of the buildings of Çatal Hüyük. Many of the men shown here (dancers or hunters?) are dressed in leopard skin (Fig. 48). The context of the murals and the fact that the soldiers in Mesopotamia are dressed in leopard skins, can easily lead to the third function of the leopard in art, while the Master of the Animals or the Man-leopard and the Egyptian priests suggest that wearing a leopard skin was more than a means of identification. 2. SYMBOL OF POWER & STATUS It seems that in every region the leopard was used to emphasise the status of gods, goddesses, priests, warriors, dignitaries, rulers, kings, mixed creatures and even the “common” man29. A Master of Animals is a being, be it human, animal or both, that has certain powers that other beings have to do without. In the case where the Master of the Animals is dressed in a leopard skin (cf. Fig. 11) or is part human, part leopard (cf. Fig. 12) this can be seen as an enhancement of this power. 27 Hodder 2006: 260. Mellaart 1962: 65; Mellaart 1966: 208; Roller 1999: 27-38. 29 Leopard as symbol of status and power: Anatolia: Mellaart 1962: 65; Mellaart 1967: 208; Roller 1999: 27-38; Die ältesten Monumenten der Menschheit 2007: 196, 293; Mesopotamia & Levant: Legrain 1930: 240; Woolley 1934: 376; Strommenger 1971: 4244; Parrot 1972: nr. 147; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602-603; Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003: 245, 338-339; Muscarella Art of the First Cities 2003: 326-327. Egypt: Winlock 1932: 186-187; Vigneau 1936: 69, 78; Tutanchamun in Köln 1980: 25; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 75; Kischkevitz 1989: 34; Te Velde Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 1995: 1735, 1740; Aegean: Vigneau et al. 1938: 63; Levi 1987: 43; Hiller 1996: 91; Der Neue Pauly 1999: 68. 28 13 Man makes as it were the strength of the animal his own (cf. infra). Hybrid figures appear frequently in the art of the Ancient Near East; and the body parts represented always demonstrate the most frightening or strongest characteristics of the animals30. Mixed beings that show parts of a leopard are rare; the only examples that have been found are the Man-leopard from Jiroft (cf. Fig. 12) who handles two snakes, a demon with a human body and a leopard head on a plaque that offers protection against Lamaštu31; and a creature with two leopard heads on a golden vase that was found in a grave in Iran (Fig. 18)32. The mixed being here literally takes the place of men in his role as Master of the Animals as is the case with the Man-leopard with two snakes from Jiroft. The same reference to power and status can be assumed when the leopard itself is represented near men or women (Figs. 16-17, 51-52, 5456, 62-76) or on (personal) objects such as cups and vases, weapons, chairs, walls and seals. In Tepe Sialk (Fig. 19) and Maikop Kurgan (Fig. 21), cups decorated with representations of wild animals are common, although depictions of leopards are rare; in Tepe Hissar Damghan, a few hundred miles north of Tepe Sialk, leopards on cups and goblets on the contrary are popular (Fig. 20).33 The depiction of the leopard on the cup of Maikop Kurgan is less schematic than the other two, but all show the animal with its tail in a typical attitude: towards the ground with the end of the tail curled upwards. In earlier periods leopards were represented even more schematically but nevertheless the spots on the skin make an identification possible34. 30 Farnell 1911: 51-55; F.A.M. Wiggermann, 'Mesopotamian protective spirits: the ritual texts', Cuneiform monographs, 1, Groningen, 1992; F.A.M. Wiggermann, 'Mischwezen', Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie, bnd. 8, re-ed. by Edzard, Berlin – New York, 1993-1997: 222-227, 231, 243-244, 246-255; Wrede 2003: 61. 31 Information about Lamaštu: CT 16, 19: 17 f. = UET 6, 392, 29 f.: on quote Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983; ZA 16, 1902: 170: 37: on quote Heimpel Reallexikon 19801983: 601; Leick 1991: 110; A. Green, 'Mischwesen', Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie, re-ed. by Edzard, vol. 8, Berlin – New York, 1995: 1844; West 1995: 259-260, 284. 32 Porada et al. 1962: 92; Negahban 1965: 321. 33 Porada et al. 1962: 19-20; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602-603; Piotrovsky Art of the First Cities 2003: 292. Cf. Fig. 44; and for example on a fragment from the Tell Ḫalaf period where leopards are represented in an endless procession: Motif of leopards, ceramic 34 14 In later periods the animals seem to be represented with greater realism as is the case with a silver goblet found in Armenia (Fig. 22)35 and on a beautifully painted vase from Greece, known as the Polyteleia vase and decorated with leopards, sphinxes, lions and goats (Fig. 23)36. A golden leopard head found in Tutankhamen’s grave indicates his function as a high priest (Fig. 24); this object was accompanied by a second head, a real leopard skin and a fake one. Both skins were decorated with golden stars, a reference to the belief of the ancient Egyptians that the spots on the leopard skin were a symbol for the stars in the sky and his eyes suggested the morning and evening sun (cf. infra)37. In the same grave were found two chairs the decoration of which clearly imitates the spots on the skin of the leopard (Figs. 25-26)38. Even more clear were two statues of Tutankhamen standing on a black leopard (Fig. 55)39. When they were found they stood next to each other in a shrine and the figures of the pharaoh were wrapped in white linen cloth, which suggests that these images have a deeper meaning (cf. infra). A ceremonial dagger with a sheath decorated with among other scenes a leopard chasing an animal and again found in the same grave can suggest the status of the pharaoh, but because it is a hunting scene it will be dealt with in connection with the supportive and protective function, together with a haft also found in Egypt, a dagger found in a grave in Rutsi and the inlay of a wooden box from a grave in Mycenae (Figs. 40-43). From the Aegean an axe in the shape of a leopard is a typical status symbol; presumably it was solely a ceremonial object, not used to fight or work with (Fig. 27). (fragment), ca. 5500-4500 BC, Fd IV. 4, Arpachiyah: Mallowan et al. 1935: 1-178: fig. 76, nr. 1. In Luristan also a fragment was found with a representation of a leopard: Leopard decoration, drawing (Roaf), 4th mill. BC, Luristan: Roaf 2003: 25. 35 Grigorian 2007: 22. 36 Site Metmuseum. 37 The function of this Leopard of the Heaven was the regeneration of the cycle of life; function that was taken over first by the lion, later by the cow: Edwards 1978: 78; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 9, 13-22, 50-55. 38 Edwards 1978: 36-37, 225; Riesterer et al. 1979: 58 nr. 63; Desroches-Noblecourt 1988: 53 + pl. XII. 39 Edwards 1978: 78, 189-193; Riesterer et al. 1979: 59 nr. 70; Tunanchamun in Köln 1980: 121; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 9, 13-22, 50-55; Hornung 1995: 1715-1716. 15 #1 ! ' , 2 #> #1 9 # 6 # % % 8 #1 3 "" = * 1 9 ! # % #1 , #1 9 ) 2 #5 * 9 # 6 % 9 # #1 #1 / * 9 # # 0 * "> 8 #1 4 * ! 6# -" 9 ) # > #* " * 0 8 #1 ) )# 9 "" # /#1 # % / / - 16 / , / F 8 0 # " % ' 5G 2 /#1 1 % * #1 "1 3 91 1* / F 8 " % ' > % ' ) 3* >9, , 2" # 01 < "# ' < - "9 = *" 01 A(7 ) #1 "1 #1 * D # 3E6E = B # "# > * # *2 # "9 9 )# - # / % % ' /' > "911 # 9# # 7 9# / 17 Paintings or reliefs of leopards on walls of buildings can have two aspects; that of protection and support (Figs 33-37) or that of power and status. The last one surely is the case with the wall painting in Thera, found in a house that belonged to a wealthy businessman (Fig. 28)40. This mural also depicts a hunting scene but the fact that this was the only painting in the house that could be seen from the street, reveals that the owner meant to emphasize his status in society. The few hunting scenes that have leopards in them, are in a certain way related to power. The “Nilotic” landscape of the mural of Thera (and also that in Avaris: Fig. 34) has a dreamy character that reminds of the Elysian fields41. Hiller sees the presence of papyrus and river as fundamental for defining a landscape as “Nilotic”. In spite of the Aegean vegetation and colours that are more popular in the Minoan and Mycenaean world, the landscape keeps a rather unworldly character, that is even more enhanced in Thera by the presence of a gryphon. This Elysian place was meant only for the gods and the blissful. The ruler of this empire “lived” as it were in a supernatural world, which suggests a divine nature. Egyptian rulers were also housed in a similar surrounding42. It might be concluded, albeit carefully, that the hunt by felines suggests both dominance and leadership and therefore refers directly to the king or ruler43. Seals take a special place in this context, because it is commonly known that they were not used solely for sealing, but also for protection and the display of status. In total two seals in the shape of a leopard have been discovered. One of them was found in Hamoukar, but unfortunately little is known about it (Fig. 29). The leopard is lying with his front paws outstretched, a very natural pose for the animal; the spots are indicated by thirteen drilled holes that were filled with little wooden pegs44. Of the second seal also little is known about context or function. This again is a unique piece that was found in Çatal Hüyük (Fig. 30). The spots of the animal are indicated by little circles the edges of which were scratched into the clay45. 40 L. Morgan, The Miniature Wall Paintings of Thera: a Study in Aegean Culture and Iconography, Cambridge, 1988; Knapp 1995: 1439-1442; Doumas 2005: 74-75. For more information about Minoan iconography: L'iconographie minoenne 1985. 41 Hiller 1996: 87-89; Morgan 1988: pl. 6, pl. 51, pl. 181; Morgan 2004: 295. 42 Example of pharaoh sitting on a throne in a Nilotic landscape: Hiller 1996: pl. 29. 43 Schroer et al. 2005: 183. 44 http://oi.uchicago.edu/OI/AR/99-00/99-00_Hamoukar.html 45 Die ältesten Monumente der Menschheit 2007: 372 cat.nr. 411. 18 The many seals with so called Combat-scenes that are found in the ancient Near East also belong in this context. Sometimes the animals on these seals are accompanied by a mixed creature or a man; but in some cases only animals are shown46. One could assume that these scenes simply show a fighting or hunting scene, but the fact that one of these seals was dedicated to Inanna (Fig. 31; cf. infra), suggests otherwise, perhaps, because the goddess Inanna is involved, an aspect of fertility or just protection and support. This leads to the third function. 3. (SYMBOLIC) PROTECTION & SUPPORT The bones of felines that were found in temples in Mesopotamia and Anatolia and that are attested by both written sources and finds and presumably by a seal that might show an offering by the priest-king of a feline of which the paws are cut off (Fig. 32)47, already suggest something about this symbolic meaning of the leopard (cf. supra)48. So do the many figurines of leopards that were found at the entrances of temples (cf. Fig. 1). These foundation offerings helped protect buildings, gods as well as people49. It is possible that these leopards were seen as a sort of gate guards, a function that was later taken over by the lion. 46 Hunting scenes without the presence of man: Hood 1978: 181; Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003: 245; Muscarella Art of the First Cities 2003: 326-327, 339. 47 Von der Osten 1934: 83; Van Buren 1935: 329; Amiet 1961: 87-90; Buchanan 1981: 45; Hansen Art of the First Cities 2003: 24; Pittman Art of the First Cities 2003: 40; Schroer et al. 2005: 292. 48 In the foundations of the archaic temple of Anu in Uruk skeletons of a leopard and a lion cub were found; of both the forepaws were removed: UVB 8 Taf. 43: on quote Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 603; a second foundation offering in level IVa of Temple D contained the forepaws of a feline: Lenzen 1974: 126. Then there is Gudea who relates that he placed young wild animals at the gates of the Eninnu in Girsu: Cylinder A: XXVI, 26-27; Amiet 1961: 88; Heimpel 1966: 25. The Cylinder is now kept in the Louvre (inv.nr. MNB 1511). 49 Mallowan et al. 1935: 163-164; Amiet 1961: 88; Ertem 1965: 148: on quote Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604; Heimpel 1966: 17-29; Lenzen 1974: 126; Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983: 601; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602603; Von den Driesch et al. 1981: 56: on quote Williams-Forte Reallexikon 19801983: 604; Hansen Art of the First Cities 2003: 24; Roaf 2003: 62. 19 Possibly connected with this function as gate guards are the wall paintings that were found in Uqair in Mesopotamia (Fig. 33) and in Avaris in Egypt (Fig. 34), the leopard head from Knossos (Fig. 35) and perhaps also the reliefs of leopards that were found in buildings in Çatal Hüyük. In the so-called Leopard shrine in Çatal Hüyük the central part of the western wall of a building (VI B, 44) was decorated with a painted high relief depicting two leopards facing each other (Fig. 36)50. This wall decoration was redone at least forty times and would have been very important to the inhabitants. Mellaart thinks the building had a ritual function and suggested that the presence of the goddess is indicated by the relief of the leopards51. Its real function will never be known exactly but seeing that some people in Çatal Hüyük were dressed in leopard skin it could have had a protective function. Building VII, 44 had a similar relief, this time on the eastern wall52, and a leopard head on the western wall (Fig. 37)53. The leopards that are painted on the temple podium in Uqair literally take the place of the later lion watch guards (Fig. 33), which is also the case with the leopards on architectural models of towers from Tall Munbāqa (Fig. 38). In Uqair one of them is crouched, the other is shown lying down with his front paws stretched out before him54, the same attitude as one of the leopards in Tall Munbāqa; the other one there is standing. The tower models were used as mobile altars (they both have a libation canal) and perhaps they can be related to the cult of the dead55. 50 Mellaart 1964: 42; Mellaart 1967: 60-61, 142; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 19801983: 602; Cutting 2007: 127-128, 130. In building VIII, 27 (western wall) was found a relief that according to Mellaart represents two fighting leopards: Mellaart 1966: 180; Die ältesten Monumente der Menschheit 2007: 121. If Mellaart is correct, than these are the oldest reliefs of leopards that have so far been found. The leopard reliefs of Çatal Hüyük refer according to Forest to the male and female element: Forest 1993: 1-15. Reaction to this theory: in stead of fertility it is the female aspect that is emphasised and this should be seen in relation to food: Hamilton 1996: 225-226. 51 Mellaart 1967: 141; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604. 52 Mellaart 1964: pl. XXXVII b; Mellaart 1966: 177. 53 Mellaart 1964: pl. XL a. 54 Lloyd et al. 1943: 132-141, 148; Parrot 1972: 259; Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983: 601; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 603; A. Spycket, 'Reliefs, Statuary, and Monumental Paintings in Ancient Mesopotamia', Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, ed. by J.M. Sasson et al., 4 vol., New York, 1995: 2596; Roaf 2003: 62-63. 55 Machule et al. 1993: 87, 89. 20 6 " 8 #1 % # " # 5# / #1 "# / 3 # "9 / # # %% 0 * I ! " 8 #1 * 8 #1 " % # % " 5- " 1 4 "" " 9 > # " %%' 9 < 1 > "1 > # % / ' 5 # " 8 #1 > 91 9 # * # %% %%' 2H # % / A 21 In Avaris leopards were also painted on the walls, but the context here is quite different (Fig. 34)56. First of all it is not just leopards that are shown here, but instead a hunting scene, where the leopards played a role next to the other figures. The second difference with Uqair is that the building in Avaris was not a temple but presumably a palace. In total at least six leopards are shown, each one in a characteristically (hunting) attitude. The wall paintings of Avaris remind one strongly of those from the Minoan tradition, not only regarding style and technique, but also iconography57. As said before the “Nilotic” landscape can refer to leadership and dominance and thus to rulers or kings (cf. Fig. 28). It is possible that the hunting scenes where felines play a role refer to leadership that is based on supernatural qualities and possibilities58. These scenes can be seen as symbols for control over chaos59. This interpretation could explain the presence of a leopard hunting a bovine on the side panel of the Standard of Ur (Fig. 39). The scenes on both large sides of the panel (“War” and “Peace”) both emphasise the two aspects of Sumerian kingship: the king as military ruler and as go-between with humans and gods60. The hunting leopard with his connotation of leadership and dominance fits well into this iconography. The leopard head in the so-called throne room in Knossos also suggests the presence of hunting scenes in the palace and could be explained in the same way. (Fig. 35)61. The fragment of the mural that remains is 56 Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983; 601; Marinatos 1998: 84-85; Bietak et al. 1995: 60; Morgan 1997: 29; Morgan 2004: 285-289. Information about the hunt in ancient Egypt: Altenmüller Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 221-235; about hunting scenes in Egyptian graves: Morgan 2004: 291-294. 57 For the discussion about whether the Avaris wall paintings were done by Minoan or Egyptian artists and the question of who influenced who: Bietak et al. 1995: 60; Marinatos 1998: 83, 86; Morgan 1997: 31; Morgan 2004: 291. 58 In some regions (for example Mesopotamia) it is known that it was the privilege of the king to go hunting lions. 59 Hiller 1996: 87-89; Morgan 1988: pl. 6, 51 and 181; Morgan 2004: 295. 60 Woolley 1934: 266, 269; Hansen Art of the First Cities 2003: 22-24, 33, 97, 100. 61 Morgan 2004: 289-290. The name palace is used here, although it is not at all certain that the buildings of Knossos and other sites at Crete were palaces; Gimbutas for one thinks that the buildings had a ritual, religious function: Gimbutas 2001: 137138. 22 too small to indicate what sort of hunt was depicted here; was it man who hunted leopards or leopards hunting prey62. Both are possible but if the theory of the “Nilotic” landscape is correct, than this is again proof that contacts between the Aegean and Egypt were not limited to trade only and that the inhabitants of both regions had the same idea about power and dominance. It can be assumed that hunting scenes referred to aspects of leadership not only when they were depicted on walls, but also when they decorated personal objects such as weapons or small wooden boxes. Some examples have been found on weapons belonging to rulers (Figs. 40, 42), on a so-called fish tray (Fig. 44) and on a wooden box that was found in a warrior grave at Mycenae (Fig. 43). The leopards on the blade of the dagger from a tholos grave in Rutsi (Fig. 40) look much like some of the leopards found in Avaris (Fig. 34)63. On the oval fish tray (Fig. 44), dating from the early Hyksos period (17th-16th century BC), the leopard and the other animals are very stylized (cf. Figs. 19-20)64. The place where the plate together with other kitchenware was found, next to a palace and a temple, suggest that the objects played a role in rituals. The plate was already about a hundred years old when it was buried. The leopard shown on the plate is hunting a deer. Both animals are represented in a natural pose, which certainly is not typical for Egypt. The inlay of the wooden box is only fragmentarily preserved but it is clear that men, dogs, leopard and lion were represented on these scenes, just as is the case in Avaris65. The leopard and the lion presumably stood on different parts of the box and it is unclear where the men and dogs were. In the Aegean leopards and lions are only represented together in the context of the warrior elite that was buried in the Mycenaean graves. The weapons and objects with hunting scenes where leopard and lion participate seem to be connected to the warfare of the rulers66. 62 On quote Keller 1980: 63. Hood 1978: 181; Marinatos 1998: 85; Morgan 2004: 290, 294. 64 Bietak et al. 2006: 76-77. 65 Morgan 1988: pl. 58; Marinatos 1998: 86; Morgan 2004: 290. Morgan only mentions lions, not leopards. 66 Morgan 2004: 294-295. 63 23 The same applies to Egypt, where a haft of a knife and the sheath of a dagger were found, both decorated with hunting scenes, in which a leopard as well as a lion takes part (Figs. 41-42). The dagger was found in the grave of pharaoh Tutankhamen67. The haft is much older than the dagger (Naqada II culture - 3400/3200 BC)68. The contradicting elements of life and death that are seen her and that so often occur in Egyptian hunting scenes seem also to characterise the Aegean glyptic69. The same meaning can be seen in the decoration of the objects of the so-called Intercultural style (cf. supra; Figs. 11-12), although the scene is now often reduced to its most basic part: the good, often represented by the leopard, and the evil, represented by the snake70. The snake is fought by men helped by the leopard. Indeed, frequently the animal literally takes the place of man (Fig. 46)71. When a human being is depicted near leopards, he is always adorned with protecting medallions and bracelets, although the animals take on a submitted attitude72. 67 Edwards 1978: 138; Desroches-Noblecourt 1988: 97 + pl. XXI, 298; Morgan 2004: 294. Desroches speaks about lions and dogs that attack the bull. 68 Mellink et al. 1974: 248. 69 Information about the Minoan iconography: L’iconographie minoenne 1985. 70 Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003: 338. Perrot identifies the felines with the spotted skin as cheetahs, but we think firstly that this distinction can not be made solely on a representation and, secondly, that the distinction is not that important for this study. The most important thing is that the represented animal is not a lion: Perrot 2003. For more information about the Intercultural style see footnote 21. 71 Other examples where the leopard takes the place of man in his fight against evil: Leopard and serpent, pyxis, ca. 2900-2334 BC, Jiroft, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 7,4 cm (diam. 11 cm): Dossiers d’Archéologie nr. 287: 45; Leopard attacks snake, pyxis, ca. 2900-2334 BC, Jiroft, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 8 cm: Dossiers d’Archéologie nr. 287: 44; Leopard attacks snake, pyxis, ca. 2900-2334 BC, Halil Roud, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 6,5 cm: Dossiers d’Archéologie nr. 287: 85; Leopard and serpent, conical vase, ca. 2900-2334 BC, Jiroft, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 14,7 cm: Dossiers d’Archéologie nr. 287: 104; Fight between two leopards and a snake, conical vase, ca. 2900-2334 BC, Jiroft, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 17 cm: Dossiers d’Archéologie nr. 287: 34; Fight between two leopards and four snakes, conical vase, ca. 2900-2334 BC, Jiroft, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 14,7 cm: Dossiers d’Archéologie nr. 287: 32. The preliminary dating of these objects is taken from the excavator, although generally it is agreed that the objects can be dated between 2600-2400 BC. 72 Perrot 2003: 104 ; Perrot et al. 2005 : 137, 142, 146. There is one exception to this, but it is far from certain that this object belongs indeed to the “intercultural” style; also the remaining fragment is so small that one can not be certain what is depicted: Leopard attacks man (?), relief, mid-late 3rd mill.BC, Tarut Island, chlorite, 9 x 4,8 cm, Ryad, National Museum, inv.nr. 2652: Art of the First Cities 2003: 326 nr. 224 b. 24 % ) )# # / )# # "1 > " * / = 8 #1 1 # < #" // 3 " %% # / 3 # 9 / & , 2 0 > # / = % / / 8 #1 9 # # "1 #1 2 0 # 1* / 911 J "9 25 / G 8 #1 1 # >69 > // "1 # 6 8 #1 1 # # # / 3 # "9 K +8 #1 "9 # +9 #1 9 # 6 ) 1 # %' %'' %'' "9 ' 26 In these scenes men strongly resembles the Masters of the Animals (Fig. 11; cf. infra: Figs. 69-70). The style of the representations combines elements from eastern Iran and western Central-Asia; the animals were studied well, but their representation follows the conventions of the period. This means that all the animals are shown in profile. The spots on the skin are represented by round holes for the leopard and more oval shaped ones for the snakes, both originally filled with semiprecious stones. The tails of the leopards and of the other felines always curls elegantly up over the back of the animals. One of the objects in the Intercultural style reveals clearly that these scenes of leopards fighting snakes have a deeper meaning. Fragments of vases with such scenes were found in temples dedicated to Ištar/Inanna73. The one that was found in Nippur (level VIIB) carried the inscription “Inanna and the serpent”, so that can be assumed that the leopard here represents the goddess in her battle against evil74. The iconography of these objects remains rather mysterious but reveals an ideology of confrontation and dominance as is the case in the many seals with so-called Combat-scenes75. Those Combat-scenes are commonly known to represent the endless during fight against evil and chaos (cf. Figs. 31, 47)76. 73 A second fragment was found in Mari: Parrot 1956: pl. XLIX; Art of the First Cities 2003: 335: Leopard and snake, conical vase, Mari, ca. 2550-2250 BC, chlorite, 14,5 cm (diam. 13 cm), Aleppo, National Museum, inv.nr 7829: Art of the First Cities 2003: 335 nr. 232. 74 For this interpretation see: Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983 : 603; Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003: 245, 335, 337: Inanna and the serpent, relief, ca. 2550-2400 BC, Nippur, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 14,2 cm, Bagdad, Iraq Museum, inv.nr. IM 66071: Roaf 2003: 81. 75 P. De Miroschedji, 'Vases et objets en steatite Susiens du Musée du Louvre', Cahiers de la Délégation archéologique française en Iran, 3, Paris, 1973: 21-22; Perrot 2003: 109 ; Perrot et al. 2005: 135, 144. 76 For this interpretation see: Parrot 1956; Pritchard 1969: 330; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983; H. Pittman, 'Cylinder Seals and Scarabs in the Ancient Near East', Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, ed. by J.M. Sasson et al., 4 vol., New York, 1995: 1594-1595; Art of the First Cities 2003: 245, 326-327, 337, 339. The Bull-man appears in Iraq only after ca. 2750 BC (earlier in Iran); his meaning is still unclear, but he could be a symbol for the battle between civilisation and nature. For more information about the Bull-man see: Black et al. 1992: 48-49. Other examples: Two Enkidus (?) with leopard and lions, Shoushinak, white marble, 4,9 x 3,1 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AS 5400: Delaporte 1920: S 436 (pl. 31 nr. 10); Leopard attacks Bull-man, provenance unknown, white marble, 2,8 x 1,6 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AOD 52: Delaporte 1920: D 16 (pl. 50 nr. 2); Lion and leopard (?) attack bull, Diyala region, ca. 2600-2334 BC, shell, 2,7 x 1,3 cm: Frankfort 27 On some seals where a leopard is depicted, the spots on his skin are indicated by little knobs in relief, which make identification of the animal easy. These Combat-scenes certainly should not be seen solely as representations of simple hunting parties; the presence of human figures and of mixed creatures indicate that in fact here the fight between men and the enemies of civilisation is shown77. In some cases it seems the leopard is helped by men, in others he takes their place. Combat-scenes stay very popular during the Akkadian period (ca. 2350-2150 BC) and mostly they show a Bull-man in the company of a male figure, in fighting animals or monsters. Sometimes the man and the Bull-man appear to be enemies. According to some sources leopards were hunted in ancient Egypt78, but not one clear depiction of this has been found, although some researchers think this is the case on a mural from the grave of NeferMaat in Meidum (Fig. 45). This is certainly disputable, since the leopard in the hunting scene takes on a hunting pose itself, suggesting the possibility that he is helping men here79. This function of the leopard is attested by written documents. The leopard that helps men with hunting enforces the human power and becomes his ally. As said in paragraph I the garments of both soldiers in Mesopotamia (Figs. 9-10) and dancers/hunters in Çatal Hüyük (Fig. 48) can suggest that wearing leopard skins included a protective function. About the hunting scenes in Çatal Hüyük many interpretations have been put forward, by Mellaart, the first excavator of the site, later also by 1955: nr. 512; Leopard attacks dear, Diyala region, ca. 2600-2334 BC, light grey stone, 2,7 x 1,8 cm: Frankfort 1955: nr. 959; Leopard attacks Bull-man, provenance unknown, ca. 2600-2334 BC, steatite, 2,5 cm: Eisen 1940: nr. 21; Leopard and lion attack prey, provenance unknown, ca. 2600-2334 BC, white marble, 4,1 cm (diam. 0,25 cm), New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Corpus nr. 75: Pritchard 1969: fig. 678; Leopard and lion attack an antelope and a bull, Ur, ca. 2600-2334 BC, shell, 4,2 x 3,1 cm, U. 7992: Woolley 1934: pl. 197 nr. 58; Combat-scene ca. 2600-2334 BC, lime, 4,2 x 2 cm: Moortgat et al. 1975: fig. 22 a-c. The impression of a hand on the shoulder of a figurine of a standing leopard may suggest that this object too was part of a Combat-scene: Standing leopard, figurine, ca. 2350-2250 BC, Ebla, lime, 7,1 x 2,4 cm, Aleppo, National Museum, inv.nr. 10.584: Art of the First Cities 2003: 173 nr. 112. 77 For this interpretation see: Pritchard 1969: 330; Pittman 1995: 1594-1595. 78 On quote Keller 1980: 63. 79 Harmon 1912: 1-10; Altenmüller Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 221-235; Egyptian written sources from the XVIIth and XVIIIth Dynasties about the leopard as helper of man: on quote Keller 1980: 63, 86; Saleh et al. 1987: nr. 25 a. 28 Forrest and Hodder80. In short however all these interpretations share the same basic idea, that the scenes relate to fertility (cf. infra). If the garments of soldiers in Mesopotamia have a protective function, the same may also be assumed with other objects decorated with leopards that have to do with warfare. This includes the axe and daggers81 (Figs. 27, 40-42), the war chariot on a votive tablet from Ur (Fig. 49)82 and a mural from Til Barsib dating from the 8th century BC where a leopard skin is draped on the back of a horse (Fig. 50)83. Next to protection it is possible that the belief existed that by wearing a leopard skin or draping it over horses or chariots used in warfare one took over some of the power and speed of the animal. Although it seems that this belief grew less in time, some of it continued till the 3rd century BC84. 80 About the hunting scenes: Mellaart 1962: 56; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 19801983: 602, 604-605; Meadow 1983: 49; Cutting 2007: 128, 130. For the different theories: Mellaart: 1970: 170, 183-184; Mellaart et al. 1989: 23; Yakar 1991: 156; Cutting 2007: 126-134; Forrest 1993: 1-17, 32-37; I. Hodder, 'Renewed Work at Çatalhöyük', in 'Neolithic in Turkey. The Cradle of Civilization: New Discoveries', ed. by Özdoğan et al., 2 vol., Ancient Anatolian Civilizations Series, 3, Istanbul, 1999: 157-164. 81 On a Babylonian seal Ištar is represented holding a club decorated with two leopard heads; during the late 2nd mill. BC this weapon is typical for gods or goddesses who are connected to warfare, hunting or death: Van Loon 1985: 3: Presenting scene with Ištar, cylinder seal, 1950-1530 BC, Diyala region, dark grey stone, 2,2 x 1,3 cm: Frankfort 1955: nr. 431, nr. 999. Another seal from the same period shows Ištar with a scimitar decorated with a leopard head: Standing and kneeling figure, cylinder seal, 1950-1530 BC, Diyala region, dark green stone, 1,7 x 9 cm: Frankfort 1955: nr. 999. 82 Woolley 1934: 376-377, pl. 181 U.8557; Pritchard 1969: 268: Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 603; Art of the First Cities 2003: 72. In Khafaje was found a similar votive plate as the one found in Ur; the missing parts there were all present in Khafaje: Votive tablet reconstruction with fragments of Ur and Khafaje, ca. 26002334 BC, lime: Frankfort 1956: plate 33 a. 83 Parrot 1972: nr. 347; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 602. 84 In the Metropolitan Museum in New York a helmet of Crete is kept that is decorated with two winged boys and a creature with one head on two bodies of leopards: Helmet, relief, late 7th century BC, Crete, bronze, 21 cm, New York, Metropolitan Museum, inv.nr. 1989.281.50. On a coin coming from Persepolis and dating from the late 4th or the beginning of the 3rd century BC, the contemporary ruler Seleukis I is depicted wearing a helmet over which a leopard skin is draped and a scarf of the same material: Tetradrachme of Seleukis I, 300-280 BC, Pasargadae, silver, New York, Metropolitan Museum, inv.nr. 1974.105.9. 29 / ) / = # ## 9 " *2 # "9 8 #1 % 5% ' % / * = "" " L5 91M 9 ' / / / /% ( # #2 # * # 9 5 # #1 "# # " < 1 " /' 1 # & 9 D# 3E6E 9 > # % A777 # # '#1 9 # 6 ! # % / 30 Another object with the same meaning is a shield found in a cave on Crete; on it a naked woman stands between two large leopard heads of which she holds the ears (Fig. 74). It seems that the role of the leopards is to protect the female figure and to enhance her powers at the same time. Also there could be an indication that the leopards in their turn have a sort of control over her85. But she will be dealt with in the context of the Mistress of Animals. On a champron dating from the 9th century BC and found in Samos, but of eastern origin, stands a Mistress of Animals, here, however, the felines are depicted as lions86. On the border of the champron however are shown hunting scenes in which a leopard attacks an animal. Here again the protective element appears enforced by the hunting feline. Protection and support are also prominent in a statue of Tutankhamen who is protected by Amon and by the leopard skin that is draped round his shoulder and in a double statue of this pharaoh standing on a leopard87. This last image however is more complex and will be discussed below (Fig. 55). Indisputably protective is the depiction of the head of Medusa as shown on a bowl and surrounded by a friese of leopards, sphinxes and a siren88. The bowl is an example of the so-called crockery that petrifies the beholder. 85 The leopards controlling the human figure is an aspect that can be presumed in a number of pictures; cf. Figs. 51-52, 55, 62-63, 65, 68, 74. 86 Marinatos 2000: 21, 24 + Fig. 1.33; Braun-Holzinger et al. 2005: 11, 33 + pl. 5 nr. 16. 87 Ch. Boreux, Musée national du Louvre. Département des antiquités égyptiennes. Guide-catalogue sommaire, mus.cat., Paris, 1932: 564-565; Vigneau 1936: 78; Desroches-Noblecourt 1988: 16. Amon protects Tutankhamen, statue, 1336-1327 BC, Big Temple of Amon, Karnak, diorite, 220 x 78 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. E 11609.Tutankhamen standing on a leopard: Lurker 1996: 76; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 664-665. The same protective aspect can be seen in the statue of a priest of Bastet that had some medicinal powers: Vigneau 1936: 139: Priest of Bastet with stele, statue, 4th century BC, black basalt, 67,70 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. E 10777. 88 Site British Museum: Bowl with a Gorgon’s Head, ca. 625-600 BC, Korinth (found in Kamiros, Rhodes), ceramic, 37 x 10 cm, London, British Museum, inv.nr. ,< ' / / . 31 4. SYMBOL OF FERTILITY & LIFECYCLE This function of the leopard was suggested both by the context in which some of the oldest statues of leopards were found and by the appearance and pose of the women that accompanied the animals89. The so-called Mother goddess sitting on a leopard throne for example looked like she was giving birth and was found by Mellaart in a grain bin (Fig. 51)90. This suggested a link with fertility or, broader still, with the endless cycle of life and death. Mellaart therefore concluded that the women with the leopards or dressed in leopard skins (Figs. 1517; 62-64) had to be goddesses of fertility91. This theory was accepted for a long time, but eventually was called into question. Yet in all the new hypotheses, some link with fertility remains92. In later times few direct relations between leopards and fertility can be detected93. When they can be linked, it is generally with the broader aspect of the life cycle, the “Weltkreislauf”, that can be associated to among others Hepat(u), Cybele and Dionysos94. In Mesopotamia only the feline-offering shown on a seal (Fig. 32) can be related to fertility, because the temple depicted is said to be dedicated to Inanna95. 89 Leopard as fertility model: Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007. Mellaart 1963: 95. The terracotta’s found in Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar were painted, but all the colour has disappeared. The identification of the felines as leopards is not certain, but based on the frequent appearance of the leopard skins in the murals and therefore certainly acceptable: Schroer et al. 2005: 84. 91 Fertility goddesses from Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar: Mellaart 1962: 57, 60; Mellaart 1963: 86, 95; Mellaart 1967: 188, 215-216, 234; Mellaart 1970: 170, 174-175, 183-184; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604; Deighton 1982: 16; Mellaart et al. 1989: 23, 43; Leick 1991: 120; Yakar 1991: 156; Forest 1993: 1-15; Hamilton 1996: 225-226; Der Neue Pauly 2000: 562; Cutting 2007: 126-134; Hansen 2007: 128, 200, 203. 92 At the moment three large theories about the meaning of the statues, murals and reliefs in Çatal Hüyük exist: they can be related to the Great Goddess (Mellaart 1970: 170, 183-184; Mellaart et al. 1989: 23; Yakar 1991: 156; Cutting 2007: 126-134); to a growing genealogical understanding (Forest 1993: 1-17, 32-37) or to the beginning of the process of domestication of wild animals (Hodder 1999: 157-164). 93 One exception exists in the depictions of the dwarf Bes, the god of the bedroom and thus connected to sexuality and fertility. Cosmetic Box in the shape of Bes, ca. 525-404 BC, faience, 9,2 x 4,4 cm, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv.nr. 1989.281.94; Bes, statue, 379-341 BC, Saqqara, lime, 92 x 62 x 28,5 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. N 437. 94 Macqueen 1959: 177-178, 180; Van Loon 1985: 1, 5-6, 24-26; Leick 1991: 81. Dionysos: Keller 1980: 63; Der Neue Pauly 1999: 68. 95 Von der Osten 1934: 83; Amiet 1961: 87 + pl 44 nr. 642; Heimpel Reallexikon 1980-1983: 601; Buchanan 1981: 45; Hansen Art of the First Cities 2003: 24. 90 32 The statue of a woman dressed in a long skirt and with bare breasts holding a snake in each hand can according to some researchers be related to fertility (Fig. 52)96. On her head sits a spotted feline. Gimbutas for example thinks that the rituals that were performed for this Snake Goddess were connected to the rebirth of nature after winter and thus to the cycle of life97. Hepat(u) who, according to the Boğazköy-texts can be associated with the leopard, is, together with her husband Tešuba, responsible for the cycle of life, death and rebirth (Fig. 53)98. Hepat(u), originally a Hurritic mother or earth goddess would later be replaced by the Phrygian goddess Cybele99. She is yet the first time mentioned as “Matar” (Phrygian for “mother”) in an inscription dating from the 7th century BC100. She seems to be a real Mother Goddess who is sometimes accompanied by one or two leopards (Figs. 54, 67)101. The animals that accompany Cybele (not only felines but also birds of prey and fantastic creatures) have a double function: they protect the goddess and emphasize her power; at the same time the animals are dominated by the goddess which shows her ascendancy in the animal world and her benevolence towards human kind102. 96 A. Evans, 'Emergence of outer western enceinte, with new illustrations, artistic and religious, of the middle Minoan phase: chryselephantine lady of sports, snake room and full story of the cult: late Minoan ceramic evolution and palace style', The Palace of Minos: a comparative account of the successive stages of the early Cretan civilization as illustrated by the discoveries at Knossos, IV, 1, London, 1935: 440, 442; Hood 1978: 132-133; J.A. Sakellarakis, Herakleion Museum. Illustrated Guide to the Museum, Athens, 1979: 36, 39; R. Higgins, Minoan and Mycenaean Art, London, 1997: 32. 97 For this interpretation see: Gimbutas 2001: 136-138, 144; she says that the so-called palaces of Knossos and other Minoan sites were related to the transition of death to life and should therefore be seen rather as temples of regeneration. 98 Boğazköy-texts (14th-13th century BC): Bittel et al. 1975: 150-152; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604-605; Wörterbuch der Mythologie 1983: 172; Van Loon 1991: 24-26; Roller 1999: 42. Orthmann 1985: 429 doubts the interpretation as leopards of the felines on which Hepat(u) and her son Šarruma are standing, he believes lions are depicted here. About Yazilikaya: Bittel et al. 1975. 99 Roller 1991 questions this conclusion. 100 Keller 1980: 63; Mellaart et al. 1989: 44-45; Roller 1991; Roller 1999: 151-153; Der Neue Pauly 2000: 561. 101 Akurgal 1961: 240, 242; Keller 1980: 63; Van Loon 1991: 34. 102 In Lydia a statue of a sitting Cybele with a leopard on her lap was found: Cybele with leopard, relief, ca. 550 BC, Shrine of Cyme, Lydia, lime, 60 cm, Istanbul, Arkeoloji Müzesi: Akurgal 1961: fig. 209. 33 ) > #1 " ## #1 )91 9 # / # ## F- " 0 # 8 #1 %% > # " "" % 62 9 ( 9 > " F 8 A 7 5 # *"# * > # " 0 N 2 9 # 6 # % #1 1* / " % ' % "# 3 # ' 34 Gods standing on animals were typical in the iconography of the Near East103, but not one depiction of a human standing on a leopard has been found in that region. In Egypt this imagery was reserved for Asiatic gods and for depictions of the pharaoh. Two almost identical statues of Tutankhamen standing on a black leopard were found in a shrine in his tomb (Fig. 55)104. The use of gold for the king and black for the leopard and the fact that the king’s images were wrapped up in linen cloth suggest a symbolic meaning. Recent studies have demonstrated that this iconography refers to an ancient religious idea about the spots on the skin of the leopard standing as symbols for the stars in the sky and the eyes for the evening and morning sun105. Originally the leopard had the same function as the Cow of Heaven: the renewal of the cycle of life which took place by taking the sun up in the evening, rejuvenating it during the night and releasing it in the morning106. The linen cloth in which the king was wrapped and his golden colour could mean he was seen as the Sun God. The black skin of the leopard not only refers to the colour of the fertile black earth but also to the wonder of rebirth107. Possibly the rites in which these statues played a principal part were so old that their exact meaning was not all that clear at the time the figures were made. The only thing that was certain was that they were indispensable to the rebirth of the pharaoh108. Medusa depicted on an archaic temple of Artemis also fits into this context (Fig. 56). The fact that she holds a horse and a young man could refer to the initiation rites that took youngsters into adulthood, which is also a part of the cycle of life109. 103 Hornung 1995: 1715. Edwards 1978: 189-193; Riesterer et al. 1979: 59 nr. 70; Tutanchamun in Köln 1980: 121. 105 Edwards 1978: 78; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 9, 13-22, 50-55. 106 Edwards 1978: 38; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 664; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 9, 13-22, 50-55; Hornung 1995: 1714; Te Velde Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 1995: 1737. 107 Edwards 1978: 78, 189; Desroches-Noblecourt 1988: 249. 108 The leopard played a protective part like Mafdet and Seshat, two female goddesses, one with a leopard head, the other often dressed in leopard skin. Mafdet was the Mistress of the House of Life, Seshat was responsible for writing the name of the Pharaoh on a leaf of the Tree of Life so that his immortality was ensured: Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 664-665; Helck Lexikon der Ägyptologie 5 1984: 884-888; Lurker 1996: 76. 109 Marinatos 2000: 61-63; Marinatos 2001: 84-88. 104 35 In the context of burials and graves in ancient Egypt the leopard often occurs in his function as a renewer of life. A clear example is the appearance of the Horizon-leopards on a papyrus from the Book of the Dead belonging to Ani (Fig. 57)110. Each morning the sun rises over the back of one of them and each evening it sets over the back of the other, so that one leopard is responsible for the eastern horizon, the second for the western. Death for the ancient Egyptians only meant a transitional stage to a new life and was thus considered a birth111. Owing to the early belief that the leopard was responsible for the renewal of life, depictions of the animal itself or of its skin were almost always present in Egyptian graves. In some cases, as has already been stated, the Sem-priests wore a leopard skin that would help them in performing the necessary rituals (Figs. 3, 4, 58)112 in others it was the deceased who was dressed in this material (Figs. 5, 59)113. Apparently the skin was used also in some of the most important rituals that guaranteed the transition at the deceased to a new life, namely the Opening of the Mouth (Fig. 60)114 and the Prayer to Osiris, where the Imuit-fetish sometimes is made from the skin of a leopard (Fig. 61)115. 110 Edwards 1978: 38, 78; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007; Tutanchamun in Köln 1980: 121; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 664; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 9, 13-22, 50-55, 81; Hornung 1995: 1714-1716. 111 Edwards 1978: 78; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 664; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 9, 13-22, 50-55. 112 De kunstenaars van de Farao’s 2002: 41. Full description with photographs: Desroches-Noblecourt et al. 1986. 113 De kunstenaars van de Farao’s 2002: 53. Other Sem-priests or deceased dressed in leopard skins: Death rituals for Nebqed, papayrus, 1391-1353 BC, 630 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. N 3068; Papyrus from the Book of the Dead of Ani, ca. 1275 BC, Thebes, London, British Museum, inv.nr. 10470/12; Offerings to Sennedjem and Lyneferti, mural, 1279-1213 BC, Tomb of Sennefer (TT 1), Deir el-Medina; Man dressed in leopard skin, mural, 1295-1186 BC, dried and painted clay, 37,7 x 22,4 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. E 32563; Man dressed in leopard skin, painting, 1295-1069 BC, linen, 16,7 x 17,3 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AF 11907; Unnofir, statue, 1295-1113 BC, diorite, 186 x 57 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. A 66. 114 The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead 1985: 54. More information on the Book of the Dead and on the Opening of the Mouth: The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead 1985; Dondelinger et al. 1987. 115 Imuit-fetish: Rössler-Köhler Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 149-150; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 665; Dondelinger et al. 1987: 71-72. 36 )# 3 J # "1 > " * ' ) * " 9 "# #1 # *2 ) / % / = " 91 " . 2 9 # # %' ' % 1 2 91 # )1 # # 5* 1 # 1 " * #1 51* " . # % = "# "L" " 3 )# 9 # "1 > " * #1 0 *2 $" " %/ %/% ! 6 # ( ' # 37 5. * 1 > # % )# 9 / ) ## 9 2" > # % " ## 9 29 ' 8 * > 8 * 8 #1 # % 9 2 % 8 #1 /% 6 > 9 91 # % 3 O # # #1 # 9 # 6 % ## # ' * )1 62 "9 % 8 #1 777 38 5. MISTRESSES AND MASTERS OF THE ANIMALS Again this function is suggested by some of the oldest depictions of leopards that have been found in Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar116. In particular the Mother figure sitting on a throne supported by leopards (Fig. 51) suggests that a woman (goddess) had authority over the wild aspects of nature117. Although varieties of this iconography are frequent in the finds at Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar (Figs. 16-17, 62-65), in later times and other periods it doesn’t seem popular at all. If these images indeed show Mistresses and, in one case, a Master of the Animals, then they are quite unique. The first known and commonly accepted figurines of Mistresses of the Animals date from the Early Bronze (after 3000 BC), considerably later than those of Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar118. A very intriguing iconography is depicted on a cupper bowl made in the Early Sumerian period (Fig. 68). The bowl is decorated with leopards, birds, snakes, deer and two human figures119. Each (male) figure has a giant bird (an owl?) sitting on his shoulders and both are accompanied by two leopards each. One male holds the leopards and shows thus that he is their master. The other one though has his arms crossed in front of him and seems to be controlled or protected by the leopards instead. The aspect of protection is reminiscent of what we have encountered in other pictures120 (cf. supra; Figs. 11, 51, 62). 116 Legrain 1930: 240; Woolley 1934: 376; Strommenger 1971: 42-44; Parrot 1972: nr. 347; Aruz Art of the First Cities 2003: 245, 338-339; Muscarella Art of the First Cities 2003: 326-327; Perrot 2003: 102; Perrot et al. 2005: 146. 117 Schroer et al. 2005: 84. 118 Mellaart 1967: 171, 233-234; Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604; Hansen 2007: 199-200. Mellaart makes a distinction between the Mother-goddess, sitting on one or two leopards and a young Nature-goddess, holding one or two leopard cubs in her arms. In Hacilar a fragment of a statuette was found that presumably had a similar iconography as that of fig. 62: Woman sitting on two leopards, ca. 6000 BC, Q. VI 5, Hacilar, terracotta, ca. 9,4 cm (without leopards), Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi: Mellaart 1970: pl. CLVII b, pl. CL VIII, fig. 229. This woman doesn’t hold a leopard in her arms though but cups her breasts instead. Also in Hacilar a second figurine was found of a standing woman holding two leopard cubs (cf. Fig. 63): Standing woman with two leopard cubs, ca. 6000 BC, Q. VI 5, Hacilar: Mellaart 1970: fig. 197. 119 Nagel 1966: 31. 120 Perhaps the leopards are in their turn controlling the human figures; cf. Figs. 51-52, 55, 62-65, 68, 74. 39 ' . 8 8 #1 1 * "+ % "+ " "+ "+ 2 " 1 /#1 * 40 The first recognized Mistresses and Masters of Animals connected to leopards date from the late 13th century BC, and depict the figures of the goddess Hepat(u) and her son Šarruma in Yazilikaya (Fig. 66) later still are those of Cybele, holding one or two leopards (Figs. 54, 67). The main function of Hepat(u) and her son would be the protection of the royal family, and the leopard helps them do this121. In Mesopotamia there are even fewer depictions of women with leopards, although Masters of the Animals, presented first as heroes and from the late 15th century BC as gods, occur from the end of the 5th mill. BC. Mistresses of the Animals are mostly to be seen in SyroPalestine, and they are always goddesses122. However the animals never seem to be leopards. The function of these masters and mistresses is mostly the prevision of control and power, although there could be a protective element as well123. A variety of this iconography is to be seen on the many Combat-scenes on seals (cf. Figs 31, 47) and on some of the decoration of the objects in the Intercultural style (Figs. 11-12, 69-70)124. The figures that master the leopards on the Goblet are hybrid creatures: a Bull-man and a gryphon. Although the leopards take on a submissive attitude, the men are protected by bracelets and medallions (supra)125. On the pyxis with the kneeling master evil is represented by two Scorpion-men that are mastered by a Lion-man and by two snakes. Both snakes and Scorpion-men seem to struggle fiercely, but again the leopards are calm and submitted. During the same period Masters of the Animals appear on sound boxes of musical instruments and sometimes they are controlling 121 Bittel et al. 1975: 150-152; Wörterbüch der Mythologie 1983: 172; Van Loon 1985: 24-25; Roller 1999: 42. According to Ünal (Ünal Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604) there are written sources who indeed identify the animals in the relief as being leopards: Boğazköy-texts K.Bo. 20, 33 + Vs. 13 f., 21, 22 Rs. 38 f.; KUB 25, 51 Vs. I 2 f.: on quote Williams-Forte Reallexikon 1980-1983: 604-605. 122 Marinatos 2000: 10; Barclay 2001: 374-378; Schroer et al. 2005: 84. 123 Marinatos 2000: 10; Barclay 2001: 374-378. 124 Barclay 2001: 377. 125 Perrot 2003: 99, 104; Perrot et al. 2005: 132, 140, 142. 41 leopards (Fig. 71). Again the master is a mixed creature while the leopards do not seem to mind their awkward position126. In the early 1st mill. BC a Master of the Leopards was depicted on a silver vase found in Marlik (Fig. 72). The Master is a warrior who expresses both his inner and outer strength. The animals this time seem rather violent127. A unique image found in northern Iran shows a goddess seated in a chariot drawn by two leopards (Fig. 73)128. The meaning of this scene remains unknown but presumably the leopards can be seen as being under the control of the woman, suggesting that she can be perceived as a Mistress of the Animals. The seal is also important for it reveals for the first time clearly that the leopard was part of a religious myth. In Egypt leopards are never associated with women, but belong strictly to the world of men (cf. Fig. 55). During the New Kingdom the image of a woman standing on lions appears and this iconography must clearly be seen as a symbol for power, seduction and danger129. Images of women in the company of leopards in the Aegean are not so rare but are of course of a much later date as those of Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar. The one that resembles these the most is shown on a shield coming from the Idean Cave on Crete (Fig. 74). The animals are oversized in relation to the goddess and so enforce her power130. The fact that the scene is shown on a shield suggests a protective and apotropaic function as well. 126 Woolley 1934: 252-253; plates 76, 104, 113-115, 117; Schroer et al. 2005: 300. A similar depiction is shown on a harp from Ur: Soundbox harp, 2600-2334 BC, Ur, wood, shell, lapis lazuli, gold, nr. U. 10412: Woolley 1934: pl. 110. 127 Negahban 1965: 320, 322-323; Negahban 1983: 54, 57 + fig. 19. 128 For the complete description of the iconography of the seal see: Amiet 2006. 129 Eaton 1964: 18; Marinatos 2000: 16; Barclay 2001: 377. 130 Brunn 1893: 92; Kunze 1931: 191, 193, 200, 701 f.; Mellaart et al. 1989: 39; Marinatos 2000: 18-20. Kunze sees in her the Mother-goddess. It is not clear on what the identification of the felines as leopards is based, but every researcher seems to accept this identification and so do we. 42 % , 2 #9 4 % / > "# ) ! 5 * "9 # # % / ! 2 G / 6 6 % / / , "" 91 . # 8 26 5* # / # ) - -" > * 12 %' 0 1 "# " #1 #1 9 # 6 % 43 / 7 "1 # # %'% > 6 # '#1 9 # 6 # J 0 * ! % ! /& " #1 9 # 6 5 # *" P "- " # 9 - %' % 44 This image fits in a series of depictions from the Aegean which have a similar iconography such as from the Temple of Artemis in Corfu (Fig. 56) and on a relief from Temple A in Prinias, Crete (Fig. 75)131. As noted above Medusa is related to leopards on the Temple of Artemis and would have played a part in the initiation rites. It seems the Temple at Prinias had a similar function. Later still Artemis herself is represented as Goddess of the Hunt and Mistress of Animals with a leopard in her hand (Fig. 76)132. In all it can be concluded that in the Aegean the usually female Mistress of the animals represents a divine or at least supernatural force, while the wild animals, including the leopard in many depictions refer to control or to power and protection. This is the case in the other regions as well133. 131 For a full description of this temple and its meaning: L. Pernier, 'New Elements for the Study of the Archaic Temple of Prinias', American Journal of Archaeology, vol. 38, 1, 1934: 171-177; Beyer 1976: 21-38; S. Stucchi, 'Questioni relative al Tempio A di Prinias ed al formarsi degli ordini dorico e ionico', Antichità Cretesi, II, Catania, 1978: 89-106; L. V. Watrous, 'Crete and Egypt in the seventh century BC: Temple A at Prinias', in 'Post-Minoan Crete. Proceedings of the First Colloquium on Post-Minoan Crete held by the British School at Athens and the Institute of Archaeology, University College London, 10-11 November 1995', British School at Athens. Studies, 2, ed. by Cavanagh et al., London, 1998: 75-79. 132 Brunn 1893: 166-169. 133 Pernier 1934: 171-177; Sakellarakis 1979: 36, 39; Watrous 1998: 76, 78; Roller 1999: 135; Marinatos 2000: 67-74, 110-129; Barclay 2001: 373-374, 377, 379-381. 45 6. CONCLUSION It is obvious that the iconography of the leopard is very complex. The leopard seems to play a positive role and its most important task seems to have been to emphasise, protect and enhance the living conditions of men. It is however clear that its iconography is more multifaceted than that and is somewhat depended on the form in which the leopard is depicted, direct or indirect (via its skin), and the region where it occurs134. Most depictions of leopards in Mesopotamia and Levant are related to warfare, combat and hunting. This association exists in the other regions as well, albeit on a much lesser scale. Representations of leopards in Egypt are rare and are only linked with men, but in Anatolia and the Aegean women with leopards dominate. The goddess in a chariot that is drawn by two leopards as represented on a bronze plate that was found in northern Iran is unique in the region and suggests clearly for the first time that the leopard took part in certain religious rites or myths. The greatest fraction of the images from Egypt show people dressed in leopards skins. Two skins were found in the Tomb of Tutankhamen, one real, the other an imitation135. The skin of the leopard does seem to identify priests and deceased in Egypt where it at the same time helps to conquer death. In the Aegean wearing a leopard skin suggests a high status, as it perhaps does in Anatolia, and in Mesopotamia the skin is worn by soldiers for its protective function. This protective function is without doubt present when leopards are depicted at (the entrances of) palaces and temples or on altars, as is the case in Egypt (Avaris) and Mesopotamia (Uqair and Tall Munbāqa) and conceivably even in Anatolia (Çatal Hüyük) and in the Aegean (Knossos). Seals in the shape of leopards, as have been found in both Anatolia and Mesopotamia, certainly have a protective and even apotropaic function, but the same may be assumed with other objects decorated with leopards or with motifs 134 With most depictions we have followed the excavator’s identification of leopards, not however without controlling as much as possible. 135 According to the Pyramid-texts the pharaoh would wear a leopard skin and –mask during certain rituals: Das Auferstehungsritual der Unas-Pyramide 1971; Störk Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 1980: 1007; Westendorf Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 1982: 664-665. 46 reminiscent of the leopard skins: daggers, knifes, axes, chairs and thrones (found in the Aegean and Egypt), war chariots and horses, vases from the so-called Intercultural style, seals with Combat-scenes (all these found in Mesopotamia) and people dressed in leopards skins. These last include not only the warriors from Mesopotamia, but also the priests and deceased from Egypt, the dignitaries of the Aegean and of the Zagros-region, some Masters of the Animals as seen on vases from the Intercultural style, and most probably also the hunters/dancers from Çatal Hüyük and the woman and men statuettes from Anatolia. Next to protection leopards also offer support to man in his struggle against evil. This is obviously the case with the Egyptian pharaoh who is eventually the mediator between men and gods, in the decoration of the objects of the Intercultural style and in the Combat-scenes. Mistresses and Masters of the animals receive the same support both when they are dressed in a leopard skin, sitting on leopards or are accompanied by them. Key-objects in this respect are the figurines from Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar and the cupper bowl that is kept in Berlin. This last piece is presumably very important for vases of Jiroft, dating from the mid to late 3rd mill. BC. The motif of leopards accompanied by snakes seems to be typical for the Iranian iconography. Opposite to what seemed to be suggested by some of the oldest depictions of the leopard, (as found in Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar) direct relations between the animal and fertility are rare. At the most an indirect association can be suspected and this connection is shown in very varied ways and seems to have more to do with the general notion of the endless cycle of life instead of with the aspect of fertility itself. Examples of a direct relation can be seen with the Hittite gods Tešuba and Hepat(u), the Phrygian goddess Cybele and perhaps, if Gimbutas is correct, the Snake goddess of Knossos136. In Egypt the Horizon leopards, the Imuit fetish, the Sem-priests and the deceased dressed in leopard skins can be linked to the Weltkreislauf. 136 Gimbutas 2001: 136-138, 144. 47 7. LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1: Leopard figurine, 3500-3100 BC, Uruk, shell stone, lapis lazuli, 4,8 x 2,9 cm, Bagdad, Sammelfund, inv.nr. W 14806 c 9. Fig. 2: Torso of a priest of Onuris, statue, 1391/1388-1353/1350 BC (Amenhotep III; XVIIIth Dyn.), basalt, 26 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre. Fig. 3: Sem-priest, mural, XIXth Dyn. (1279-1213 BC), Tomb of Nefertari (nr. 66), Valley of the Queens, Thebes. Fig. 4: Tutankhamen before Highpriest Kheperkheprure Ay, mural (detail), 1336-1327 BC (XVIIIth Dyn.), Tomb of Tutankhamen, (KV 62), Valley of the Kings, Thebes. Fig. 5: Nefertiabet before a table with offerings, stele, 2590 BC (IVth Dyn.), Tomb of Nefertiabet, Gizeh, lime (painted), 37,5 x 52,5 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. E 15591. Fig. 6 a & b: Relief showing Zagros-dwellers, dressed in animal skins, bringing horses to Sargon II of Assyria, 727-705 BC, drawing, Sargon Palace, DurSharrukin (Korsabad). Fig. 7: Dignitary, mural, XIIIth century BC, Palace of Nestor, Pylos. Fig. 8: Mycenaean warriors fighting against barbarians, mural (reconstruction), XIIIth century BC, Palace of Nestor (entrance hall), Pylos. Fig. 9: Standard of Ur (War-panel), Early-Dynastic III (2600-2334 BC), Ur, wood, shell, red lime, lapis lazuli, 21,59 x 49,53 cm, London, British Museum, inv.nr. ANE 121201. Fig. 10: Victory scene (mosaic), ca. 2500-2400 BC (Early-Dynastic III), Temple of Ištar, Mari, shell, schist, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AO 19820. Fig. 11: Conical vase with gods, snakes and a bird of prey, middle to late 3rd mill. BC, Mesopotamia, chlorite, 23,5 cm (diam. bottom 12,9 cm; diam. top 8,6 cm), Japan, The Shinji Shumeikai, inv.nr. SS 1498. Fig. 12: Man-leopard, Early-Dynastic (ca. 2900-2334 BC), drawing, Jiroft, south-eastern Iran. Fig. 13: Man with leopard skin scarf, 8500-7900 BC, Area G10, Nevali Çori, clay, 5,6 x 1,8 x 1,8 cm, Şanliurfa Müzesi, inv.nr. NÇ 90/20. Fig. 14: Sitting man with bonnet of leopard skin, drawing, 6600-6500 BC, Çatal Hüyük, white marble, 12 cm, E VI, 10, Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, inv.nr. 79.800.65 (13291). Fig. 15: Woman dressed in leopard skin, ca. 6000 BC, terracotta, 5 cm, A II, 1, Çatal Hüyük, Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi. Fig. 16: Young goddess resting on leopard, 6600-6500 BC, VI A, 10, Çatal Hüyük, lime, 11,8 cm, Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi. Fig. 17: Mother goddess resting on leopard, 6600-6500 BC, VI A, 10, Çatal Hüyük, lime, 5 cm, Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi. Fig. 18: Golden goblet, 16th-12th century BC, Iran (Marlik culture), electrum, 11 x 11 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AO 20281. 48 Fig. 19: Cup with leopard decoration, end 5th-early 4th mill. BC, level 6, Tepe Sialk (Iran), ceramic (painted), 28 x 29 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AO 17797. Fig. 20: Cup with leopard decoration, ca. 3500 BC (Hissar III), Tepe Hissar Damghan, ceramic, 17 x 15,3 cm, Philadelphia, University Museum. Fig. 21: Procession of animals, late 4th-early 3rd mill. BC, Maikop Kurgan, silver, 10,2 cm, Saint-Petersburg, Hermitage Museum, inv.nr. 34-95. Fig. 22: Goblet with hunting and war scenes, 12th-11th century BC, Karachamb, silver, 10,5 x 13,2 cm, Erévan, Musée d’histoire d’Arménie, inv.nr. 28671. Fig. 23: Polyteleia painter, Leopards, sphinxes, lions and goats, dinos, ca. 630614 BC, Corinth, terracotta, diam. 30,5 cm, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv.nr. 1997.36. Fig. 24: Leopard head, 1334-1325 BC (XVIIIth Dyn.), Tomb of Tutankhamen (KV 62), Valley of the Kings, Thebes, wood, gold leaf, glass, 17,5 x 16,9 cm, Cairo, Egyptian Museum, inv.nr. JE 62629. Fig. 25: Folding chair (detail), 1334-1325 BC (XVIIIth Dyn.), Tomb of Tutankhamen (KV 62), Valley of the Kings, Thebes, ebony, ivory, gold, Cairo, Egyptian Museum. Fig. 26: Throne (detail), 1334-1325 BC (XVIIIth Dyn.), Tomb of Tutankhamen (KV 62), Valley of the Kings, Thebes, ebony, ivory, gold, semiprecious stones, coloured glass, faience, 100 x 70 x 44 cm, Cairo, Egyptian Museum. Fig. 27: Axe in the shape of a leopard, before 1600 BC, Palace Malia, brown lime, Heraklion, Archaeological Museum. Fig. 28: River, mural, LC I/LM IA (1580-1480 BC), 21 x 175 cm, The West House, Room 5, eastern wall, Thera. Fig. 29: Seal in the shape of a leopard, 4th-3rd mill. BC, Tell Hamoukar (Syria). Fig. 30: Seal in the shape of a leopard, 7th mill. BC, Area 4040, Çatal Hüyük, clay, 6,7 x 3,7 x 4,4 cm, Konya, Arkeoloji Müzesi, inv.nr. 2003.12.144. Fig. 31: Combat-scene dedicated to the goddess Inanna, ca. 2550 BC (EarlyDynastic III), Mesopotamia, lapis lazuli, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AO 21119. Fig. 32: Cylinder seal, 3300-2900 BC, Jemdet Nasr, brown marble, 3,5 cm (diam. 2,9 cm), New Haven, Yale Babylonian Collection, inv. nr. NCBS 669. Fig. 33: Leopards on a temple podium, mural, 3100-2900 BC (Uruk-Jemdet Nasr period), Tell al' Uqair, ca. 90 cm. Fig. 34: Leopard, mural, reconstruction, 1540-1470 BC, Avaris (Tell el-Dabʻa). Fig. 35: Leopard head, ca. 1600 BC, Palace of Knossos. Fig. 36: Leopard-relief, 6600-6500 BC, 180 cm (length), VI B, 44, Çatal Hüyük. Fig. 37: Leopard head, relief, 6600-6500 BC, VII, 44, Çatal Hüyük. Fig. 38: Altars with leopard decoration, 2nd mill. BC, Tall Munbāqa, 59 cm (height), MBQ 34/22-3 (detail). 49 Fig. 39: Standard of Ur (side-panel), Early-Dynastic III (2600-2400 BC), Ur, wood, shell, red lime, lapis lazuli, 21,59 x 49,53 cm, British Museum, London, ANE 121201. Fig. 40: Dagger with inlay, LH I-II A (1600-1440 BC), Rutsi, bronze, gold, silver, 32 cm, Athens, National Museum. Fig. 41: Haft of knife, ca. 3400/3200 BC, Gebel Tarif (Egypt), gold foil, 10,2 x 5 cm, Cairo, Egyptian Musem. Fig. 42: Ceremonial dagger with sheath, 1336-1327 BC (XVIIIth Dyn.), Tomb of Tutankhamen (KV 62), Valley of the Kings, Thebes, gold (cloisonné), 32 cm (sheath 21 x 4,4 cm), Cairo, Egyptian Museum. Fig. 43: Inlay with leopards, LHI (ca. 1600-1500 BC), Tholos III, Mycenae, gold. Fig. 44: Fishtray decorated with hunting scene(detail), 17th-16th century BC, marl C. Fig. 45: Hunting scene, mural, ca. 2620 BC (Snefru; IVth Dyn.), Tomb of Nefer-Maat, Meidum, painted lime, 61,5 x 138,5 cm, Cairo, Egyptian Museum, inv.nr. JE 43809. Fig. 46: The leopard attacked by the serpent, pyxis, Early-Dynastic (ca. 29002334 BC), Jiroft, south-eastern Iran, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 10 cm, cat.nr. 80. Fig. 47: Combat-scène with Bull-man and leopard, Early-Dynastic period (ca. 2900-2340 BC), provenance unknown, yellowish lime, 4,1 x 2,9 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. AO 5369. Fig. 48: Hunter/dancer dressed in leopard skin, mural (detail), ca. 5750 BC, III, 1 (eastern wall), Çatal Hüyük. Fig. 49: Votive tablet (fragment), Early-Dynastic III (2600-2334 BC), Ur, lime, 13 x 27 cm, Philadelphia, Penn Museum, inv.nr. CBS 17.086. Fig. 50: Warrior with horses, mural, late 8th century BC, Palace, Til Barsib, length 2 m. Fig. 51: Mother figure with two leopards, ca. 6300 BC, A II, 1, Çatal Hüyük, terracotta, 16 cm, Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, inv.nr. 79.250.65. Fig. 52: Snake goddess, ca. 1600 BC, faience, 34,3 cm, Knossos, Crete, Heraklion, Archaeological Museum, inv.nr. 63. Fig. 53: Procession of the gods (detail), rock relief, 13th century BC, 2,6 m (height), Yazilikaya. Fig. 54: Cybele with leopard, relief (stele), ca. 500 BC, Eskiṣehir (old Dorylaeum), marble, 73 cm, Istanbul, Arkeoloji Müzesi. Fig. 55: Shrine with two statues of Tutankhamen standing on a black leopard, 1336-1327 BC (XVIIIth Dyn.), Tomb of Tutankhamen (KV 62), Valley of the Kings, Thebes. Fig. 56: Medusa holding a young man and a horse, 776-500 BC, Temple of Artemis, Corfu. 50 Fig. 57: Horizon-leopards, Papyrus from the Book of the Dead of Ani (detail), ca. 1275 BC (XIXth Dyn.), Thebes, 71,3 x 42 cm, London, British Museum, inv.nr. EA 10470/7. Fig. 58: Sem-priest, mural (detail), 1439-1413 BC (XVIIIth Dyn.), Tomb of Sennefer (TT 96), Thebes. Fig. 59: Offer to Amenhotep and his mother Ahmose-Nefertari, mural, XIXth Dyn. (1279-1213 BC), Tomb of Chabechnet (TT 2), Deir el-Medina. Fig. 60: Opening of the Mouth, Papyrus from the Book of the Dead of Hunefer, XIXth Dyn. (1279-1213 BC), Thebes, 45,7 x 83,4 cm, London, British Museum, inv.nr. EA 9901/5. Fig. 61: Prayer for Osiris, Papyrus from the Book of the Dead of Tadimut, XXIst Dyn. (1070-945 BC), Thebes, 24,5 cm, Cairo, Egyptian Museum. Fig. 62: Woman sitting on a leopard holding a leopard cub, ca. 6000 BC, Q VI 5, Hacilar, clay, 13 cm, Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi. Fig. 63: Standing woman with leopard cub, ca. 6000 BC, Q. VI 3, Hacilar, terracotta, 9,2 cm, Ankara, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi. Fig. 64: Sitting woman with two leopard cubs, reconstruction drawing (Huxtable), ca. 5750 BC, clay, 7 cm, A III, 1, Çatal Hüyük. Fig. 65: Boy riding on crouching leopard, 6600-6500 BC, VI A, 10, Çatal Hüyük. Fig. 66: Procession of the gods (detail), rock relief, 13th century BC, 2,6 m (height), Yazilikaya. Fig. 67: Cybele with two leopards, relief, ca. 550 BC, Sardis (Lydia), painted terracotta, 24,5 x 25 x 5 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv.nr. CA 1646. Fig. 68: Bowl with humans, leopards, snakes, birds and deer, Proto-Elamite (2nd half 4th mill. BC), cupper (drawing), Berlin, Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte. Fig. 69: Goblet, Early-Dynastic (ca. 2900-2334 BC), Jiroft, south-eastern Iran, chlorite, semiprecious stones, 14,5 cm (diam. 11,5 cm), cat.nr. 11. 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