6°RISE OF ASIA CONFERENCE
International and Multidisciplinary Conference
Le Havre, Université Le Havre Normandie, February 10/12- 2022
"BRICS & PANDEMIC - A TURNING POINT OPPORTUNITY?"
Overall Scenario
The persistence of the pandemic, still without clear indications on the end of the
emergency, is causing radical changes at all levels, and together with other factors also
in the global geopolitical scenario. In this evolving framework, it does not seem to have
occurred within the BRICS countries the expected changes.
In fact, there is no modification in the structure of the BRICS, there is hardly any
mention of the BRICS-PLUS initiative foreshadowed a few years ago, as a result of the
various requests for membership that took place in recent years (Turkey, Egypt,
Argentina, etc. .) and during this period some of the BRICS member countries joined
new geo-politic alliances differently positioned. This closure, as I have previously
written in the reports of the previous conferences, represents more and more a limit for
the role that it was believed the team could play, as well as from the strong constitutive
declarations, for a change and alternative to the global geopolitical framework, with a
greater representativeness of more populous countries and emerging economies,
reducing the weight of western industrialized countries in the various institutions. The
premises and general strategies expressed by the constitution, dating back more than a
decade, have not been followed in recent years by relevant concrete facts and indeed, in
my opinion, in recent years the initial thrust has progressively weakened hand in hand
with the weight of the BRICS on the world stage. The concerns about the performance
of the group, expressed in the previous editions of this conference, have been growing
over the years and what was written in last year's report BRICS IN 2021 - DECLINE OR
REBIRTH? unfortunately it is confirmed and the renewed wait has not happened, so
now, with the pandemic has and is changing the entire world order, there is a unique
opportunity for a turnaround and re-launch of the group which otherwise will continue
in a progressive smaller role on the world stage. This note therefore aims to analyze the
actual state of the team, its residual attractiveness and the desired re-launch actions, in
this phase of global post-pandemic review.
In recent years, on the one hand, there has in fact been an entrenchment between only
the five member countries, which has led to a desire for homogenization in various
sectors, for closer scientific and cultural collaboration, for permanent exchanges of
information through a large number of events, now almost all virtual, every year that
produce willing and repetitive declarations, little happens on the concrete. For example,
direct commercial exchanges between the five are not very significant and without
particular increases.
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For some time, every year a signal is expected for a renovation or re-launch of the
BRICS group that has been more than ten years now but the expectations so far have
gone disappointed, although the world scenario is deeply changed, to which in the last
period has to be added the Covid 19 pandemic impact, which particularly affected the
most industrialized countries. The initial statements in the Constitution of the Group for
a profound change in the entire global structure, starting from the will to progressively
replace the hegemony of the dollar with a basket of other currencies for trade in their
internal and south-south relationships, progressively Faired and criticisms moved to the
institutions in force in fact silenced.
The open and latent conflicts between the two largest members, India and China, who
are weaving new alliances and positioning differently, the consistent worsening of the
economies of Brazil and South Africa, which seemed to emerge rapidly in 2006 -2010
and a growing isolation of Russia in the world scenario, can explain this lower
propulsive force by the five BRICS members.
Almost seems to be less motivated themselves to strengthen the group, while over these
years more attention has come from the outside, not only from emerging countries eager
to participate, but also from developed countries that see in the BRICS anyway an
element of Renewal and representative of a new reality more adequate to time. At the
same time, albeit in this framework of slowdown and stasis, the different institutions
and organizations of the member countries, have continued in an intense activity of
exchange and homogenization of standards, legislation, regulations, regulations as well
as rising exchanges in the educational, cultural sectors , Sanitary and many others.
Therefore, there is a dichotomy between the general strategies and many field activities,
as two different approaches to be adopted.
In this context it should also be considered the strand of the BRICS PLUS initiative
launched in the .... hoped by Russia and welcomed very welcomed by various emerging
countries and that would have enlarged the base of the team in both demographic,
territorial and economic terms, and one Representativeness of the "South" much wider.
But after the initial hints gradually speaks almost more and the expectations expressed
by many sources have cooled down.
It is also significant that after an initial growth, intra BRICS exchanges, doubled from
6% in 2006 to 12% in 2011, since then these have been progressively falling and more
consistently from 2016, and of these as many as 80% They are represented by China,
and only 20% those among other four members. With a very strong commercial
imbalance. With regard to the outside the main exchanges of the team takes place with
large industrialized countries, and minimal with those of the south.
Instead, it is to be highlighted as in recent years the BRICS have entered and participate
in many multilateral institutions of financial and commercial sectors, which initially had
criticized for their eminently neo-liberal character. At the same time there is an
expansion of the great companies and BRICS corporations, as an issue of the respective
governments, and in the respective regions, implementing with the neo-colonial logic of
Western countries.
With regard to the main reforms of the United Nations, in 2015 the BRICS signed the
Climate Agreement of Paris, also because not too binding and unobstructed, as a
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manifestation of participation in a global scale. In this regard it is instructive as in 2016
stated by the then director of the OECD cooperation sector, Richard Carey:"...the fact
that the BRICS are such strong supporters of the G20 and of the 2015 United Nations
agreements is no small matter. It is a highly significant evolution, reflecting the
emergence of a multi-polar international system which has made possible the striking
shift from an era of ubiquitous North-South conflict to the current universal
agreements…", therefore in fact abandoning the initial declared vocation for SouthSouth cooperation.
Another signal of the progressive international alignment took place in the G20 summit
of July 2017 in Hamburg, in which the various leaders of the BRICS, where the BriS
leaders were insensitive compared to the economic damages that the policies adopted, in
line with those of the G7, were provoking in the poorest countries. The new institutions
of the BRICS seem to remain then linked to the IMF and to the dollar, not having
pushed as a new order for new platform for trade and development as an alternative to
the current order of Western countries.
It is in my opinion shareable that actually the BRICS centripetal vision is now fading as
stated in the essay - Amplifying The Contradictions, The Centrifugal BRICS-:"….under
these circumstances of extreme intra-BRICS unevenness, xi's centripetal strategy has
become a centrifugal force spiraling out of control .The centrifugal forces ripping apart
not just the BRICS but in fact all of contemporary world capitalism first globalizing,
now de-globalizing" …".
BRICS in fact are reproducing in the "South-South" relations a neo-colonial logic on
competition, natural resources, workforce and market access. Although they seek to
present themselves as a cohesive group in the various multilateral forums of Africa and
Latin America, then individual members and their respective multinational companies
apply their own strategy and competitive approach, creating new balances and
hierarchies in the emerging economies of the south. BRICS investment agreements
resemble those established long-time by the industrialized Western Powers, as the WB
and IMF, with whom are now signed cooperation agreements.
The BRICS in recent years, with the advent of the right governments in India and Brazil
and the same dominant elites within them, does not perform the ideological alternative
expected to the current dominant model. The various policies from BRICS states can
be considered as neo-liberals ones, with the specific characteristic oriented to the "south
-south" and today mainly focused on trade, therefore they do not therefore represent, as
currently configured, that global renewal of the scenario that the negative impacts of
climate change and pandemic require.
BRICS Investment Framework
BRICS investment agreements resemble those established by Western powers, and a
shift toward capitalist development of BRICS took place in the last decade, by creating
and facilitating conditions for accumulation of foreign capital within their territories,
supported by the framework of investment protection agreements for foreign capital to
come and stay as well as drawing profits inwards to the BRICS from their respective
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hinterlands and each member signing bilateral investment treaty (BIT) /trade pacts .and
Financial Direct Investments(FDI) with other countries.
Brazil
Brazil is a major investor in its own region and the main recipient of FDI in Latin
America. Brazil‟s South-South relations lost the original „solidarity‟ label and focuses
on commercial purposes, while lately Brazilian foreign policy prioritize relations
primarily the US, European Union and China. Brazil‟s FDI goes mainly to extractive
sectors, equipment, food and beverage, textiles, and construction. They go prior toNorth
and South America, while in Africa the general rate is small but very concentrated in
construction and mining. The Brazilian National Social-Economic Development Bank
(BNDES) is the main source of funding for international projects and the export of
construction services by Brazilian multinationals.
Russia
The Russians are increasingly active in Africa, as well. As an external investor, Russia
promotes firms mainly in natural resources and infrastructure related to extractive
projects. Russia has 79 BITs and six investment agreements around the world, 11 of
which are in Africa and six in Latin America and the Caribbean. In Latin America,
besides its historical relations to Cuba, it renewed its engagement with the ALBA
members Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Nicaragua, and extended its interests in
Brazil, Argentina, and Peru. Russia is today especially strong in military cooperation
with African and Latin American countries.
India
India is actually the fifth largest land investor in Africa, which is the source of
numerous conflicts between local populations and private investors. Indian FDI has
grown through mergers and acquisitions in oil and gas, sugar, pharmaceuticals, and
mining. Indian trade with Africa and Latin America is dominated by raw materials and
energy commodities sent to India, while India supplies pharmaceuticals and low- and
medium-technology products.44 India has entered Africa‟s agricultural sector, buying
land through its public and private companies.
China
Starting with the most important, China is Africa‟s main trading partner and the biggest
investor in the continent, surpassing the US and overtaking the European Union. In Latin
America, the Chinese presence rapidly increased from the mid- Between 2005-16, nearly 80 per
cent of loans to Latin America and the Caribbean came from China‟s development bank, far
surpassing credits from the Inter-American Development Bank especially for infrastructure and
energy projects. In terms of FDI, however, Latin America has only 4 per cent of the total
Chinese FDI, which still goes mainly to the US and Europe. China has largely protected
its multinational corporations through 128 Bilateral Investment Agreements. Since the
1990s, it has signed 34 BITs in Africa and 15 BITs in Latin America and the Caribbean,
in addition to other Free Trade Agreements with Costa Rica, Chile and Peru.
South Africa
South Africa is a regional „economic powerhouse‟, and the second BRICS country after
China in terms of economic presence on Africa. South African investments are
concentrated in telecommunications, retail, manufacturing, mining, banking and
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construction. Currently South Africa is party to 39 BITs and 10 other agreements
around the world, 18 of which are with African countries and 3 in Latin America and
the Caribbean. The national interest is between those of the Western and BRICS powers
and numerous poor, yet resource wealthy countries. More recently South African and
Chinese capital often act together to exploit natural resources and dominate African
markets.
Updated NDB Performance
NDB was established by in the 2014 summit by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South
Africa to mobilize resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in
BRICS and other emerging market economies and developing countries,
complementing the existing efforts of multilateral and regional financial institutions for
global growth and development.
Sustainable infrastructure development is the primary emphasis of NDB operations in
the 2017-2021 years. The Bank dedicates around two-thirds of all financing
commitments in this period to sustainable infrastructure development, i.e., infrastructure
projects that incorporate economic, environmental and social criteria in their design and
implementation. NDB is a public bank focused on development, and will not interfere
in the political affairs of member countries. .."Only economic and financial
considerations are relevant to the Bank’s decisions, and these considerations will be
weighed impartially in order to achieve the institution’s purposes and functions".
Thus, NDB is not only an important means by which to strengthen all the abovementioned areas of cooperation, but also a key institution which will play an
important role in shaping GG through BRICS financial cooperation. Other aspects in
which to develop financial cooperation through active participation and support by
the NDB is in the establishment of “Digital Economy Working Group within the
framework of BRICS Business Council”. Finally, sustainable development projects
were directed towards tourism because this sector has “great potential to
contribute to sustainable economic and social development”.
Though NDB loans are free from conditions, an unintended side effect of this could be
to entrench dictators, elitism, and corruption, preventing reform and harming citizens of
underdeveloped nations. Finally, numerous critics have questioned whether BRICS‟
infrastructure investment in Africa is motivated by desire to access resources, and
whether it perpetuates impoverishment, thus labeling this behavior “sub-imperialist.”
Despite the statements of the prestigious consultants of the NDB Joseph Stiglitz and
Nick Stern on the opportunity to provide sustainable loans, non-consultative strategies
have led to credits for conflicting projects, environmentally harmful (as an example a
controversial irrigation scheme in India and The expansion of the Petrochemical port of
Durban in South Africa). The socio-environmental reference scheme adopted till some
time by the NDB, was to separate its responsibilities, entrusting them to a greater role to
the national systems of individual beneficiary countries on aspects of socioenvironmental safeguard and Risk Management Systems (The So-Called 'Country
System) .
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But in the last period, to respond to rising critics concerning the lack of adequate control
on the environmental and social impact of the financed project NDB has been adopting
stricter safeguard criteria in the evaluation and implementation, deeply reviewing the
previous more flexible rules, as is now stated:" the inclusion of these criteria into
infrastructure projects derives from the recognition that traditional evaluation methods
fail to account for numerous factors that have a major influence on a project’s viability
and developmental impact in the medium and long term……Traditional infrastructure
projects will still need to be designed and implemented in a way that avoids, mitigates
or compensates for any adverse impacts on the environment and social groups, in line
with the Bank’s policies. ….NDB will focus on projects that incorporate sustainability
from their inception. This implies supporting projects with an inherent sustainability
focus as well as paying systematic attention to the expected environmental and social
results of all the Bank’s operations. Concerns with sustainability are not perceived as
constraints, but as opportunities for development and economic growth. In line with this
operational focus, the Bank will seek to become an important player in helping BRICS
and other EMDCs achieve the UN’s 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, as well as
those of the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change". This new approach represents
the necessary response to the objections raised also by the civil society and NGO's on
several of the infrastructural project financed.
Since its establishment six years ago, NDB has approved about 80 projects in all of its
member countries, totaling a portfolio of US$ 30 billion. Projects in areas such as
transport, water and sanitation, clean energy, digital infrastructure, social infrastructure
and urban development are within the scope of the Bank, most of them during the last
five years, with 70 infrastructure and sustainable development projects amounting to
US$ 25.07 billion, that also comprises loans given under an Emergency Assistance
Facility Response Program among the member countries of USD 10 billion. Thanks to
the establishment of this facility, the BRICS countries adopted a fast-track tool in order
to obtain financial aid targeted at crisis- related assistance, including financing
healthcare and social safety-related expenditures, as well as supporting economic
recovery efforts. The funding was first invested to contribute to the ongoing efforts of
these countries in addressing the health and economic consequences of the Covid-19
pandemic. It confirmed the unity amongst the BRICS in order to consolidate their
cooperation and their joint efforts in combating the virus outbreak.
In the last two years NDB introduced new financial tools, In December 2019, registered
its inaugural USD 50 billion Euro Medium Term Note Programme in the international
capital markets.(rated “AA+” by Fitch and has been assigned “AA+” long-term and
“A-1+” short-term issue ratings by S&P) and on December 1, 2021, priced its 3-year
USD 500 million Pandemic Support and Sustainable Bond. This transaction has
become the first floating rate benchmark of the Bank and its fifth USD benchmark bond
offering in the international markets.The net proceeds from this Bond will be used for
financing sustainable development activities and providing COVID-19 emergency
support loans to the member countries of the Bank. The NDB Board approved already
nine emergency support loans totaling approx. USD 9 billion in response to the adverse
health, social and economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
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NDB Opening Signal
NDB‟s membership expansion is in line with the Bank‟s strategy to become the premier
development institution for emerging economies and developing countries. The Board
of Governors authorized the Bank to conduct formal negotiations with prospective
members in late 2020. After a round of successful negotiations, NDB started expanding
its membership in September 2021 with the admission of Bangladesh, United Arab
Emirates (UAE) and Uruguay. Egypt is the fourth new member admitted into NDB,
further expanding the Bank‟s global outreach. However the bank potential, such as the
ability to attract new members, as well as to act in a faster way, may soon give it a more
positive and accountable image, giving the NDB the possibility of competing with IMF
in the future. Seems in any case that the orientation of the NDB will increasingly be
that of giving space to new approaches based above all on greater accountability, faster
bureaucracy and less dependence in terms of debt.
Conclusions
Still there are no great steps forward in the geo-political BRICS renewal strategy in the
current post-pandemic evolution scenario, as the initial constitutive statements
announced. For example, concerning their aim in having a greater voice in the Global
South, it remains to be demonstrated if they are willing to represent the Global South or
if they are trying to develop new forms of colonialism or sub-imperialism. Despite the
repeated will to work together to create a new global order, it seems that progressively
they are assimilating in the existing and the independent behaviors are growing among
the five member States for its national interest, as already reported in the previous
notes.
Open or latent rivalries between China in India, due not only to contingent factors such
as different positions and alliances, but determined by deeply different and ancient
cultures, values and social structures, do not suggest substantial changes at strategic
level. While in the latter period cooperation is strengthened in economic and financial
fields, of which the most important expression is represented by the NDB which, also
following the pandemic, as in detail, after an initial setting phase that seemed to be a
stopover is starting the expected enlargement process.
A most important signal is that In September 2021 three new members joined:
Bangladesh, UAE, Uruguay to which Egypt was added last December, representing
the opening, so far only declared, for a participation in the bank of other emerging and
developing countries, therefore strengthening its objective to become the financial
body representing new economies. NDB potential to attract new members, as well as to
act in a faster way, may soon give it a more positive and accountable image, giving the
NDB the possibility of competing with IMF in the future. Seems that recent bank's
orientation will increasingly be that of giving space to new approaches based above all
on greater accountability, faster bureaucracy and less dependence in terms of debt.
Therefore, in general, it could emerge that these new and more advantageous conditions
could play a decisive role in the BRICS future and their capability to attract other
partners most from the Global South and increase their influence in redesigning global
financial governance.
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Another positive element is represented by the fast common response to the Covid-19
emergency, not only in health and vaccine terms, but through the creation of the
previously mentioned Emergency Assistance Facility through which the BRICS adopted
a fast-track tool in order to obtain financial aid targeted at crisis- related assistance,
including financing for healthcare and social safety-related expenditure, as well as
supporting economic recovery efforts.
These developments of the NDB and the forecast of further enlargements and greater
presence on the markets provide the clear indication that the BRICS is perhaps at a
turning point and inlets however play an important financial role in the world scenario,
even if in concert with the other institutions International and no alternative ù. Hence
the hope that has arrived at a turning point and that this growing economic cooperation
leads to agreements widened to other strategic fields, such as the fight against climate
change and pandemic and to an effective re-launch of BRICS of a new vision of the
Global sustainable development, reference for emerging and developing countries.
Africa and Latin America.
This recent advances make hope that a turning point opportunity can be developed.
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Arch. Paolo Motta
EURISPES -BRICS Laboratory Expert
IASQ- Key Advisor
CIVVIH-ICOMOS Member
ICTC-ICOMOS Member
SDGWG-ICOMOS Member
mottapa2gmail.com
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