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The late bloom of (modern)
science communication
Marta Entradas, Luís Junqueira
and Bruno Pinto
1. Introduction
This chapter describes the emergence of modern science communication in
Portugal. The chapter is organised in parts. Part 2 sets the context in which
science communication activities emerged and flourished in the country
during the mid-1990s, anchored by a top-down government policy. This
story is an historical account of the social and political factors leading up
to this important episode. Whenever possible, we situate national moves
within academic and policy debates on the public understanding of science,
which may have influenced them. Part 3 maps the main events, activities,
group initiatives and moments in science communication since then and
describes the emergence of a community of practitioners, and opportunities
in the professionalisation of the field. Part 4, we consider the late blooming
and rapid developments of today, and the overall impact of the top-down
approach on the development of modern science communication.
2. The political context and the emergence
of a government policy for ‘scientific culture’
2.1. The pre-1990s
Modern science communication is relatively new in Portugal compared to its
European neighbours, who have longer traditions of public understanding
of science (PUS), or public participation in science policy. See, for example,
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the ‘PUS movement’ in the United Kingdom in the 1980s (Gregory and
Miller, 1998) and publication of the internationally influential report Public
Understanding of Science by the Royal Society in 1985, the Norwegian
government policies in science communication since 1975 (Hetland, 2014),
and the Danish consensus conferences organised since 1995 (Einsiedel et al.,
2001). In the early 1990s, Portugal was a country with few modern scientific
resources, public relations with science were weak, and the practice of science
communication was scarce (Entradas, 2015). This was a consequence of a
dictatorship and authoritarian state that ruled for more than 40 years1 and
kept scientific institutions and scientists away from society (Gonçalves and
Castro, 2002). The second half of the 1990s saw, however, a turning point
in science–society relationships, with ‘scientific culture’ and the ‘promotion
of science to the public’—as it was termed in our country—becoming an
integral part of the science policy agenda. Since then, Portugal has quickly
expanded its infrastructure for science communication, with political support,
and continues to do so (Entradas, 2015).
During the 20th century, the university was an elitist space for the education
of the few, based on the values of the New State (Rosas and Sisifredo, 2013).
Research was confined mostly to the State Laboratories. Until the 1950s there
were only four universities in the country—Coimbra, Lisbon, Porto, and
Lisbon Technical University (Teixeira et al., 2007, p. 347)—and only 0.04
per cent of the Portuguese population completed a university degree. Today,
there are 14 universities and 13 polytechnic institutes around Portugal, with
372,000 students enrolled (DGEEC, 2018), and 18 per cent of population
has a degree (Instituto Nacional de Estatística, 2017).
With the fall of the authoritarian regime, overthrown by a military coup on
25 April 1974, the country focused on developing scientific infrastructure,
expanding its scientific community and universities, and increasing the
population’s levels of education. Despite these developments, the science–
society relationship was (still) distant from both the political agenda and
university practices during the 1980s. The communication of science relied
mostly on the activities of a few scientific authorities (Gago, 1990). There
was no tradition of science journalism or science museums and exhibitions
(Machado and Conde, 1988) and engaging with the public was not well
regarded amongst the scientific community (Jesuíno and Diego, 2003).
A study of the Portuguese scientific community in the early 1990s shows
1
The ‘New State’ was the far-right regime installed in Portugal from 1933 to 1974, created by
Prime Minister Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, who ruled between 1932 and 1968, and continued under
Marcelo Caetano, the last prime minister of the New State, ruling from 1968 until his overthrow in
the Carnation Revolution of 1974.
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that ‘scientific dissemination’ was regarded as an unimportant factor in the
recognition of scientific authority and not a reputable activity for a scientist
(Jesuíno et al., 1992; Machado and Conde, 1988). Still, it is during the
1980s that the first signs of a public dissemination culture in the country
emerge; for instance, in 1982, the first national publisher Gradiva is created
with an editorial profile oriented to science collections, probably a result of
a growing public demand, and a community of science journalists begins to
emerge. Central to these developments was the integration of Portugal in
the European Union in 1986, which greatly advanced the economy in many
sectors, including scientific and education infrastructures, and modernised the
country more broadly, while also promoting stronger political and economic
relationships with other member-states (e.g. Rodrigues, 2015; Soares, 2008).
2.2. The post-1990s
In the mid-1990s, we see a radical change in the science–society relationship
in Portugal, which begins in the form of a top-down government policy
(Entradas, 2015). In 1995, the Ministry of Science and Higher Education
is created. José Mariano Gago, the first Minister for Science and Technology
from 1995 to 2002, puts ‘scientific culture’ strongly on the political agenda,
as part of a broader aim of building a scientifically literate society (Gago,
1990). Modern science communication thus emerges in a context of full
political support, with the government becoming a major player in the
promotion of initiatives to foster scientific culture in the country (Entradas,
2015). The ‘policy for scientific culture’ is perhaps the most significant event
in the history of science communication in Portugal, having had positive
impacts at many levels, and the turning point from which we can best trace
the beginning of modern science communication in the country.
2.2.1. National ‘policy for scientific culture’
The Portuguese national policy for scientific culture created in the 1990s
was reflected in a series of actions by the government to encourage research
institutions and scientists to increase their relations with society, and to widen
public access to science. Two of the most pre-eminent actions were:
i. the formulation of legislation governing scientific research institutions,
teaching and research staff, to expand and strengthen science
communication. For example, the revised Legal Framework for Scientific
Research institutions declared that all publicly funded research centres
should communicate their scientific activity and allocate funding for this
task (e.g. Legal Framework for Scientific Research Institutions, Article
13 of Decree Law No. 128/99, 17 April). Similarly, the higher education
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career statute establishes scientific dissemination as one of the duties of
university teaching staff (Decree Law No. 205/2009, Article 4, revision
of the Decree Law No. 448/79). The government’s emphasis on science
communication is seen in more recent examples, such as including
researchers’ communication activities in the assessment of their academic
performance; requiring ‘dissemination and public engagement’ plans in
project grants (e.g. Guidelines for FCT2 Investigator 2016, Guidelines for
Individual Stimulus 2017); and assessing science and society activities as
part of the evaluation of the research and development (R&D) units for
competitive funding.
ii. The second action was the creation in 1996 of Ciência Viva Agency (Science
Alive! – National Agency for the Scientific and Technological Culture).
This national non-profit public awareness association was funded by the
government through the Ministry of Science and Technology to develop
science communication infrastructure and activities in the country.
But there were other important government initiatives during these years,
including the creation of fellowships (one to six years duration) in science and
technology management (BGCT – Bolsa de Gestão de Ciência e Tecnologia)
covering science communication. A second initiative was the addition of
a new research area to the six areas already existing for individual fellowship
applications at the postgraduate level. This was called PACT (Promotion and
Administration of Science and Technology), and those intending to pursue
science communication at the postgraduate level could apply for PhDs and
postdoctoral fellowships. These fellowships were in place for almost a decade
(2005–13). We do not have numbers for the ratio of management to science
communication fellowships awarded during these years, but we believe
it to have been split evenly. Importantly, this marks the early years in the
emergence of a community of science communicators.
What we observed then is a growing panoply of opportunities to increase the
presence of science in society. Science begins to be regularly presented in the
media, the number of science museums and centres expands significantly,
and scientific organisations create structures dedicated to outreach and
training programs in science communication. These developments are the
focus of Part 3 of this chapter. At the academic level, a body of social studies
examining the science–society relationship, publics for science, and the
scientific community emerges (e.g. Costa et al., 2002; Gonçalves, 1996).
2
FCT (Fundacao para a Cienciaea a Tecnologia [Foundation for Science and Technology]) is the
Portugues natoinal funding agency for research.
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2.2.2. Portuguese society and science
The effort by the Portuguese government to increase public scientific literacy
is visible in the national surveys introduced in the 1990s (discontinued in
the 2000s). The first survey was conducted in 1996/97 by the Science and
Technology Observatory (OCT), part of the Ministry of Science and Higher
Education, and the second in 2000 by the same institution.
It is perhaps not surprising that these studies portrayed a gap between the
Portuguese population and science. Nevertheless, the 2000 survey saw an
increase in public interest and positive attitudes to science and technology
when compared to the 1996 survey. For example, 20 per cent of the
respondents in 2000 versus 10 per cent in 1996 declared themselves very
interested in scientific topics; there was a broader recognition that science
could contribute to improving people’s quality of life; and people had higher
expectations about science and technology in general (OCT, 1996, 2000; Ávila
and Castro, 2003). Yet the levels of ‘scientific literacy’ of the Portuguese have
ranked low compared to European standards, as shown by the Eurobarometer
surveys of knowledge conducted by the European Commission (1992, 2001,
2005). Portugal presents more similarities with the countries from the
southern and eastern Europe than the northern European countries, which
in general have stronger relations with science.
Despite the generally positive attitude towards science and an improvement
in the science–society relationship during the 2000s, we also see signs of a
decrease in trust in science among the Portuguese, indicated by a more negative
view of the benefits that science brings to individual life and its role in solving
societal issues. For example, in 2005, 77 per cent agreed that ‘science and
technology make our lives healthier, easier and more comfortable’, compared
to 62 per cent in 2010 (European Commission, 2005, 2010). This decrease
in trust in science has been attributed to public controversies around scientific
issues in the 1980s and 1990s, such as the bovine spongiform encephalopathy
(BSE) or genetically modified foods (GMF), which were also felt by
Portuguese society (Gonçalves, 1996). Perhaps most significant were local
controversies around environmental impacts of incinerators (Lima, 1995;
Gonçalves, 2003a) and the aborted construction of a hydro-electric dam
in the Foz Côa Valley, interfering with one of the most important national
Palaeolithic sites of rock art (Jesuíno, 2001; Gonçalves, 2001). The Côa Valley
rock art site has been on UNESCO’s world heritage list since 1998. Studies
showed that the public remained a marginal actor in influencing policy and
the scientific debates were highly politicised (Lima, 1995; Castro and Lima,
2003; Gonçalves, 2003a, 2003b).
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This illustrates how the policy for ‘scientific culture’ was approached
as a dissemination model rather than in dialogical contexts of public
participation, which were at that time intensely under debate in Europe (House
of Lords, 2000; European Commission, 2001; Wynne, 1996). The fact that
modern science communication in Portugal was just in its beginnings may
in part explain this. Although traditional deficit-style communication still
predominates, public participation initiatives have emerged, such as citizen
science initiatives and public participation labs (Laboratórios de Participação
Pública) to engage local communities. These initiatives have often resulted
from partnerships between municipalities and universities. An example is
the Open Science Hub (2017), a partnership between Figueira de Castelo
Rodrigo municipality and Leiden University, to engage local communities
in the development of innovation products, through collaborations between
schools, civil society, industry, universities and the broader community.3
Another example is the initiative Participatory Budgeting for Science (2017)
promoted by the Ciência Viva Agency and the Portuguese Foundation for
Science and Technology (FCT), in which citizens get involved in decisionmaking on the Portuguese participatory budget for science through a voting
process (Ciência Viva, 2017).
Mariano Gago (1948–2015) was the first Minister for Science and Technology
in Portugal. During his mandate (1995–2002) in the XIII and XIV
Constitutional Governments, he introduced science communication into the
political agenda. He became an influential voice in the promotion of research
and scientific culture through his tenure as president of the Junta Nacional
de Investigação Científica e Tecnológica (JNICT), the precursor to the FCT,
between 1986 and 1989, where he coordinated early efforts at modernising
science policy. Not long after, he published his influential essay Manifesto
para a Ciência (Gago, 1990), where he called for a change in academic
institutions from their historic isolation to make Portuguese science more
open to society. He asked for the renewal of scientific education and research,
and the promotion of scientific culture in Portugal. Mariano Gago became
Minister for Science, Technology and Higher Education of Portugal again in
the XVII Constitutional Government, between 2005 and 2011.
Rómulo de Carvalho (1906–97) was an early promoter of scientific culture in
Portugal. He was a physics and chemistry high school teacher and influential
poet (under the name António Gedeão). He had an important role in
promoting scientific culture in Portugal since the 1950s and is still a reference
for science communication in Portugal—his birthday was officially named
3
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See www.cm-fcr.pt/plataforma-ciencia-aberta/.
29 . PORTUGAL
National Scientific Culture Day in 1996. He wrote several popular science
book collections: Science for young people (10 volumes, 1952–62), Physics for
the people (two volumes, 1968), Notebooks of initiation to science (18 volumes,
1979–1995), among other books and articles on science communication. He
was founder and director of the first popular science periodical, Gazeta da
Física [Physics Gazette], which was first published in 1946.
3. Science communication activities
in modern Portugal
In what follows we offer a descriptive view of the evolution of science
communication activities and emergence of a community of practitioners in
the modern science communication period in our country.
3.1. When and what
3.1.1. Science museums and centres
The first signs of science being open to the public in Portugal can be traced back
to the first museums and botanical gardens established at the end of the 18th
century, associated with universities and based on private and royal collections
(Fiolhais, 2011, 2014; Granado and Malheiros, 2015). The first were created
in Lisbon—for example, the Royal Museum of Natural History (1768) and the
Botanical Garden of Lisbon (1878) (today the National Museum of Natural
History and Science)—and in Coimbra, the Cabinets of Natural History and
Physics, and the Botanical Garden of Coimbra University (1772), currently
the Science Museum and Botanical Garden of Coimbra University (Brigola
2003, 2010). In the second half of the 19th century, other institutions were
established by professional groups such as geologists and naturalists, and
scientific associations such as the Society of Geography of Lisbon (1875).
Examples are the Geological Museum created in Lisbon in 1859 by pioneers
in geology such as Carlos Ribeiro and Nery Delgado (LNEG, 2018), and the
first zoological garden (the Lisbon Zoo) created in 1884 by three naturalists: Dr
Pedro Van Der Laan, José Martins and the Baron of Kessler (Jardim Zoológico
de Lisboa, 2018). Although these institutions were important spaces for
people to access science, it is fair to say that their reach was limited, possibly as
attractions for the educated few living in cosmopolitan areas. In the 1980s, the
number of natural history museums, science museums, botanical gardens, zoos
and aquariums was only 13 (Delicado et al., 2013).
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This picture has changed with an increased number of science museums in
the country. One of the most important is the Lisbon Oceanarium, built
as one of the centrepieces of the 1998 Lisbon World Exposition, and the most
visited cultural venue in the country with about 1 million visitors per year
(Oceanário de Lisboa, 2015). Other science museums run by a diversity of
actors (associations, companies, municipalities) are important spaces for public
interaction with science. Examples include the Visionarium, an interactive
science centre created in 1998; the Museum of Energy created by EDP (former
state energy company) on the site of an old power plant in Lisbon in 1990; and
the Museum of Pharmacy, maintained by the National Pharmacies Association
since 1996. The number of science museums grew from 23 in 2000 to 40
in 2016, and of aquariums, zoos and botanical gardens from three in 2000 to
20 in 2011 (Instituto Nacional de Estatística, 2002, 2013, 2016).
3.1.2. Scientific associations
Scientific associations have been important players in science communication.
The Gazeta da Física, one of the earliest science magazines for non-specialists,
was founded in 1946 by Rómulo de Carvalho and a group of physicists,
and in 1974 integrated into the Portuguese Physics Society as its official
publication. Nowadays, in a context where national societies have lost
some peer communication functions to their international counterparts,
many scientific societies find outreach to be an important component
of their activities: around 50 per cent say they regularly engage in public
communication (Delicado et al., 2013). One of their best-known activities
is the organisation of the national science Olympiads in mathematics (since
1983), physics (1985), chemistry (2000) and biology (2010) by their
respective scientific societies. Besides the traditional scientific societies, there
are associations created by researchers to promote citizen science. These
include amateur astronomers’ associations that organise skygazing events
and associations for nature observation activities such as bird or butterfly
watching. A survey by Delicado et al. (2013) found 62 of these associations
in Portugal, 51 of which were created after 1990.
However, the most significant change within the realm of associations is seen
with the creation of the Ciência Viva Agency, as described above. This has had
a profound impact on the amount and diversity of science communication
activities all over the country, allowing science to expand from the main cities
to more peripherical areas. Ciência Viva rapidly became a nexus for science
outreach (Costa et al., 2005) by promoting a national science communication
program based on three main axes (Conceição, 2011). The first was to improve
science teaching by funding experimental projects developed by schools.
The second was the Ciência Viva no Verão [Science Alive in the Summer],
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a program of outdoor scientific activities directed at the general public. This
had its first edition in 1997, Astronomy in the Summer, and expanded over
the years to include other disciplines such as geology (1998), biology (2001)
and engineering (2002). In these activities, citizens engage in astronomical
observations, birdwatching, nature walks, spelunking and visits to technology
sites (mines, factories, power plants, treatment plants), among others.
The third axis for Ciência Viva’s activities was the creation of a national network
of science centres and following a trending model of science exhibitions
based on interactive modules and activities (Schiele, 2008), a novelty in
science museology in Portugal at the time. This network of science centres
has been built through partnerships between the agency and local actors
including universities and municipalities, usually relying on a theme of local
significance to organise the centre’s activities. The first centre opened in Faro
(Algarve) in 1997, a partnership between Ciência Viva, Albufeira and Faro
municipalities, and the University of Algarve (Pinto and Amorim, 2018). The
centre was installed on the site of a deactivated power plant with a focus on
ocean sciences. The network also opened the Knowledge Pavilion in 1999 to
serve as a flagship science centre under the agency’s administration (Delicado,
2006). This is the largest and most visited science centre in the country and
attracts about a third of the number of visitors for the whole network. Ciência
Viva network centres received an average of 626,000 visitors per year between
2012 and 2015 (Garcia et al., 2016); for comparison, art museums had an
average of 3 million visitors over the same period (Instituto Nacional de
Estatística, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016). Today, the Ciência Viva network has 20
science centres spread throughout the country (including the Azores Islands),
with themes varying from astronomy and geology, to forestry, hydrology,
biodiversity, energy, sustainability and navigation technology. Ciência Viva’s
initiatives have become very popular among universities and are among
the main outreach activities in which universities participate (Entradas and
Bauer, 2017). The program has been acknowledged as a successful model of
science communication in Europe (Miller et al., 2002).
3.1.3. National events
National science events have also played an important role in public access
to science, having grown in diversity and public reach over the last few
decades. The earliest was the Science and Technology Week starting in 1998,
promoted by the Ministry of Science (Conceição, 2011). Science Week
activities are usually organised by universities and museums and include
public lectures, exhibitions, visits to scientific institutions, open days and
hands-on workshops. The European Researchers’ Night and the FameLab
promoted by the European Union (EU) in many European countries have
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become a staple of the universities’ public outreach calendar. Similar events
are organised by universities themselves, the most notable being Physics
Week, started in 1996 by the Instituto Superior Técnico of Lisbon (IST-UL)
and continued annually. During Physics Week, non-scientists participate in
public lectures and an interactive exhibition of physics experiments called The
Physics Circus is a core activity of the event. It is important to note the role of
the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation—a Portuguese institution established
in 1956 to promote the arts, charity, science and education—in organising
large science public exhibitions. Examples include the At Einstein’s Light
(2005) and the Darwin’s Evolution (2009). The latter celebrated the 200th
birthday of Charles Darwin and had 161,000 visitors in Lisbon (Delicado
et al., 2010). The Institute Gulbenkian of Science (a research centre in the
biomedical sciences, which is part of the Gulbenkian Foundation) has had
a marked presence at one of the largest music festivals Nos Alive (Algés,
Lisbon) since 2008 with a stand dedicated to public information about life
sciences. For three days in July, about 600 participants per year (mostly young
adults and teenagers) have engaged in outreach activities such as speed dating
with scientists, experiments and science games in an informal environment
(Leão and Castro, 2012).
3.1.4. Media science communication
In the national media, the 1980s are regarded as a landmark for an increase in
science news in the most read national newspapers including the Expresso, the
Diário de Notícias and A Capital (Fonseca, 2017; Machado and Conde, 1988;
Mendes, 2003). These newspapers have published articles about science and
technology since the establishment of democracy in the late 1970s, though
irregularly. Dedicated sections to science in national newspapers came only
later and not always as a regular feature in the papers. For example, the
newspaper Público had a daily page on science news from the newspaper’s
creation in 1990 until 2007, when it was discontinued, returning in 2012
until the present day. Diário de Notícias had a daily science section between
1999 and 2003, and between 2007 and 2014, but today science news is
published in the daily pages of this newspaper (Granado and Malheiros,
2015). Some of these newspapers had science supplements, which also often
changed names and formats, sometimes being reduced and/or discontinued
(Fonseca, 2017).
Despite what was on offer, a study in 2000 on the public consumption of
newspaper articles and popular science magazines showed low readership
rates of science news by the Portuguese public, below those of European
counterparts (Freitas and Ávila, 2002). While this may be in part explained by
the scant coverage of science in newspapers in the 1980s and 1990s, science
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was still fairly new for the Portuguese. As an attempt to increase science news
in the media and public consumption, the Portuguese government under
the rule of Minister Mariano Gago signed an agreement in 1998 with the
national news agency Lusa to make science news, national and international,
freely available to the national and regional press. This agreement ended in
2003, which might have contributed to the significant decrease in science
news in Portugal in the last decade. Online newspapers have appeared in
recent years: one example is the Observador (created in 2014), which often
covers science and technology topics and policy. The decrease in traditional
science media coverage, accompanied by the emergence of online newspapers,
is a trend found in many countries and not just Portugal (Bauer et al., 2012).
Science media coverage can thus be characterised by a certain instability in the
regularity of science news, sections and supplements in newspapers over the
last two decades. Today, although most national newspapers including
Expresso, Correio da Manhã, Público and Diário de Notícias, and cultural
magazines such as Visão and Sábado, cover science topics regularly, Público is
one of the few publications to include a science section.
The greatest change in publication of popular books on science happened
with the establishment of the Portuguese science publishing company
Gradiva in 1982, although some science collections from foreign authors
had been translated into Portuguese much earlier. An example is the Cosmos
collection of Portuguese titles, edited in the 1940s by the mathematician
and science disseminator Bento de Jesus Caraça. Gradiva made a significant
contribution by presenting new science authors to Portuguese audiences.
More recently, other national editors such as Presença, Relógio D´Água and
Europa-América have been publishing popular science books (Fiolhais, 2011;
Granado and Malheiros, 2015).
Coverage of science on television and the radio has traditionally been low.
A study on television newscasts in the four Portuguese public TV channels
shows that in 2011 only 0.8 per cent of the news was about science and
technology (ERC, 2012). There were only a few national TV productions
such as the magazine 2001 (1996) or the program MegaScience (2004).
MegaScience was broadcast on public TV with demonstrations of scientific
experiments by presenters and guests. On radio the first long-term program
was the Antena 1 Science (1996–2003), a forum where prominent scientists
discussed scientific issues of public interest. Other examples of successful
radio programs are The days of the future (2007) and Antena 2 Science (2009),
which are still broadcast today on the public radio stations. The program
90 seconds of science in Antena 1, produced by the New University of Lisbon
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since 2016 and featuring interviews with scientists about their research,
has been very popular having reached around 600 episodes at the time of
writing. Overall, despite the instabilities mentioned, science media coverage
has grown significantly since the 1980s, due to an increasing availability of
content in the editorial market, the press and a growth in public demand.
3.2. By whom? The community of practitioners
The community of science communication practitioners has traditionally
been scarce and dispersed. Twenty years ago, it was mostly comprised of
personnel working at science museums and a few popularising scientists and
journalists, but the situation has changed quite considerably in recent years.
This is visible in the increasing number of communication professionals and
in the various attempts of professionalisation of science communication in
the country, primarily in the shape of science journalism, and more recently
PR staff at research institutions and universities (Entradas and Bauer, 2019).
The science journalist community has traditionally been small. The few
journalists who reported on science in the 1980s considered themselves
pioneers (Machado and Conde, 1988). It is likely that this community has
decreased since the early 2000s. The number of journalists working regularly
on science issues in the Portuguese media has been recently estimated as about
10 professionals (Granado and Malheiros, 2015), with one or two journalists
working at one newspaper or magazine.
The increase in demand for these professionals in recent years is in great
part driven by the establishment of the Ciência Viva Agency and its science
centres, and the rise of PR offices/communication/marketing (under different
names) at universities and research institutes (Entradas and Bauer, 2017).
Although the number of science communicators in Portugal is unknown, we
could expect a community of a few hundred, although the precise number
might be difficult to predict without benchmarking the community. This
number might, however, rise significantly if we consider within this spectrum
professionals who, although they are not exclusively dedicated to science
communication tasks, perform them as part of their jobs. We know from
a nationwide study of the Portuguese research institutes conducted in 2015
that around 50 per cent of the research centres in Portugal employ personnel
partly dedicated to science communication tasks who often combine their
communication roles with administrative functions (Entradas, 2015).
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Studies of members of this community in Portugal, although limited, point
to an undefined professional identity of the community (Agostinho and
Trindade, 2013) seen in the range of professional backgrounds, portfolios and
skills, and temporary work contracts (Entradas and Bauer, 2017). This is not
a singularity of our country, but rather a trend in many countries (Wellcome
Trust, 2015; Buhler et al., 2007; Kohring et al., 2013).
Attempts at professionalisation (Evetts, 2003) are evident in the proliferation
of platforms, networks and associations for public science communication, and
in universities’ efforts in offering training in science communication. A major
step was the creation of the Portuguese Science Communication Association
(the Rede SciComPT). This network has about 400 members, ranging from
communications officers/PR and managers working in research centres and
universities, science centres and museums, to science journalists, illustrators
and scientists. This association was created in 2013 (and legally established
in 2014) by a group of science communicators and science journalists, and
aims to ‘promote science communication in all its aspects, to enhance the
collaboration between science communication professionals and to promote
the participation of citizens in all matters involving science and technology’
(adapted from Rede de Comunicação de Ciência e Tecnologia de Portugal,
2018). One of its main activities is the organisation of an annual conference
normally attended by around 200 participants, though the first national
congress of science communication took place in 2013, before the creation
of this network (Granado and Malheiros, 2015). The SciComPT conferences
have since been organised every year, taking place in science centres, museums
and universities in different cities in Portugal, and serving as important meeting
points for discussion among science communicators, practitioners and scholars
(Rede de Comunicação de Ciência e Tecnologia de Portugal, 2018). Examples
of other networks are the online social network group on Facebook SciCom
Portugal (created in 2010), where more than 1,800 members interact on
science communication topics; and the Finca-Pé discussion group, an informal
forum where science managers and communication professionals meet six times
per year in the greater region of Lisbon to discuss best practices and ongoing
projects (Entradas and Bauer, 2019).
3.2.1. Initiatives for training and education in science
communication
Formal training in science communication in Portugal was first directed at
professional groups of journalists and scientists. For example, the Technical
School for Journalists (Cenjor) developed and ran a three-month course on
science journalism in 1999/2000 and in 2005/06 (Granado and Malheiros,
2015), and the Institute Gulbenkian of Science organised a series of science
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communication workshops for scientists in 2003, 2005, 2006, 2007 and
2010 (Lamas et al., 2007). At about the same time, the government funded
the program Scientists in the Newsroom in collaboration with the daily
newspaper Público, where scientists would spend three months writing news
about science in the newspapers’ rooms. These were important initiatives to
strengthen the relationships between Portuguese journalists and scientists.
In terms of specialised education, the first master’s courses in science
communication were created in the early 2000s. In 2002/03, the University
of Porto created a MSc degree in science communication, but this was
discontinued in 2006/07, presumably due to lack of demand. In the following
year, the University of Aveiro created a MSc degree in communication
and education of science. That also ended in 2006/07. In 2011, the New
University of Lisbon created a MSc in science communication, still running
today due to the practical focus of the course. In 2017, 14 students completed
a degree. The New University of Lisbon also promotes training modules
and summer school courses in science communication (FCSH, 2018). In
2017/18, the University of Lisbon opened a MSc degree in scientific culture
and dissemination of science; and in 2019/20, the University of Minho
started offering a MSc in science communication and the University of
Porto, a MSc in science education and dissemination. Workshops or shortterm courses in science communication are offered by universities and larger
research institutions (e.g. Iberian Nanotechnology Centre in Guarda). It is
evident that the number of science communicators is increasing, that they
perform a variety of jobs, and the field is beginning to take shape, in part
catalysed by these important networks and training initiatives.
4. Final considerations: The impact
of top-down initiatives
As we describe here, modern science communication emerged in Portugal
over the last 25 years and can be attributed to top-down government
initiatives, initiated in the mid-1990s under Mariano Gago’s mandate.
Despite its recent emergence, Portugal has quickly expanded its infrastructure
for science communication and undergone remarkable changes. Some have
followed models and trends of other European countries (e.g. measurements
of scientific literacy, PUS models and interactive science centres, national
initiatives such as the Science and Technology Week and the European
Researchers’ Night), but others are specific to the Portuguese political and
social context, bringing singularities to modern science communication in
Portugal in relation to other countries. The most significant is perhaps the
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29 . PORTUGAL
national policy for scientific culture described above and the continuing role
played by the government in supporting science outreach. This policy, which
had initially been implemented through centralised initiatives such as the
Ciência Viva Agency, has acquired more dispersed dimensions, with many
actors assuming roles in the promotion of science in the country.
We can then ask what the impact has been of these government top-down
initiatives on the development of science communication in our country.
There are many indicators that point to a greater openness and accessibility
of Portuguese science to society during recent years. The most prominent
examples are the increasing number of initiatives for the public organised by
universities and research centres (Entradas and Bauer, 2017), the network
of Ciência Viva centres across the country, and the increased number of
communication professionals. All these point to a national spread of science
communication. However, we cannot attribute the national expansion
entirely to national policies. Along the way, other factors have fostered the
continued effort seen in Portugal in the field, particularly in more recent
years. These include the resources allocated to public communication and
professionalised staff in research institutions and universities; European
demands and directives; and the overall international mobilisation for
science communication. We can, nevertheless, say the national policy was
the turning point and the motive for the beginning of a commitment to
science communication in the country—the top-down efforts have certainly
promoted scientific culture in Portugal.
This does not mean, however, that the field has become fully integrated
in the scientific and societal spheres. It suffers from lack of resources and
professionalisation, and public participation in research and policy is
marginal (Entradas and Bauer, 2017). An explanation may lie in the national
policies themselves, which foster a culture of increased scientific literacy,
emphasising unidirectional ‘deficit’ approaches to communication—these
may have inhibited a more intimate public involvement in science (Entradas,
2015). This raises questions such as to whether the dominant unidirectional
practices are a response to the national policies, or a lack of understanding/
interest in adopting mechanisms for public involvement, or national
constraints such as lack of public interest or opportunities to participate
and maintain a more decisive role in decision-making. Despite significant
achievements over the years, much remains to be done to engage Portuguese
society in science as required in modern societies. Science communication in
Portugal could benefit from closer collaborations between the high diversity
of professionals and stakeholders already involved in science communication
and the broadening of bottom-up approaches to promote more dialogical
communication—for example, setting up more structures to involve citizens
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in decision-making around science-related issues, and adopting successful
models of public participation from neighbouring countries. To conclude,
the initially adopted deficit model of communication has brought a certain
amount of success, but it is now time to open modern science communication
to other approaches such as dialogue and discussion in order to get a greater
involvement and trust in science.
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Timeline
Event
Name
Date
Comment
First interactive
science centre
established .
Centro Ciência Viva do
Algarve
1997
An association
of science writers
or journalists or
communicators
established .
Rede de comunicação
de ciência e tecnologia
de Portugal [Science
and Technology
Communication
Network of Portugal]
2014
Rede SciCom PT
First university
courses to
train science
communicators .
Instituto Gulbenkian da
Ciência (IGC)
2004–10
Workshops in science
communication
First master’s
students in science
communication
graduate .
MSc in Science
Communication,
University of Porto
2002/03
First PhD students
in science
communication
graduate .
University of Coimbra
2015
and University of Minho
First national
conference
in science
communication .
At Pavilion of
Knowledge in Lisbon
2013
National government Ciência Viva Program
program to
support science
communication
established .
1996
First significant
initiative or report
on science
communication .
Públicos da Ciência
em Portugal
2002
National Science
Week founded .
Science and
Technology Week
1998
First significant
radio programs on
science .
Antena 1 Science
1996
Theses in science
communication have been
completed in PhD programs
in sociology (ISCTE, ICS)
and science education
One national radio
channel produced by
the Portuguese public
broadcasting Rádio
e Televisão de Portugal
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Event
Name
Date
Comment
First significant
TV programs on
science .
2001 (RTP2)
1996
A Portuguese 24-hour
public service news channel
owned by Rádio e Televisão
de Portugal (RTP)
First awards
for scientists or
journalists or
others for science
communication .
Ciência Viva Montepio
Prize
2012
For public communication
work (big prize); educational
projects (education prize);
and science dissemination
in the media (media prize)
Other significant
events.
Ecsite Annual
Conference
2017
Hosted by the Natural
History and Science
Museum, University of Porto
Contributors
Dr Marta Entradas is principal investigator at CIES, ISCTE-IUL, Lisbon
University Institute, Portugal, and visiting fellow at the London School
of Economics.
Dr Luís Junqueira is a research fellow at the Institute of Social Sciences,
University of Lisbon, Portugal.
Dr Bruno Pinto is an assistant researcher in science communication at the
University of Lisbon, Portugal.
714
This text is taken from Communicating Science: A Global Perspective,
edited by Toss Gascoigne, Bernard Schiele, Joan Leach, Michelle
Riedlinger, Bruce V. Lewenstein, Luisa Massarani and Peter Broks,
published 2020 by ANU Press, The Australian National University,
Canberra, Australia.
doi.org/10.22459/CS.2020.29