University of South Florida
Scholar Commons
Graduate Theses and Dissertations
Graduate School
4-8-2004
Near-Death Experiences, Religion, and Life After
Death
Holly Wallace
University of South Florida
Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd
Part of the American Studies Commons
Scholar Commons Citation
Wallace, Holly, "Near-Death Experiences, Religion, and Life After Death" (2004). Graduate Theses and Dissertations.
https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1288
This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate
Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact scholarcommons@usf.edu.
Near-Death Experiences, Religion, and Life After Death
by
Holly Wallace
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Department of Religion
College of Arts and Sciences
University of South Florida
Major Professor: Darrell Fasching, Ph.D.
Paul Schneider, Ph.D.
Dell DeChant, M.A.
Date of Approval:
April 8, 2004
Keywords: NDE, survival hypothesis, veridical evidence, corroborative NDEs, OBE
© Copyright 2003, Holly Wallace
Dedication
To Wally
my husband, my best friend, my Samwise:
This project represents all of your loving support during the past two years. I don’t know
how I would have managed without you, and I am eternally grateful that I didn’t have to.
Table of Contents
List of Figures
ii
Abstract
iii
Chapter One: Introduction
1
Chapter Two: Religions and NDEs
5
Chapter Three: Identifying the NDE
14
Chapter Four: Theoretical Models of the NDE
Biological Models
Spiritual models
29
29
37
Chapter Five: Evaluation and Conclusion
41
References
50
Appendices
Appendix A: Interview with Clara
Appendix B: Interview with Darlene
53
54
59
i
List of Figures
Figure 1.
Three evolutionary parts of the brain.
31
Figure 2.
A view of the brain from the side.
31
ii
Near-Death Experiences, Religion, and Life After Death
by
Holly Wallace
ABSTRACT
This thesis investigates current scientific literature on near-death experiences
(NDE), focusing on two common types of models used to explain the NDE: biological
models and spiritual models. Four biological models and two spiritual models are
presented and evaluated. During the evaluation, particular emphasis is placed on how
these models accommodate veridical evidence. I found that, of the biological models,
only one could account for veridical evidence, whereas both of the spiritual models
provided explanations of these strange occurrences. From this conclusion, the
implications of NDE research on human survival are explored.
iii
Chapter One
Introduction
Belief in life after death is one of the most common characteristics of religious
traditions. However, modern science has traditionally avoided the topic of life after
death: at best, such issues were ignored as being solely within the domain of religion; at
worst, they were viewed with open scorn. Only within the last century has the academic
community included such religious matters into the corpus of scientific inquiry.
In fact, since the publication of Raymond Moody’s Life After Life in 1975, there
has been a flurry of activity within the area of near-death research. Believers and
skeptics alike have rushed to the fore, hoping to shed some light on the mysterious
phenomena of the near-death experience (NDE). The events reported by near-death
experiencers (NDErs) often push the limits of credibility, and yet their appeal is
undeniable. The prospect of NDEs offering undeniable proof of survival after death only
increases their appeal. Do NDEs constitute an actual visit to the hereafter or are they
merely the hallucinations of a dying brain? This central question forms the crux of much
NDE research, and ultimately, it is this question that gives this amazing phenomenon its
extraordinary significance.
The flurry of attention that near-death research has received in the last few
decades has produced a wide variety of theories that attempt to answer this question.
Models based on psychological, cultural, physiological and spiritual factors have all been
proposed, with any number of hybrids among them. But by far, the two most popular
categories are biological and spiritual models. Determining the merit of these various
1
models can be a daunting task, yet, one facet of the NDE stands out as the crucible of
NDE models: veridical evidence. Veridical evidence refers to any of a broad type of
phenomena reported by NDErs which lends credibility to their experience. For instance,
NDErs might claim to have seen people or objects that they could not have possibly seen
from the position and condition of their physical bodies during the NDE. My thesis is
that only spiritual models have no difficulty accommodating veridical evidence.
Yet, the significance of my query lies not so much in the models themselves but
in their implications for humanity and human survival. Biological models, for instance,
maintain that NDEs result from the functions of a dying brain. As one example of such a
model, Jansen proposes that NDEs result from the complex protective activities of
neurotransmitters in the brain. Another model, proposed by Blackmore, asserts that a
variety of physical factors ranging from anoxia to temporal lobe seizures produce the
NDE. Yet another researcher, Wettach, attributes the NDE to the interaction between the
higher and lower brain functions that takes place when one looses consciousness or the
cerebral cortex experiences distress. In each of these theories, any phenomenon
associated with the NDE has biological explanations, thus proponents of these theories
espouse materialistic views of reality and eschew thoughts of human survival after death.
Opposite these biological explanations are spiritual models. These models often
take the NDE at face value, assuming that the strange encounters reported by NDErs
actually took place. One example of this type of model, proposed by Ring, maintains that
out-of-body experiences reported by those near death represent an actual separation of
spirit/soul/mind from body. These models, then, generally support continued human
existence after death and find evidence for human survival in the NDE.
2
Thus, the argument between biological and spiritual models also represents an
argument between a materialistic worldview and a spiritual worldview. My decision to
focus on the argument between biological and spiritual models stems from this debate
concerning human survival. Clearly, how one interprets the NDE has profound effects on
how one views human destiny.
In researching this thesis, I aimed to investigate the current scientific literature on
NDEs in order to evaluate the phenomenon. Having decided to limit my study to
biological and spiritual models, choosing which ones to include was a simple task.
Foundational studies, such as those of Ring and Blackmore, form the basis of my inquiry:
one foundational biological model (Blackmore) and one foundational spiritual model
(Ring). From there, attention turned to current scientific literature, so I sought out
articles from the academic Journal of Near-Death Studies, surveying entries from the last
10 years of the journal. My research represents the biological and spiritual models
published in that journal from 1993 to 2003.
Material relevant to NDE research that is most conspicuously absent from my
study is any of the myriad personal, autobiographical accounts written by individuals
who have had the experience themselves. Though such accounts could certainly provide
valuable information in evaluating the phenomenon, I purposely sought more
scientifically rigorous material. Such anecdotal evidence, though powerful and perhaps
convincing in its sheer volume, was not considered in my evaluation.
I used a variety of methods to evaluate the data gathered during my research. Of
course, some statistical analysis was needed to determine statistical significance of
variables and to critique methods and procedures of the experiments that are discussed.
3
But I also employed careful evaluation of arguments and critical reasoning to determine
the efficacy of the models.
In order to present the data and evaluation in a coherent fashion, this thesis is
divided into four remaining chapters. Chapter two briefly describes the historical
connection between religion and the NDE. It demonstrates the shamanistic journey as an
NDE, and then provides examples of shamanism and NDEs in two religious texts: the
Tibetan Book of the Dead from the Buddhist tradition and The Book of Revelation from
the Christian tradition. Chapter three briefly sketches basic information about the NDE.
For the most part, the information in that chapter represents a consensus among NDE
researchers, though some disagreements do exist, and they are briefly mentioned.
Questions addressed in that section of the thesis include what is an NDE, do they vary
across populations, and does this experience have any lasting effect on the person.
Chapter four presents the NDE models that are evaluated in this thesis. These
explanations are divided into two broad categories: biological models and spiritual
models. The strengths and weakness of biological and spiritual models are explored,
with particular attention given to the treatment of veridical evidence. In the fifth and
final chapter, I provide my evaluation of the NDE models based on all of the material I
studied. I do not, by any means, claim any expertise in near-death studies, yet some of
my own observations gathered while working on this project may prove interesting or
useful.
4
Chapter Two
Religions and NDEs
Although, in some respects, the connection between religion and NDEs is readily
apparent at first glance, the connection goes much deeper than one might ascertain on a
cursory examination. NDEs have played a foundational role in religion and religious
views of death since antiquity. In order to explicate the close interaction between
religion and NDEs in the history of religions, this chapter will explore the historical
relationship between religion and NDEs. First, I will enunciate the central role of NDEs
in shamanism, and then I will examine three examples of religious literature from world
religions to ascertain the connection between those world religions and the NDE. [Unless
otherwise noted, the information in this chapter draws on the ideas of Fasching (2004).]
Perhaps the oldest connection between NDEs and religion can be found in the
ancient religious practice of Shamanism. According to Eliade’s (1951/1964) volume
Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, the practice of Shamanism dates as far back
as prehistoric times. As the title of Eliade’s book suggests, Shamanism basically
constitutes practices of ecstasy; that is, shamans are those individuals who possess the
skill to willfully leave their bodies and travel to the spirit world. As masters of these
techniques, shamans function as mediators between the physical world and the spiritual
world, or between the world of the living and the world of the dead.
Shamans provide several vital functions for the communities in which they live.
For instance, they use their skills as mediator between the two worlds to guide the souls
of the recently deceased to the proper resting place. Believing that illness can result from
one’s soul getting lost, shamans also function as doctors by retrieving the souls that have
5
wandered off and guiding them back to their respective body. In addition to rescuing lost
souls and guiding the dead, Shamans also practice divination, tell the future, and heal the
sick through herbal medicine or magic practices.
One of the most striking features of Shamanism, and perhaps the one that bears
the most similarity to NDEs, is the shamanic initiation. As Eliade notes, shamans often
begin their vocation only after enduring a tremendous physical crisis, which can be either
naturally-occurring or induced. Some of the physical traumas that he mentions are being
struck by lightening, serious illness, being hit by falling stones, epileptic seizures,
frenzied or psychotic episodes, and enduring extended periods of time in the wilderness
without shelter, food, or water. Eliade writes:
That such maladies nearly always appear in relation to the vocation of medicine
man is not at all surprising. Like the sick man, the religious man is projected onto
a vital plane that shows him the fundamental data of human existence. … But the
primitive magician, the medicine man, or the shaman is not only a sick man; he is,
above all, a sick man who has been cured, who has succeeded in curing himself.
(1951/1962, p. 27)
The fact that the initiate heals himself then becomes the catalyst to his career as a
shaman.
Yet, more important than the fact that the novice experiences a cure is the manner
in which the cure occurs. It is here, in the experiences that take place during the physical
calamity, that one finds striking similarity to the NDE. While suffering from whatever
ailment the future shaman contracts, the novice almost always describes an experience of
leaving their body, traveling to the spirit world (the world of the dead), being
6
dismembered and reassembled, being guided by spirits, and receiving religious or
shamanic instruction from spirits or the souls of dead shamans.
Eliade (1951/1964) cites one example of such an initiation process quite
extensively in his book. In this example, the future shaman had contracted smallpox. He
reported being unconscious for three days and was so close to death that he was almost
buried. During this time, the initiate remembered being carried into the sea, traveling to
the underworld, receiving guides, and speaking with spirits.
The initiate also reported being dismembered and reassembled. First, he was lead
to a certain spot in the underworld where his heart was removed and put into a pot. Then,
later in his journey, he was taken to a remote mountain and caught by a naked man with
huge tongs. Here, the dismemberment and reassembly was completed:
The novice had time to think “I am dead!” The man cut off his head, chopped his
body into bits, and put everything in the caldron. There he boiled his body for
three years. There were also three anvils, and the naked man forged the
candidate’s head on the third… The blacksmith then fished the candidate’s bones
out of a river, in which they were floating, put them together and covered them
with flesh again. (Eliade, 1951/1964, pp. 41-42).
The new body and organs that the candidate received enabled him to perform his
shamanic tasks, like permitting him to see spiritual realities with “mystical eyes” or to
understand the language of plants (ibid, p. 42).
Anyone familiar with NDEs will immediately recognize the similarities between
the shamanic initiation and the classic NDE. The first and most obvious similarity is that
both the shamanic initiation and the NDE usually begin with a physical crisis: Like
7
NDErs, the future shaman is in some state of physical duress, and often near death or
believed to be dead. Both shamans and NDErs claim to have separated from their
physical bodies and traveled to the spirit world. The shaman’s journey is often facilitated
by spirit guides, just as NDErs are guided by spirits, angels, or deceased loved ones.
Shamans also undergo a dismemberment and reassembly during their initiation, which
could be correlated to the life review in NDErs; for NDErs the life review functions as a
psychological dismemberment and reassembly in which they learn from their past
actions, find emotional healing, and are “re-created.” Similarly, like NDErs, shamans
bring knowledge of the afterlife back with them. Eliade writes that, through the shaman,
the unknown and terrifying world of death assumes form, is organized in
accordance with particular patterns; finally it displays a structure and, in the
course of time, becomes familiar and acceptable. … Little by little the world of
the dead becomes knowable, and death itself is evaluated primarily as a rite of
passage to a spiritual mode of being. (1951/1964, p. 509-510)
As will be demonstrated later, this is strikingly similar to the way the NDE dispels the
fear of death from those who have had them. Thus, the similarities between the shamanic
initiation and NDEs strongly suggest that the shaman’s career begins with an NDE.
The similarities between shamanism and NDEs have often been noted by modern
near-death researchers (Grosso, 2001; Ring, 1990). For instance, Roger Walsh asserts
that NDEs may have provided the original inspiration for shamanism (as cited by Green,
1998). Likewise, Green (2001) delineates the similarities between Shamanism and NDEs
in his article, and he cites Sandra Ingerman, a NDEr and modern shaman, who claims that
her NDE, which resulted from a near-drowning accident, was the catalyst for her
8
shamanistic career. Furthermore, Micheal Grosso (2001) draws strong parallels between
Shamanism and NDEs, and he advocates a bold strategy to combine elements of
shamanistic practices with the scientific method to provide new means of studying human
survival.
The NDE’s impression on religion is not only visible in ancient Shamanism; its
influence is equally apparent in the major world religions. Because an exhaustive review
of these influences is beyond the scope of this brief exposition, I will present only three
examples of NDE-type experiences from world religions.
The first example is from the Tibetan Book of the Dead. This manual, though
originating from Tibetan Buddhism, is one of the most widely published and circulated
accounts of religious after-death literature. In the Tibetan Book of the Dead, Buddhist
beliefs have been integrated into the traditional shamanic journey, coloring them in a
distinctly Tibetan Buddhist way. Still, the influence of Shamanism and the NDE is
readily visible.
The Tibetan Book of the Dead, which was written to guide the recently deceased
through the transition from death to nirvana or rebirth, describes the three bardos of death
in minute detail. That is, it gives an account of the three different states in between life
and death that a person may experience. The first of these states is the bardo of death.
This stage, which comprises the moment of death and the time shortly thereafter, is
paralleled to the experience of falling asleep. In this bardo, all of one’s senses and
elements dissolve, and one’s true nature as mind-only emerges. If the deceased
recognizes his or her true nature, then he or she will be immediately liberated from
9
rebirth and will attain nirvana; if one’s true nature is not recognized, then the deceased
will enter the second bardo of death, the bardo of Dharmata.
The bardo of Dharmata, paralleled to the state between falling asleep and
dreaming, is experienced by those who have prepared themselves for death through
meditation during their lifetime. If the deceased did not make such preparation, then he
or she will pass this bardo and proceed directly to the bardo of becoming. For those who
have made adequate preparation, this bardo offers a series of chances to recognize one’s
true nature and experience nirvana: In this bardo, the deceased is transfigured into a body
of light and then encounters numerous terrifying deities and apparitions. If these
frightening sights are recognized as merely projections of one’s own mind, then the
deceased will attain liberation from the wheel of rebirth. But if the deceased cannot
control their fear and does not recognize these apparitions as merely their own mind, then
they will pass into the final bardo of death, the bardo of Becoming.
The bardo of Becoming, which parallels the state of dreaming, constitutes the
process by which one’s rebirth is determined. Tibetan Buddhism teaches that most
people wake up in this bardo after death. Here, the deceased inhabits a mental body that
is complete with the normal physical senses and has been healed of any physical
infirmities. Upon awakening, the deceased will not realize that they are dead and will try
to communicate with their families. Yet, they cannot be seen or heard by the living.
Frustrated by their inability to communicate to loved ones, the deceased may cling to
their families for weeks; this stage could last up to 49 days. During the first 21 days of
this process, the deceased can be guided by their families’ prayers, so the Tibetan Book
of the Dead is read to them in the hopes that it will facilitate a favorable rebirth. In
10
addition, the deceased experiences a life review in which he or she feels all of the pain or
joy that they caused others during their life. After all these things have taken place, the
deceased will finally feel a strong attraction to one of the six realms of rebirth into which
he or she will be reborn.
Several similarities between the Tibetan Book of the Dead and the shamanistic
journey are readily apparent. Of course, both are primarily concerned with navigating the
world of the dead. In addition, the Tibetan Book of the Dead describes a dissolving of
elements and a dismemberment scenario that harkens back to the shamanistic initiation.
Consider the following passage from the Tibetan Book of the Dead:
Then the Lord of Death will drag you by a rope tied around your neck, and cut off
your head, tear out your heart, pull out your entrails, lick your brains, drink your
blood, eat your flesh and gnaw at your bones; but you cannot die, so even though
your body is cut into pieces you will recover. (Tibetan, 1975, p. 77)
In addition to the dismemberment scenario, the Tibetan Book of the Dead also
demonstrates the influence of shamanism by the fact that the deceased meets many
spiritual entities, particularly during the bardo of Dharmata. Yet, this influence has been
modified from its shamanistic roots to depict the entites, not as realities in themselves,
but as projections from one’s own mind.
The Tibetan Book of the Dead also corresponds notably to several NDE elements.
This is not surprising considering the connection between shamanism and NDEs. Most
obviously, both NDEs and the Tibetan Book of the Dead describe a separation from one’s
body and a journey into the afterlife. Both describe OBEs in which individuals having
the experience can see and hear others, but cannot be seen or heard themselves. Both
11
also exhibit encounters with spiritual entities. Likewise, both contain life reviews;
consider the following passage from the Tibetan Book of the Dead that depicts a life
review: “Then the Lord of Death will say, ‘I will look in the mirror of karma,’ and when
he looks in the mirror all your sins and virtues will suddenly appear in it clearly and
distinctly” (Tibetan, 1975, p. 77). The NDE also often contains a vivid life review, which
will be discussed in more detail in the next chapter.
Like the Tibetan Book of the Dead, western religious traditions also bear the
influence of Shamanism and NDEs. One early example is found in the Biblical book of
Ezekiel, which describes the visions of the prophet Ezekiel concerning the future of the
tribes of Israel. In one particular instance, the author writes that Ezekiel was carried “by
the spirit of the Lord” (Ezekiel 37:1) and set in a valley full of dry bones. He is
instructed to prophesy over the bones, and as he begins to prophesy, “there was a noise, a
rattling sound, and the bones came together, bone to bone. I looked, and tendons and
flesh appeared on them and skin covered them, but there was no breath in them” (Ezekiel
1:7-8). To complete the transformation, Ezekiel prophesied to the breath, which filled the
newly-formed bodies, and they came to life.
In the book of Ezekiel, the transformation of the dry bones into a living army
mirrors the dismemberment and reassembly found in the shamanic journey. God
identifies the dry bones as a representation of Israel, and the transformation signifies the
revival of the nation (Ezekiel 37: 11-14). Ezekiel’s vision also vividly demonstrates the
collective nature of the Biblical tradition, as opposed to the individual character of the
Tibetan Book of the Dead, for the dismemberment and reassembly occurs to Israel as a
whole, rather than to a single individual.
12
The traditional shamanic narrative which began in Ezekiel was developed
centuries later in the Book of Revelation. Like Ezekiel, this book differentiates itself
from the Tibetan Book of the Dead in that it also recounts a collective journey. That is,
Revelation represents the death, destruction, and re-creation of all life on earth, including
humans and nature.
The book of Revelation depicts a vision that John of Patmos had while he was “in
the spirit” (Rev 1: 10). In the vision, John meets an angel who leads him into heaven and
shows him many prophecies that concern the end of time. These visions collectively
depict the destruction of the earth through famine, disease, natural disasters, and war; the
judgment of the inhabitants of the earth; the deliverance of the righteous; the final battle
between good and evil; and the re-creation of a new heaven and earth where the righteous
will dwell in perfection for eternity.
Like the Tibetan Book of the Dead, Revelation provides several striking
similarities with shamanism and NDEs. In fact, the account could represent an
integration of the shamanic journey and the Christian apocalyptic tradition. For instance,
Revelation presents an extended journey into the spirit world lead by an angel (spirit
guide). In addition, like shamanic initiations and NDEs, the event may have begun with
some type of physical crisis; consider that at the beginning of his experience, John writes
that he fell down “as though dead” (Rev. 1:17). In addition, John experiences an OBE,
just as NDErs and shamans, for he writes that he was taken up into heaven and shown
these visions while “in the spirit” (Rev. 1:10). Like many of the novice shamans, John
meets the lord of death on his journey into the spirit world; in Revelation, this occurs
when John sees the risen Christ at the beginning of his experience: he identifies himself
13
to John by saying, “I am the First and the Last. I am the Living One; I was dead, and
behold I am alive for ever and ever! And I hold the keys of death and Hades.” (Rev. 1:1718). Revelation also includes a life review: It tells of the final judgment of the earth in
which each person is judged according to his or her actions during life. John writes,
“And I saw the dead, great and small, standing before the throne, and books were opened.
Another book was opened, which is the book of life. The dead were judged according to
what they had done as recorded in the books.” (Rev. 20:12) Finally, the book of
Revelation recounts a vivid scene of dismemberment and reassembly, although in this
case, the experience is collective. In Revelation, the entire earth undergoes numerous
catastrophes, from earthquakes, to plagues, to famine and war, which result in its total
destruction. Yet, the end of the book describes the world’s re-creation: John witnesses a
new heaven and a new earth free of all suffering and death.
Thus, the connection between NDEs, Shamanism, and religion is rich indeed.
The NDE’s influence on religious views of death is apparent from ancient Shamanism to
the literature of the major world religions, as delineated in the previous examples from
Ezekiel, Revelation, and the Tibetan Book of the Dead. With this connection in mind, it
is now time to turn to the NDE itself. The following chapter will describe the NDE in
greater detail, identifying its common elements and enunciating many important factors
associated with the experience.
14
Chapter Three
Identifying the NDE
What exactly is a near-death experience? As straightforward as this question
appears, it is not simple to answer. What is now commonly called an NDE involves the
unusual experiences reported by people who have been near death, or suffered clinical
death and were successfully revived. Many of the experiences recounted by those who
have been near death share similar elements, yet no two NDEs are exactly alike. Thus
some NDEs appear strikingly similar while others may have almost nothing in common.
Therefore, determining a concrete definition of the NDE is problematic. Moreover,
researchers are divided over the cause, function, and interpretation of NDEs, making it
even more challenging to produce an adequate definition. The problem of defining NDEs
has been noted in the field of near-death research and it presents one of the most serious
obstacles for NDE researchers (Greyson, 1999).
Despite the considerable variety among NDEs, there are common elements that
recur frequently, such that a pattern is recognizable. Kenneth Ring (1980) divided the
NDE into a series of five stages. These stages or elements are generally accepted as the
defining components of the NDE, and I did not find any article or book that did not break
the NDE down into these component parts. Ring arranges these elements into a
chronological pattern, one element occurring before the other. This same pattern is
generally observed in all NDEs, though there is variety, as some NDEs may lack certain
elements or experience them in a slightly different order. Rings’s five original stages are:
1) a feeling of peace; 2) separation from the body; 3) entering the darkness; 4) seeing the
light; and 5) entering the light. Additional elements that he discusses are the life review,
15
seeing deceased friends and relatives, and a decision to return to the body. Each of these
components will now be discussed in turn. (The following represents my own paraphrase
of these NDE elements. Though they are consistent with everything that I have read on
the subject, they do not represent quoted material from any one source. The following
composites are taken from all of my readings, though perhaps most notably from Ring
(1980, 1998), Blackmore (1993), and Lundhal (1983).)
Feeling of Peace. The first thing reported by NDErs at the beginning of their
experience is overwhelming feelings of peace. This peace is often described as safe,
secure, and warm, and many NDErs express a strong desire to remain in that
environment. There is a pervasive and notable lack of fear. This strong affective
component seems to begin at the onset of apparent unconsciousness and usually
continues for the duration of the experience.
Body Separation. After the onset of feelings of peace, experiencers report the
sensation of leaving the confines of their physical bodies. Some describe possessing
spiritual body while others consider themselves as mind-only. Frequently, the person
will see their physical body, usually from a position above it, as if looking down on it.
Some NDErs are also able to describe the people present (e.g., doctors, nurses, loved
ones) and the surroundings (e.g., a hospital room, accident site, operating room). The
experience of apparently being out of one’s body is known as an out-of-body experience
(OBE). Incidentally, OBEs have been recorded and researched extensively without any
connection to NDEs.
Entering the Darkness. Once the person experiences a separation from their
body, they often encounter some type of darkness. It is described as a void, a cave, or
16
just darkness. Some people report a sensation of floating out in space. However, the
most familiar incarnation of the darkness motif is represented by a tunnel. Many
experiencers describe themselves as moving through the tunnel or the darkness to a bright
light at the end.
Seeing Deceased Loved Ones. In many cases, but not all, the experiencer will
report seeing spiritual beings or deceased loved ones who welcome them or act as their
guide. These guides are reported appearing at the onset of the experience, in the tunnel or
darkness, or once the person has entered the light.
Entering the Light. At the end of the tunnel or darkness, the experiencer often
perceives an extremely bright light. The light possesses a definite ineffable quality and
experiencers have difficulty describing it. It is frequently reported as warm,
indescribably brilliant, and other-worldly. Additionally, many NDErs perceive the light
as a being or presence. A particular characteristic of the light is that experiencers sense it
as unconditionally loving and accepting. The peace and security felt at the onset of the
experience is only intensified when the experiencer enters this domain of light.
Life Review. Another common characteristic of the NDE is a life review, though
not all NDEs include one. In his book Lessons From the Light, Ring (1998) gives
considerable attention to the life review. He describes the experience as one in which
NDErs view some or all of the events of their lives in rapid succession. In addition to
watching this display as if it were a movie, experiencers may feel that they are re-living
these events. Another peculiar trait of the life review is that many NDErs report being
able to feel the effects of their actions from the point of view of the others involved, not
just from their own perspective.
17
The primary role of the life review seems to be one of teaching and healing.
From it, experiencers often come to realize mistakes that they have made, and to feel
great remorse and empathy for those they might have hurt. Interestingly enough, Ring
does not mention any judging or condemning presence, though the life review is clearly
an opportunity for the person to take account their life. Instead of condemnation,
experiencers report love and unconditional acceptance, particularly from the light. In this
way, NDErs report gaining invaluable wisdom as well as emotional healing from the life
review.
Decision to Return. Most NDErs report a decisional moment in their NDE after
which they return to their bodies. Sometimes the individual is given the choice to remain
in the domain of light or return to their physical bodies, sometimes they are instructed to
return (often being told that it is not their time yet), and sometimes they are merely
encouraged to return because of children or unfinished projects left waiting for them.
Though it is very common for NDErs to describe some type of decision, whether it is
made by them or not, some individuals do not experience one, they simply wake up back
in their body. For those who do experience the decisional moment, once the decision to
return is made, they generally return right away. Few remember the process of return,
and instead simply describe a renewed awareness of their physical body. A few,
however, do recollect the re-entry process, and it is described as uncomfortable, painful,
or restricting. It is only at the end of the NDE, when the person has returned to their
body, that the overwhelming peaceful feelings cease.
In evaluating the NDE two other characteristics should be noted. First, NDEs are
not a recent phenomenon, as demonstrated in chapter two. Records of NDEs have
18
circulated for centuries, some even predating the Middle Ages (Lundhal, 1982). Second,
a person need not be in any physical harm to experience a NDE (Wettach, 2000;
Blackmore, 1993; Fenwick, 1997). Many NDE elements can be recreated by electrical
brain stimulation or drugs, and some natural NDEs have been reported from individuals
whose conditions were not life-threatening. Incidentally, this fact causes yet more
confusion in defining the NDE: Can an experience that has most of the NDE elements
still be called a near-death experience if the person was not near death, and if so, how
does this change the definition of the NDE?
One question pertinent to the evaluation of NDEs is whether or not other factors,
such as demographics, influence the NDE. One study I reviewed that addressed this issue
will be recounted below, but it should be remembered that the results presented are
indicative of almost all experiments. In that study (van Lommen, et. al., 2001) the authors
interviewed 344 consecutive cardiac patients (representing 509 resuscitations) from 10
different hospitals in Holland. All suffered cardiac arrest, were clinically dead, and were
resuscitated. Among the 344 patients, 12% experienced a NDE. The experimenters
found that no medical, psychological, or pharmacological factor influenced the frequency
of NDE occurrence. Age was found to be a significant factor, since patients under 60
reported more NDEs than those over 60. Though sex did not affect the occurrence of an
NDE, women were found to have deeper NDEs, that is, they experienced more elements
of the NDE than men. This study, along with several other experiments not discussed in
this thesis, adequately demonstrate that demographical factors, medication, and the
precipitating events of physical harm do not affect the occurrence of an NDE, with the
19
exception of the particular age and sex variables noted above (Alvarado & Zingrone,
1998; Blackmore, 1993; Ring, 1980).
Some experiments have been conducted in the face of the concern that the
fanciful stories reported by NDErs are subject to exaggeration and hyperbole. One study
(Alvarado & Zingrone, 1998) analyzed tabular data of NDEs, supposing that if they were
subject to embellishment over time, then the greater the length of time from NDE
occurrence to the interview, the deeper and more fanciful the NDE. No support for this
effect was found.
Similar results were found in the Dutch study mentioned above (van Lommen et
al., 2001). In the longitudinal portion of their study, the authors conducted follow-up
interviews for the patients who had experienced NDEs both 2 and 8 years after the event.
Surprisingly, they note that the NDErs could recall their experiences in almost exact
detail. There was virtually no time effect on their testimonies at either the 2-year or 8year interview. When taken in conjunction with the Alvarado & Zingrone (1998) study,
this presents sufficient evidence to conclude that the fanciful accounts told by NDErs do
not result simply from embellishment over time.
In addition to the influence of precipitating factors such as sex, medication, onset
of physical calamity, or embellishment, NDE researchers have been most interested in the
stability of the phenomenon. Are all NDEs the same or do they differ across cultures?
Answers to this question have varied. While Ring (1980) and Lundhal (1983) maintain
that the phenomenon is remarkably stable, others like Susan Blackmore (1993) and
Kellehear (1993) have taken issue with this conclusion. Blackmore asserts that what type
of NDE one has is dependent on the conditions that bring it about and the personal
20
characteristics of the individual. Likewise, she emphasizes the fact that some people
have life reviews while others don’t, or some people see the light without going through a
tunnel while others experience a tunnel. Such variations as these are common, and they
cause Blackmore to reject the idea that NDEs are a stable phenomenon.
Likewise, Kellehear (1993) concludes that there is considerable variation among
NDEs, though he finds NDEs within western cultures to be basically similar. For
Kellehear, NDEs from western cultures and those from cultures outside of western
influence differ significantly. To come to this conclusion, Kellehear studied reports of
NDEs from China, India, Guam, West New Britain, Native North America, Aboriginal
Australia, and Maori New Zealand. For China, he reviewed three historical cases of an
NDE in monks; in those accounts he found no mention of a tunnel experience or an OBE,
but otherwise they were similar to western accounts. In reviewing NDEs from India, he
used the work of Noyes and Kletti, citing their findings that Indians do not experience a
tunnel. Additionally, their life reviews differ from western ones in that they usually
consist of someone reading a record of the experiencer’s life rather than the experiencer
watching the life events like a movie. He investigated three cases from Western New
Britain and observed no tunnel or OBE, and a life review in only one case. Common to
these NDEs, however, was the experience in which the individual spent the early part of
the NDE walking down a road. Kellehear used 2 case studies from the work of H. R.
Schoolcraft published in 1825 as his source material from native North America. In these
accounts, there was no mention of a tunnel or a life review. Only one account from
Aboriginal Australia was reviewed. This account was from the 1800s and several
versions of it exist. However, he found that there was no tunnel, life review or OBE
21
present in that account. Finally, Kellehear examined one account from a New Zealand
Maori. That individual did experience an OBE, but no life review or tunnel. Because of
all of these differences across cultures, Kellehear concludes that the OBE, tunnel, and life
review portions of an NDE must be culturally determined. He suggests, for instance, that
life reviews would be more common in cultures that emphasize a historical world view,
such as Western or Chinese cultures.
Both the Kellehear (1993) and Blackmore (1993) studies are mentioned to
demonstrate the flavor of most of the debates within near-death research. Though I must
agree that NDEs certainly vary from one person to the next, and that culture could be an
important influence on them, I find their conclusions far from compelling. Blackmore,
for instance, overlooks the fact that the same cluster of elements is clearly recognizable
as an NDE, despite individual differences between NDEs. Kellehear, who presents good
insights about culture, bases his argument on very few case studies: China and Western
New Britain have only 3, native North America has only 2, and both the Aboriginal and
Maori cultures are represented by only one account. Moreover, many of the accounts he
uses are historical, having occurred more than a century ago. For these cases Kellehear
had only a written account in which he was forced to rely on the observations of someone
else who might have excluded what he would have found important and included aspects
of no interest to Kellehear's study. Furthermore, some of the cases that he uses have their
own mythos associated with them and can be found in several versions.
Because of these objections to Kellehear and Blackmore, I did not find any
convincing evidence against the stability of the NDE. Therefore I am inclined to agree
22
with Ring and Lundhal. For this reason, I will consider the NDE’s stability as a valid
characteristic of the phenomenon for the remainder of the thesis.
So far, each of the characteristics presented in this section has some type of
variability associated with it. Yet, one characteristic of the NDE is virtually undisputed
by NDE researchers: the life-changing influence they exert on those who have them.
Ring (1980) writes, “however one chooses to interpret near-death phenomena, they are
unquestionably real in their effects” (p. 138). As far as effects are concerned, the studies
I reviewed present a solid consensus: NDEs have lasting effects on those who undergo
them. For instance, Ring (1980) interviewed 87 people who had come close to death and
he found that the fear of death was significantly decreased for those who had NDEs
relative to those who did not have one. Likewise, Ring reported that the experiencers
showed a marked increase in belief in an afterlife, whereas non-experiencers show
virtually no change in that respect. Another change he noticed was an increase in
religiousness among NDErs. Moreover, Ring explains that all three of these significant
changes (decreased fear of death, increase in religiousness and increase in belief of life
after death) were supported in a similar study conducted by Michael Sabom.
In addition to those mentioned above, Ring (1980) recounted several personal
value changes mentioned by his participants. NDErs report increased appreciation for
life, renewed sense of purpose in living, a devaluation of material success, and a new
focus on love and compassion attributed to their experience. However, these personal
life changes were also observed in individuals who came close to death without an NDE.
In addition to the quantitative data presented in his first study, Ring (1998) recounts
23
numerous personal testimonies of individuals whose lives were deeply affect by their
NDE in Lessons From the Light.
Other researchers have reported similar findings. Blackmore echoes Ring’s
conclusions regarding the pervasive impact of NDEs. She writes, “there is no doubt that
the NDE seems to transform people’s lives” (Blackmore, 1993, p. 244). Similarly, the
van Lommel et. al. (2001) study mentioned above concluded from the longitudinal
portion of their study that the NDErs displayed an increase in the belief in life after death,
showing of love and acceptance, sense of meaning, self-confidence, religiousness, and a
decreased fear of death.
So far, I have recounted basic NDE characteristics, including their elements, their
stability, and the changes they induce. There is one more crucial aspect of NDEs that has
not yet been mentioned: veridical evidence. This is perhaps the most fascinating and
enigmatic aspect of NDEs. NDErs often awaken from their experience reporting to have
seen themselves being resuscitated or repeating information that they could not have
known or seen while unconscious, such as the position of people in other rooms, or the
color of the clothing of someone far away. Literature on NDEs is replete with such
reports, and because these instances give credence to the view that the NDEr was
experiencing some type of spiritual reality rather than an elaborate hallucination, such
stories are called veridical evidence and the NDEs that contain them are referred to as
corroborative NDEs.
Anecdotal stories of veridical evidence are innumerable in near-death literature.
Ring (1980) recounts NDErs who claimed to see their resuscitations and were able to
describe them in detail. Some were also able to describe loved ones waiting for them,
24
even ones located in a different room. Yet more anecdotal evidence is found in Lessons
From the Light, when Ring (1998) recounts many instances in which NDErs with serious
or fatal diseases experienced miraculous recoveries after their NDE. Another account
from Ring depicts an instance in which an NDEr could accurately describe the colors in
the stool on which the physician sat during his operation. Yet, skeptics might raise a
critical eye at such stories, for Ring himself admits that though he gives them full
credence, he did not verify these stories with physicians or other parties.
However, a person investigating this phenomenon is not relegated to anecdotal
stories alone. A few empirical studies shed light on this mysterious phenomenon. Ring
(1998) cites a clever study done by Michael Sabom, a physician who noticed that NDErs
could often accurately describe their resuscitations in minute detail. He wondered if their
accuracy might be attributable to imagination, expectation, or lucky guesses. To answer
this question, Sabom gathered NDE cases of this sort and then consulted medical records
and personnel to determine their veracity. As a control, he asked 25 coronary patients
who had not been resuscitated to imagine that they were resuscitated and then to describe
it. Sabom found that 22 of the 25 accounts from the control group were fraught with
errors, but the NDE group had no such errors, often reporting the particular procedures
that had indeed been performed on them. In addition, the accounts from the control
group were general and vague, whereas those form the NDE group contained much more
detail. Such results lead credence to the NDErs’ claim that they had observed their own
resuscitations from outside their bodies.
Verified accounts of veridical evidence are rare in the literature, perhaps because
they are difficult to verify. Yet, I was able to find two very strong cases for veridical
25
evidence. One is the story of Maria, which has been published in more than once. Ring
(1998) recounts the experience as follows: Maria, who was visiting her friends in Seattle
for the first time, suffered a cardiac arrest and was rushed to the hospital. After she was
revived, she reported having an OBE and seeing the medical team work on her body.
Then, she claimed that she went up through the ceiling onto the roof of the hospital. One
of the things she saw during this experience was a single tennis shoe on the ledge of a
third-floor window. Maria described the shoe in great detail, mentioning a worn patch
over the little toe and one shoelace tucked under the heel. When a nurse, Kimberly
Clark, came in to check on her the next day, Maria recounted her experience. Clark was
skeptical, but also curious, so when Maria asked her to check if there was such a shoe at
that spot, Clark agreed to go. To her amazement, Clark found the shoe on a third-floor
window ledge exactly as Maria had described it. Ring summarizes the force of this
account:
…what is the probability that a migrant worker [Maria] visiting a large city for the
first time, who suffers a heart attack and is rushed to a hospital at night would,
while having a cardiac arrest, simply ‘hallucinate’ seeing a tennis shoe – with
very specific and unusual features – on a ledge of a floor higher than her physical
location in the hospital? (1998, p.66)
Ring concludes, “Not bloody likely!” (ibid, p.66)
The second well-documented instance of veridical evidence was reported by von
Lommen and his colleagues (2001). During their investigation of NDEs, one coronarycare-unit nurse told of a veridical OBE. She described an instance in which a 44-year-old
man was brought into the coronary care unit who was cyanotic and comatose. She was
26
one of the nurses on duty, and while attempting to intubate him during the resuscitation
process, she found that he was wearing upper dentures. She removed the dentures and
put them in the drawer of the medical cart. The patient was moved to another area after
stable respiration and heart rhythms had been achieved, though he was still in a coma.
The nurse saw the patient again one week later while he was recovering in the
coronary unit. As soon as he saw her he exclaimed that she was the nurse who knew
where his teeth were. He then proceeded to explain that he had seen his resuscitation
from out of his body. He said that he had seen her remove the dentures, and he
accurately described, in detail, the medical cart into which she put the dentures, even
noting that she had put them in the top drawer. Additionally, he gave a detailed account
of the room in which he was resuscitated and the people present. The nurse was very
impressed with this account because of its veracity, and because of the fact that he
entered the hospital in a coma and left the resuscitation room while still comatose.
At the risk of sounding redundant, I will describe yet another account of veridical
evidence that I encountered during my research. However, this account is not from the
near-death literature. Instead, I interviewed this NDEr myself. My mother, having heard
that I was researching NDEs, referred me to a woman at her church who had had an
NDE. As my mother described it, the woman had reported a strong instance of veridical
evidence, so I decided to investigate this account for myself. Hence, I arranged
interviews with the two women involved: Clara, the NDEr, and Darlene, another woman
from the church who verified Clara’s account. (See Appendices A and B for transcripts
of those interviews)
27
In May of 1999, Clara suffered a very serious stroke. During that episode, she
experienced an NDE in which she claimed to have seen several deceased friends and
relatives. Darlene’s husband Pete, who had been killed in a plane crash the year before,
was one of the people Clara saw. Pete, like many other people Clara met during her
NDE, gave her messages to pass on to his family. The messages for his two daughters
were sentiments of encouragement and love. Pete’s message for Darlene, however, was
unusual and unexpected. According to Clara, Pete told her to tell Darlene that he was
sorry he never had a chance to caulk the windows in their house.
During Clara’s stroke, her husband had called the church pastor to come to the
hospital, since they did not expect Clara to live. By the time they arrived, Clara had
greatly improved. That same evening, Clara recounted her NDE to the pastor’s wife.
The very next day, she saw Darlene and gave her the message from Pete.
Darlene confirmed all of this information during my interview with her. She also
explained the significance of the strange message from Pete: Darlene explained that Pete
often tried to be a handyman and fix things around their house, but he was not very adept
at the work, and his efforts were not always successful. For some time prior to his death,
Pete had been promising to caulk the windows in the house, but he had not yet done it
when the accident occurred. Clara would have had no way of knowing about the
windows in Darlene’s house nor of Pete’s intention to caulk them. This account of
veridical evidence, like those mentioned above, clearly demonstrates the enigmatic nature
of the NDE.
Veridical evidence represents the last characteristic of NDEs to be reported in this
section of the thesis. Yet, a review of the pertinent information presented here might be
28
helpful before continuing to the next chapter. First, it is generally accepted that the NDE
is made up of several different elements, namely strong feelings of peace, a feeling of
having separated from one’s body, a tunnel or darkness, seeing and entering an extremely
warm and bright light, a life review, meeting deceased loved ones, and a decision to
return to the body. Second, NDEs are basically a stable phenomenon; that is, they are not
affected by demographic factors, medical conditions, or pharmacological agents used
during resuscitation. Moreover, there is no compelling evidence that NDEs result from
cultural influence. Finally, this section explored three cases of veridical evidence in
which NDErs reported accurate knowledge that they could not have possibly known from
their position and condition in the hospitals where they were treated.
29
Chapter Four
Theoretical Models of the NDE
Explanations to account for the bizarre and enigmatic phenomena of NDEs are as
numerous as the researchers who study them. The explanations can emphasize cultural,
psychological, spiritual, and biological perspectives, with any number of variations and
combinations among them. For reasons already indicated, examples from two broad
categories of explanations will be presented in this thesis. In the first section of this
chapter, I will describe four biological models, and in the second section I will present
two spiritual models. A brief exposition of the relative strengths and weaknesses of
biological and spiritual models, with particular emphasis on the treatment of veridical
evidence, will follow. My overall analysis is presented in the final chapter of the thesis.
Biological Models
The first category of NDE explanations that will be examined are biological
models. Biological models call upon the complexity of human physiology to explain the
experience. For proponents of biological models, the NDE can be explained purely on
the basis of the biological functions of a dying brain. They often invoke such processes
as temporal lobe seizures or anoxia as the cause of NDE phenomena.
One such model, presented by Wettach (2001) is based on evolutionary theory
and biology. In this theory, Wettach distinguishes between two parts of the human brain:
a) an evolutionarily older, reptilian brain located in the pons (see Figure 1); and b) the
younger, more complex mammalian brain represented by the cerebral cortex (see Figure
2). Wettach explains that the reptilian brain, like reptiles themselves, can function at
lower temperatures, with less available energy resources, and under greater duress than
30
the more complex mammalian brain. The mammalian brain, though more fragile, is
responsible for overall human consciousness. As the dominant brain, it overrides the
subconscious reptilian brain under normal conditions. Because the reptilian brain is so
robust, Wettach posits that it might be able to function in states of hypothermia, hypoxia,
or other physical distress when the cerebral cortex no longer functions. At those times, as
well as any other time when the cortex is dormant (sleep, coma, hypnosis, or psychotic
episodes) the reptilian brain could become dominant.
Figure 1. Three evolutionary parts of the brain.
Figure 2. A view of the brain from the side.
Note. From “The Brain in Relation to Empaty and
Medical Education,” by Paul D. Maclean, 1967,
Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases, 144, 37482, as cited in The Humanizing Brain: Where
Religion and Neuroscience Meet (p.53), by J. B.
Ashbrook and C. R. Harrington, 1997, Cleveland,
OH: The Pilgrim Press. Copyright 1997 by James B.
Ashbrook and Carol Rausch Harrington.
Note. From Why God Won’t Go Away: Brain Science and the
Biology of Belief (p. 19), by A. Newberg, E. D’Aquil, and V. Rause,
2001, New York, NY: The Ballantine Publishing Group. Copyright
2001 by Andrew Newberg, M.D.
By Wettach’s account, the interaction between the two brains during physical
duress is the basis of the NDE. When a person experiences clinical death, the cerebral
cortex ceases to function. When the patient sees a tunnel with a bright light, Wettach
31
assumes that some successful effort towards improving the patient’s physical condition
has been made. This darkness followed by a bright light would represent the cerebral
cortex re-initiating and beginning to resume activity. Likewise, the life review would
constitute previous memories that flash before the patient as the brain continues to regain
function; Wettach finds it normal to suppose that the memories would begin with the
earliest stored ones and continue to the most recent. Wettach explains the common NDE
sensation of incorporeality as infant memories, relating it the feelings of an infant during
birth who transitions from a cramped and restrictive uterus to the freedom of a new
world. He attributes OBEs to the fact that the cerebral cortex would not yet be
completely functional, providing the patient with only the sense of hearing. Since no
other data is available through sensory input, the brain must create its own picture of
reality; thus, it interprets the loss of sensation as an OBE. Wettach explains,
In fact, our body is gone from a sensory standpoint because we have no spatial
sensory ability, and our rational, conscious mind is also gone. Illusory free
floating becomes possible, if not mandatory, because we have lost all our normal
spatial clues. (p.82)
The fact that many NDErs claim to see deceased friends and relatives who act as their
guide is, like the OBE, explained by primitive memories. Wettach considers these to
come from memories of infancy and early childhood in which adults provide love and
care. Such memories are normally suppressed by the cerebral cortex, but they reassert
themselves in the form of visions when the cortex is only partially functional. The
feeling of warmth reported by NDErs is explained as the physical re-warming of the body
that accompanies restored cardiopulmonary and respiratory function. Wettach considers
32
the being of light or God to represent another reassertion of memories of religious
teachings from childhood. Finally, the patient’s cerebral cortex resumes normal
functioning, represented by a return to the physical body. In this way, Wettach attempts
to account for NDE phenomenon using only biological factors. He writes of his own
theory: “This paper suggests that physiological explanations for NDEs are possible,
particularly if creative, speculative, scientific fantasy is also allowed” (p.88).
Wettach’s biological model is by no means the only one found in near-death
research. Another model, proposed by Jansen (1997) focuses on the action of
neurotransmitters in the hippocampus. Jansen explains that most features of the NDE can
be induced by administering the drug ketamine. Among the elements mentioned are
traveling through a tunnel, entering a light, telepathic exchanges with a God-like entity,
life reviews, and the belief that one is dead. To explain this similarity, Jansen highlights
the biochemical effects of ketamine on the hippocampus.
Jansen (1997) recounts some of the physiology of the brain to explain this
interaction. He mentions that the large neurons in the cerebral cortex use glutamate as a
neurotransmitter. If the brain is flooded with too much glutamate, which is an excitatory
substance, then the neurons will die from excitotoxicity. Glutamate excitotoxicity occurs
in hypoxia and epilepsy, to name two common examples. How is this process related to
ketamine? Jansen explains that ketamine suppresses glutamate, resulting in the bizarre
effects of the drug. Since too much glutamate is lethal to neurons, and since the human
body possesses so many protective processes, Jansen posits a natural ketamine-like
substance that would prohibit excitotoxicity when the brain is flooded with glutamate
during physical duress.
33
By Jansen’s own admission, this explanation cannot account for all NDEs. He
supposes that the brain’s natural ketamine process might work in conjunction with other
processes (like hypoxia, temporal lobe epilepsy, reactivation of birth memories, and
regression as an ego-defense mechanism) to produce NDEs. Yet it is considered by
many to present a very valuable theory of causality for NDEs.
Similar to Jansen’s theory that attributes the NDE to several possible processes,
Blackmore (1993) presents a very interesting explanation of near-death phenomenon. In
her book, Dying to Live, Blackmore describes each facet of the NDE and provides a
thorough biological explanation for them. Here, I will concentrate on her explanation of
mental models, since it functions as the foundation for her interpretation of NDEs.
Blackmore (1993) begins by explaining that everything we experience in the
world, either internally or externally, is the result of mental models. The brain is
constantly collecting input from our senses and arranging it into meaningful data based
on our memory, knowledge and experience. She writes, “reality is simply a vast set of
mental models” (p.158); and one’s sense of self is no less constructed than any other facet
of reality. She explains that the ‘I’ that each person assumes to exist is merely a “model
of self who appears to inhabit the body and be in charge of it” (p.158). The following
passage clearly portrays her position:
I am not a special being inside the head directing attention to one thing or another.
Rather, ‘I’ am just one of many models built by this system and ‘my’ awareness is
just a product of the way that system builds its model of reality. (p.160)
34
(Interestingly, Blackmore acknowledges that within her mental model paradigm, one can
never know if anything in the world is ‘real’ or actually occurring since all of one’s
perceptions are based on composite models created by one’s brain.)
Given this sense of self, Blackmore asserts that the stability of the mental models
determines one’s subjective feeling of reality. Based on sensory input, the system takes
the most stable models, i.e., those that most accurately predict actions and promote
functioning, and considers those models to represent reality. Erratic, chaotic models are
interpreted as fantasy or hallucinations. The NDE seems like a real occurrence because it
presents the most stable model of self during the brain’s weakened state. For instance,
during the OBE phase of the NDE, one perceives oneself to be a spirit or mind absent of
a physical body because this model is the most stable in accommodating the lack of
sensory input from the impaired physical systems. Thus, biological processes of physical
distress cause all of the elements of the NDE, like the tunnel, light, life review, etc., and
the system creates a mental model to accommodate them. NDErs may believe that they
have traveled out of their bodies, visited spiritual realities and beings, and then returned
to their bodies, when in fact the experience only constitutes another of the brain’s many
mental models.
The final biological model that will be presented here, the quantum biomechanical
model, employs concepts from biology, holography and quantum physics to explain the
NDE. Beck and Colli (2003) proposed their model to redress the inadequacies in the
current views of human memory function. As they explained, current views of human
memory cannot account for three salient facets of the life review in NDEs. (Though the
model is aimed specifically at the life review, it is applicable to the NDE in general.)
35
Those facets are 1) the immense amount of memory recall that occurs during a life
review; 2) the panoramic and instantaneous nature of the memory recall; and 3) the fact
that such recall can include events from the perspective of others in addition to the
experiencer’s own perspective.
Beck and Colli’s (2003) explanation of these enigmatic properties is based on the
biological functions of microscopic structures called microtubules. They describe
microtubules as “self-organizing, tubular proteins” (p.179) which form networks of
bundles within human cells. These networks provide structure, shape, and
communication within the cell. Microtubules provide intercellular as well as intracellular
communication, and they function macroscopically in human communications, memory
recall, and learning.
So, how do the microtubules affect a life review? To answer that question, Beck
and Colli (2003) incorporate two related concepts from quantum physics: quantum
coherence and non-local communication. Quantum coherence is a state in which quantum
particles vibrate coherently, that is, at the same frequency. One example of quantum
coherence that Beck and Colli use to explain the concept is the laser; in a laser, all the
particles vibrate together in the same frequency, phase, and direction. This process is
crucial to their theory since they assert that microtubules, like lasers, exhibit quantum
coherence; that is, they all vibrate on the same frequency, thus providing solidarity and
communication among them.
The microtubules’ quantum coherence is dependent on non-local communication.
Local signals (as opposed to non-local ones), such as white light, travel across distances
in a finite period of time and decrease in intensity as they travel. Non-local signals
36
operate outside of these effects; they travel instantaneously, regardless of distance. Thus,
non-local communication refers to the fact that certain quantum particles ‘communicate’
with one another instantaneously across any distance.
Beck and Colli (2003) cite the works of several other researchers, such as
Mitchell (1999) and Radin (1997), who have demonstrated that humans perceive both
locally and non-locally. Similarly, they note that non-local communication occurs
regularly within the human body on a molecular level. One cited example of this is
quantum tunneling, which is the process whereby proteins from DNA travel
instantaneously from one point to another without traversing the distance between them.
This effect has been demonstrated over distances of 5.5 inches. Even more surprising is
that placing a barrier between the two points has no effect on the process, regardless of
barrier length!
Beck and Colli (2003) assert that the microtubules interact using non-local
communication, similar to the quantum tunneling mentioned above. Noting that
microtubules can emit photons of light, Beck and Colli posit that microtubules
communicate through the emission of these photons, which they surmise to be
holographically-encoded. The resultant holographic communication has a very
interesting side-effect: “if trillions of microtubules in the human body each create singlephoton holograms, the amount of holographically encoded information may be
effectively unlimited” (p.180). In addition, the instantaneous non-local communication
between the microtubules would make it possible for “instantaneous downloading of an
entire lifetime of experiences that are ‘replayed’ in a matter of moments, as if the process
37
occurs at a highly accelerated rate” (p.181). Thus, they are able to explain the volume of
information recalled during a life review and the speed at which this recall takes place.
Even more astounding is that the authors theorize that microtubules might be
responsible for another fundamental human characteristic. They surmise that a critical
level of coherence across networks of microtubules might produce human consciousness.
Beck and Colli (2003) write: “the net effect of countless bundles of neuronal microtubule
‘cables’ would thus be the basis for a profound emergent collective, macroscopic effect:
consciousness … resulting from the cumulative effect of countless microtubules acting in
a coordinated manner” (p.181). As corroborative evidence of this theory, they cite
studies that demonstrate that anesthetics, which result in the loss of consciousness, impair
the functioning of microtubules.
Beck and Colli (2003) have, at this point, demonstrated how microtubules could
be capable of producing consciousness and disseminating large amounts of data almost
instantly, but the question of where such large amounts of data are stored or how an
NDEr can have knowledge of events outside of his or her own personal experience
remains to be answered. To address this issue, the authors introduce holographic
memory into their model. Beck and Colli cite Ervin Laszlo as positing that human
memory might be stored outside the human body in a holographic memory field that they
call the zero-point field. According to Laszlo’s theory, the brain would function, not as a
memory location, but as an organic processor that “interact[s] directly with the zero-point
field on a quantum level” (Beck & Colli, 2003, p.185). Beck and Colli surmise that all
memories reside in this holographic field, and that during an NDE the brain, aided by the
processes of the microtubules, interacts directly with this memory field to access large
38
amounts of data very rapidly, even data from someone else’s point of view. As
corroboration to their theory, Beck and Colli report that the zero-point field was
experimentally demonstrated by Steve Lamoreaux in 1997.
In this way, Back and Colli account for the characteristics of the life review on a
biological level. The amount of information and the speed of transfer are both accounted
for. Additionally, their theory dictates that NDErs would be able to perceive events from
another person’s point of view by accessing others’ memories stored in the zero-point
field.
Yet, Beck and Colli’s (2003) theory raises almost as many questions as it
answers. For instance, why would one suddenly have the ability to interact with others’
memories in the holographic memory field when one is near death, why can’t these
memories be accessed on an every-day basis? Or, how do the other features of the NDE,
such as the OBE, relate to their theory? Despite the unanswered questions, though, their
theory provides “for the first time, a scientifically rigorous biomechanical model” (p.
185) that is capable of addressing the more enigmatic NDE phenomena on a biological
level.
Spiritual models
Spiritual models are the second category of NDE models to be examined in this
thesis. Unlike the biological models, spiritual models do not seek biological functions as
the primary source for the NDE, though some models (such as Murphy’s algorithmic
reincarnation model) do incorporate biological processes into their explanations. Though
some spiritual models posit an immortal soul, spiritual realities, or alternative
dimensions, others refrain from such speculation. However, what these models all have
39
in common is that they consider the NDE a spiritual experience: they view the NDE as an
encounter that should ultimately be defined as metaphysical, that is, entailing existence
outside the body.
One spiritual model that focuses on altered states of consciousness has been
proposed by Todd Murphy (1999, 2001). In this model, Murphy explains that NDEs are
biologically-based, algorithmic processes that systematically alter states of
consciousness. These altered states carry a dying person through several stages of the
dying process in order to 1) convince the person of their passing (the OBE and viewing of
their physical body); 2) produce peace and assurance (the light and feelings of peace);
and 3) prevent resistance to death (being of light and presence of loved ones). Murphy
holds that the evolutionary process of natural selection facilitates one’s rebirth.
Additionally, the life review provides an important opportunity for the person to learn
from their life before dying and being reborn.
Murphy’s theory is partially based on a pilot study that he published in 1999. In
this study, Murphy obtained seven volunteers from a meeting of the International
Association of Near Death Studies who had had an NDE in the past. He led these
volunteers in a guided meditation in which he asked them to imagine a presence behind
them and to the left while paying close attention to their breathing. All seven
experienced NDE phenomenon, such as feelings of peace and seeing spiritual beings, as a
result of the meditation, and many claimed that they were the same features experienced
during their actual NDE. Since the altered states of consciousness achieved through
meditation produced NDE elements, Murphy posits that NDEs constitute altered states of
consciousness.
40
Murphy includes biological processes as a key feature of his theory by employing
Michael Persinger’s theory of sensed presence. According to this theory, humans have
two senses of self, one for each temporal lobe of the brain. Murphy (2001) writes that if
the two lobes slip out of phase the “subordinate right hemisphere’s sense of self intrudes
into the left side’s awareness, and is experienced as an external presence” (p. 262). Thus,
biological processes account for the sensed presences and the other phenomena of the
NDE. In this way, Murphy’s algorithmic reincarnation model interprets the NDE as
altered states of consciousness but incorporates a biological element to the theory.
Though some spiritual models, like Murphy’s, do not contain an insistence on
alternate realities, there are several that do. Theories invoking alternate realities maintain
that reality is not confined to the material world; there is much more to the universe than
what can be objectively seen, heard, smelled, touched, or tasted. Alternate reality
theories are often paired with the belief that consciousness is at least partially non-local
and continues to exist after death. There are many varieties of this view that can be
categorized under traditional religious paradigms, such as Lundhal’s Mormon
interpretation of NDEs or Michael Sabom’s Christian one. Others, like those of Moody
and Ring, posit religious significance to the NDE, but do not adhere to any traditional
religion. Rather, Moody and Ring present less organized and more universalistic
religious concepts than their traditional counterparts. It is Ring’s model of the NDE that
will be discussed next.
In understanding Ring’s (1980) explanation, it is important to note that he is very
clear regarding his interpretation of the NDE: for Ring, the NDE represents reality. He
views the OBE as an actual separation of mind from body, or of a spiritual body from a
41
physical one. Likewise, he believes that consciousness continues after death in some
type of alternate reality. According to Ring, the NDE is exactly what is described by
those who have had one – the beginning stages of transition from this reality to the one
that awaits after death. Ring writes:
Most of us, most of the time, function in the three-dimensional world of ordinary
sensory reality. According to the interpretation I am offering, this reality is
grounded in a body-based consciousness. When one quits the body – either at
death or voluntarily, as some individuals have learned to do – one’s consciousness
is then free to explore the fourth-dimensional world. (p. 234)
What is this alternate reality or ‘fourth-dimensional world’? Ring (1980)
surmises that it is a holographic realm made up of pure frequencies. In this ‘frequency
domain,’ individuals perceive and decipher these frequencies holographically. Thus, the
OBE and tunnel experience represent the transition in which individuals begin perceiving
holographically, and the world of light represents the frequency domain itself. Deceased
loved ones will appear in an NDE when the dying person encounters their loved ones’
holographic signatures already dwelling in the frequency domain. Interestingly, Ring
interprets the being of light that one encounters in the world of light, not as God or any
higher spiritual being, but as oneself. It appears infinitely loving and accepting, as well
as all-knowing, because it is simply a part of oneself, one’s higher self or one’s true
divine nature. Ring concludes that “the act of dying, then, involves a gradual shift of
consciousness from the ordinary world of appearances to a holographic reality of pure
frequencies” (p.237).
42
Chapter Five
Evaluation and Conclusions
The debate that rages between the spiritual and the biological models is heated
and intense. As one example, Blackmore asserts that the biological models are much
more useful theories than spiritual ones. To support her position, Blackmore (1993) cites
three criteria for a good theory: First, a good theory must be specific, that is, it must be
able to account for the very specific phenomenon associated with NDEs, such as why
NDErs see a tunnel instead of a door, or why they experience one set of emotions rather
than another. Second, Blackmore asserts that adequate theories should not invent
alternate worlds without valid evidence. She writes, “Generally speaking, a theory that
uses known and well-understood principles is to be preferred to one that just invents a
new ‘force’ or ‘plane’ to account for any findings that come along” (1993, p. 75) Finally,
Blackmore argues that a good theory should make testable predictions, since a theory that
produces no testable predictions is useless.
Many researchers, including Blackmore, find that biological models tend to have
little difficulty satisfying these criteria. For instance, each of the biological models
presented above is able to address specific NDE phenomena, make testable predictions,
and refrain from ad hoc invention of alternate realities. Moreover, biological models
have years of biological and scientific advances to back them up.
Yet, as compelling as some of the biological arguments may be, they are far from
universally accepted. Each of the biological models presented above has attracted
criticisms, both with their theoretical aspects and with their biological data [for specific
commentary on Jansen’s model see especially Strassman (1997), Fenwick (1997),
43
Kungurtsev (1997), and Morse (1997)]. For instance, Fenwick (1997) argues against
Jansen’s theory by asserting that temporal lobe activity is an unlikely candidate for
producing the NDE since the effects caused by such activity share little similarity to
NDEs. In addition, Ring raises some objections about placing too much emphasis on
anoxia as the stimulus for the NDE, citing that many experiences occur when anoxia can
be definitively ruled out. A detailed exposition of all of the objections would be
tangential for my thesis; only let it be noted that even the most empirical, biological
theory is far from airtight, even on the basis of the workings of biological processes
themselves.
Yet, there are two significant objections that generally apply to biological models
which require particular mention. First, biological models, based on the functioning of a
distressed brain, fail to account for NDEs reported when the person had no brain wave
activity. Many of these cases have been recorded; one study accumulated 55 cases of
NDEs occurring while the patient showed no brain response on an EEG (Shoonmaker, as
cited by Lundhal, 1983). There were also many cases of NDEs with flat EEGs in the von
Lommen (2001) study, as the authors note that most patients lost all measurable brain
response about 10 seconds after the onset of the cardiac episode.
One particular case of a NDE occurring when there was no perceptible brain
activity is so striking that it bears detailed attention. I encountered this widely publicized
account in an article by Kelly et. al. (2000), although it has been recorded elsewhere.
This is the case of Pam Reynolds (pseudonym), a person who underwent a radical
surgical procedure to remove an aneurysm from her brain. Ms. Reynold’s physical state
during her operation is described as follows:
44
At the time the aneurysm was removed, Ms. Reynold’s core body temperature
was 60 degrees Fahrenheit, her heart was stopped, and electroencephalogram
(EEG) showed no brain wave activity, there was no brain stem (including
auditory) response, and all blood had been drained from her brain. (p.517)
After the procedure, Ms. Reynolds reported a NDE. She experienced common elements
such as an OBE, a tunnel, a light, and seeing several deceased loved ones who sent her
back to her body. What is truly incredible is that during her OBE, Ms. Reynolds claimed
to be able to observe the surgery from outside her body. She was able to accurately
describe the unusual bone saw used during the procedure and she recounted some
remarks made by the surgeon. The veracity of both the remarks and the description of
the bone saw were later confirmed by the physicians.
Clearly, cases like this one present a serious obstacle for biological models. All
theories of neurotransmitters, temporal lobe activity, or anoxia are insufficient if the brain
is no longer active. A brain that is no longer active cannot be responsible for anything at
all, much less such accurate observations as those recounted by Pam Reynolds.
Some might object to accounts like these, claiming that perhaps EEGs are not
very accurate or perhaps the brain was functioning at such a low level that weak brain
waves did not register. Such a rebuttal is not very convincing for cases like Ms.
Reynold’s, but it is possible that such a criticism is founded.
Yet, even if one casts doubt on the accuracy of EEGs as a measure of brain
activity or if it is proven beyond doubt that the brain is actually still functioning, even if
only weakly, during the NDE, another serious obstacle to biological explanations of
NDEs remains: veridical evidence. Any good theory of the NDE should take all aspects
45
of the NDE into consideration; yet, biological processing is hard-pressed to explain
individuals being able to see, hear, or know things that they should have no ability to
perceive (like the case of Maria’s shoe).
Blackmore (1993) readily admits that her theory is disproved if such cases of
veridical evidence are found to be true. She then makes an attempt to discredit veridical
accounts. Blackmore asserts that if the brain is still functioning, even if only weakly,
then it will be capable of imagery, and it is this imagery that a person interprets as OBEs.
In order to construct the images, the brain uses “prior knowledge, fantasy and lucky
guesses, and the remaining operating senses of hearing and touch” (p.115). Blackmore
explains that an NDEr might claim to have seen so-and-so talking to so-and-so, wearing
this particular thing or holding that particular item during their episode. But this is hardly
convincing evidence for her: When re-telling their experience, the NDEr may be only
50% correct, but no friend would bother to correct them, since they would have been
through such a tremendous physical ordeal. Cases in which NDErs can accurately
describe resuscitation procedures are not convincing to Blackmore either, since a person
might be able to recount the procedures performed on them based on the remaining sense
of touch (thus explaining Sabom’s experiment in which the cardiac patients who did not
have an NDE could not imagine an accurate resuscitation: they had never been
resuscitated whereas the NDErs could recount their experiences because their bodies
could feel the procedures).
Yet, when one considers cases such as Maria’s in which there was no prior
knowledge of the hospital or no conceivable way for her remaining senses to apprehend
the shoe in such detail, and when one considers that explanations of coincidence and
46
lucky guesses push the limits of credibility (to say the least), one finds Blackmore’s
objections critically lacking. Blackmore (1993) vaguely mentions the case of Maria and
the shoe in her book, and concludes that the account is unsatisfactory. She simply
explains that she was “unable to get any further information” (p.128) about this case and
subsequently dismisses it from consideration. One is left wondering what additional
information was required, since complete accounts have been published. Even more
telling, though, is the fact that Blackmore dismisses Maria’s case, apparently believing it
to be unverified, yet she does not give any indication why she came to that conclusion
nor does she present the criteria required for an account to qualify as verified. For this
reason, one is left wondering if any account would seem verified to her!
Blackmore’s theory is not the only one that fails to account for veridical evidence.
Neither Wettach’s dual brain theory nor Jansen’s ketamine model provide an explanation
for veridical evidence, nor do they mention this aspect of NDEs at all. Unfortunately,
this shortcoming is common in biological models.
The one biological models discussed in this chapter that appears to accommodates
veridical evidence is the Beck and Colli quantum biomechanical model. According to
their model, conversations overheard by the NDEr, resuscitation procedures being
witnessed, or strange objects seen in strange places could all result from the access of
others’ memories located in the zero-point field.
Though the Beck and Colli model successfully accommodates veridical evidence,
the correct categorization of the model is complex. Beck and Colli present their model as
a biological one, yet they claim that memory resides outside of the body. What begins as
a biological explanation concludes within the realm of metaphysics. Thus, what they
47
really offer is a non-reductionistic view that, despite its biological basis, could be best
classified among the spiritual models.
Like Beck and Colli’s model, the other spiritual models have little difficulty
explaining veridical evidence. For Ring, people can report overheard conversations or
strange objects that they saw because they experienced, in actuality, everything they
claimed to have seen or heard. One’s soul/mind continued to exist outside of one’s body
and experience the world, at least enough to see objects and overhear conversations.
Though he does not explicitly enunciate it, Murphy’s model could also account for
veridical evidence. Presumably, whatever portion of the person that is being reborn
would be conscious and capable of observing and remembering objects or conversations.
Unfortunately, though both spiritual models account for all NDE phenomena,
including veridical evidence, some find that they do not satisfy Blackmore’s criteria for a
good theory. According to Blackmore, they 1) do not adequately explain the specifics of
an NDE; and 2) in Ring’s case, they invent alternate worlds. However, both make
testable predictions. Murphy, for instance, tests his theory about altered-states of
consciousness on seven NDErs in the study reported above. Ring makes predictions from
his theory about NDEs in the blind and gathers data to test those predictions in his book
Mindsight (1999).
Of course, how well the theories satisfy Blackmore’s criteria is open to
interpretation. For instance, Ring and Murphy might argue that their theories do account
for the specifics of NDEs: people experience the particular things that they do because
the things they experience represent reality. Also, Ring would hardly consider himself as
inventing alternate worlds without adequate evidence. For Ring, as well as many others
48
who espouse spiritual models, veridical evidence provides strong proof of an alternate
reality.
Yet, perhaps the most crucial factor in the argument between biological and
spiritual models is simply whether or not the models can accommodate all of the
elements of an NDE. As I noted above, it only makes sense that a good theory should do
so. If that is the case, then veridical evidence becomes the crux of the argument; and,
only the spiritual models and the Quantum Biomechanical model offer any kind of
explanation of veridical evidence.
More importantly, the Quantum Biomechanical model and the spiritual models
(particularly Ring’s model) share a very interesting characteristic: they need not be
mutually exclusive. In fact, many biological models could easily be advocated in
conjunction with spiritual models. As long as a given biological model is not
reductionistic, that is, as long as it does not reduce reality to merely the biological
processes it describes, there is nothing to keep one from espousing both a spiritual model
and a biological one. Such a hybrid would combine the advantages of biological
explanations with an ability to account for the more enigmatic phenomena of NDEs.
Beyond the expected conclusions I attained regarding biological and spiritual
models, this study revealed two other aspects of near-death research that merit particular
mention in this thesis. First, I noticed a significant trend in NDE research during the
course of my investigation: Many of the more recent articles that I surveyed seemed to
be more about religion than NDE research (Ring, 2000; Sabom, 2000). In fact, two were
downright theological: one criticizing Sabom’s work on the basis of his theology
(Ellwood, 2000) and one containing Sabom’s defense of his religious position (Sabom,
49
2000). I attribute this surprising trend to the fact that the NDE can be made to support so
many different religious worldviews. That is, several explanations of the NDE fit
comfortably within religious paradigms, allowing many people to find corroboration for
their religious views in NDEs. For example, Murphy and Blackmore interpret the NDE
to support their Buddhist beliefs, Sabom asserts Christianity through it, and Ring and
Moody find expression of their own spiritualities in it.
That many individuals seek affirmation of their religious views within NDE
research is not necessarily misplaced, for all research begins with a hypothesis that the
researcher is attempting to prove. However, the fact that the NDE lends itself to such
varied interpretations creates the unexpected religious tension found in NDE literature.
Such discussions, like the debate between Ellwood and Sabom concerning the proper
interpretation of the Bible that was mentioned previously, are much better suited to
journals on apologetics or theology rather than near-death studies.
This transition from science to theology within the near-death research
community has also been noticed by Ring, who published an article lamenting that fact
and urging researchers to return to strict scientific investigation (Ring, 2000). I must
agree with Ring that as long as the primary focus of researchers’ articles is to propagate
their religious views, then further progress in NDE research will cease to be useful. On
the other hand, I fully appreciate the fact that the NDE’s appeal arises largely from its
relevance to religion. A phenomenon that could potentially provide evidence of spiritual
realities (or the lack thereof) or that could settle the mystery of life after death could not
help but attract religious attention, for those issues are of paramount religious
significance. In fact, the religious implications of NDEs could be so serious that one
50
might describe NDE research as an empirical inquiry into a facet of the religious domain.
Yet, caution is still warranted when investigating such issues, and the need for empirical,
objective studies still stands.
Religious debates aside, the implications that NDE research has on the survival
hypothesis remains one of the most important facets of the field. Presented below is the
second set of corollary conclusions, which are derived from those implications.
Within the NDE research community, there is much debate concerning human
survival after death. Veridical evidence is the crucial element in the NDE’s relationship
to the survival hypothesis. For example, Blackmore rejects the survival hypothesis
because she discounts the validity of veridical evidence. Yet, I find her objections
against veridical evidence seriously lacking. Such bizarre occurrences cannot be ignored,
dismissed, or overlooked, and their implications are far reaching. Regardless of whether
or not veridical evidence proves human survival, however, I find that it clearly provides
compelling, empirical evidence that there is more to the universe than strict materialistic
science would permit.
But what of life after death? My own interest in NDEs was piqued by the
possibility of answering the age-old debate of human survival. Taken at face value, the
stories reported by those who were clinically dead and then revived surely seem to
support life after death, especially when such stories include strong veridical evidence.
Yet, even though the paranormal aspects of NDEs hint at an existence after death, asking
for definite proof of a hereafter from the NDE is asking for too much. Many researchers,
including Ring and Moody, admit that though the NDE might provide tantalizing
glimpses of the hereafter, it could never provide absolute proof since those who are
51
revived did not pass into the final, irreversible realm of death. For this reason, what lies
on the other side of physical death is still as much a mystery as it has always been, at
least from a scientific point of view. Yet, if one is able to set aside the need for
irrevocable proof for just a moment, I think one will find the strong hints of an afterlife in
the NDE to be quite compelling, if not completely convincing.
52
References
Alvarado, C. S. & Zingrone, N. L. (1998). Factors related to the depth of near-death
experiences: Testing the “embellishment over time” hypothesis. Imagination,
Cognition and Personality, 17(4), 339-344.
Ashbrook, J. B. & Albright, C. R. (1997). The humanizing brain: Where religion and
neuroscience meet. Cleveland, OH: The Pilgrim Press.
Beck, T. E. & Colli, J. E. (2003). A Quantum biomechanical basis for near-death life
reviews. Journal of Near-Death Studies, 21(3), 169-189.
Blackmore, S. (1993). Dying to live: Near-death experiences. Buffalo, NY:
Prometheus Books.
Eliade, M. (1964). Shamanism: Archaic techniques of ecstasy (W. R. Trask Trans.).
Princeton University Press (Original work published in 1951).
Ellwood, G. F. (2000). Religious experience, religious worldviews, and near-death
studies. Journal of Near-Death Studies, 19(1), 5-21.
Fasching, D. J. (2004). The shamanistic roots of afterlife beliefs in the world's
religions. Unpublished manuscript.
Fenwick, P. (1997). Is the near-death experience only n-methyl-d-aspartate blocking?.
Journal of Near-Death Studies, 16(1), 43-53.
Green, J. T. (1998). Near-death experiences, shamanism, and the scientific method.
Journal of Near-Death Studies, 16(3), 205-222.
Green, J. T. (2001). The Near-death experience as a shamanic initiation: A case study.
Journal of Near-Death Studies, 19(4), 209-225.
Greyson, B. (1999). Defining near-death experiences. Mortality, 4(1), 7-19.
53
Grosso, M. (2001). Afterlife research and the shamanic turn. Journal of Near-Death
Studies, 20(1), 5-14.
The Holy Bible: New international version. (1973). Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan
Publishing House.
Jansen, K. L. R. (1997). The ketamine model of the near-death experience: A central role
for the n-methyl-d-aspartate receptor. Journal of Near-Death Studies, 16(1), 526.
Kellehear, A. (1993). Culture, biology, and the near-death experience: A reappraisal.
Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 181(3), 148-156.
Kelly E. W., Greyson, B., & Stevenson, I. (2000). Can near death experiences furnish
evidence of life after death?. Omega, 40(4), 513-519.
Kungurtsev, I. (1997). Which comes first: Consciousness or aspartate receptors?.
Journal of Near-Death Studies, 16(1), 55-57.
Lundhal, C. R. (Ed.). (1982). A Collection of near-death research readings. Chicago,
IL: Nelson-Hall Inc.
Moody, R., Jr. (1975). Life after life. Atlanta, GA: Mockingbird Books.
Morse, M. L. (1997). Commentary on Jansen’s paper. Journal of Near-Death Studies,
16(1), 59-62.
Murphy, T. (1999). Recreating near-death experiences: A cognitive approach. Journal
of Near-Death Studies, 17(4), 261-265.
Murphy, T. (2001). The structure and function of near-death experiences: An
Algorithmic reincarnation hypothesis. Journal of Near-Death Studies, 20(2), 101118.
54
Newberg, A., D’Aquil, E., & Vince, R. (2001). Why god won’t go away: Brain science
and the biology of belief. New York, NY: The Ballantine Publishing Group.
Ring, K. (1980). Life at Death: A Scientific investigation of the near-death experience.
New York, NY: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan.
Ring, K. (1990). Shamanic initiation, imaginal worlds, and life after death. In G. Doore
(Ed.), What survives: Contemporary explorations of life after death. Los
Angeles, CA: Tarcher.
Ring, K. & Valarino, E. E. (1998). Lessons from the light: What we can learn from the
near-death experience. Portsmouth, NH: Moment Point Press.
Ring, K. & Cooper, S. (1999). Mindsight: Near-death and out-of-body experiences in
the blind. Kearney, NE: Morris Publishing.
Ring, K. (2000). Religious wars in the nde movement: Some personal reflections on
Michael Sabom’s Light & Death. Journal of Near-Death Studies, 18(4), 215-244.
Sabom, M. (2000). Response to Gracia Fay Ellwood’s “religious experience, religious
worldviews, and near-death studies.” Journal of Near-Death Studies, 19(1), 2244.
Sabom, M. (2000). Response to Kenneth Ring’s “religious wars in the NDE movement:
some personal reflections on Michael Sabom’s light & death.” Journal of NearDeath Studies, 18(4), 245-271.
Strassman, R. J. (1997). Endogenous ketamine-like compounds and the nde: If so, so
what?. Journal of Near-Death Studies, 16(1), 27-41.
55
The Tibetan book of the dead: The great liberation through hearing in the bardo
(Fremantle, F. & Chogyam, T., Trans.). (1975). Boston, MA: Shambhala
Publications, Inc.
Van Lommel, P.; van Wees, R.; Meyers, V.; & Elfferich, I. (2001). Near-death
experience in survivors of cardiac arrest: A prospective study. Lancet, 358, 20392045.
Wettach, G. E. (2000). The near-death experience as a product of isolated subcortical
brain function. Journal of Near-Death Studies, 19(2), 71-90.
56
Appendices
57
Appendix A: Interview with Clara
This is the transcript of the interview I conducted with Clara on December 28,
2003. This interview was conducted, recorded and transcribed by myself. I obtained
verbal consent from Clara to record and print this interview in my thesis. The verbal
consent can be found at the end of the interview. Because of the length of the interview
and the amount of tangential material that was discussed, this is an abridged version.
Q: What was your physical condition? What kind of condition were you in? And then,
what happened to you? What was your experience?
A: I had had the second stroke. I had been set up for an MRI on Monday morning. I
had the stroke on Saturday. And I had been set for an MRI on Monday morning.
When I woke up Monday morning, I couldn’t breathe. And I went to the bathroom,
and I had to call the nurse from the bathroom because I couldn’t breathe. And the last
thing I remember hearing is her saying was “her blood pressure’s gone to 50 over
50.” And I don’t remember anything after that. Except that I felt myself leaving my
body. And they called the doctor and he came over from his office. And he called
[her husband]. And told him that he needed to get to the hospital, that the Clara we
once knew wasn’t there anymore. ‘Cause I was gone! And there was no light, no
anything. I was just immediately in heaven. One of the reason’s I knew is Pete met
me. And he threw his arms around me and said the same thing he always said, ‘I love
you, and the Lord loves you, too.’ And it was just so beautiful, because I was by the
crystal river. And the plants and everything … just so clear! And I’ve never in my
life seen anything so beautiful.
58
Appendix A: (Continued)
Q: Was it like what you would see here?
A: More. Much more. Just a glory! … And I told Pete, ‘I want to see the Lord.’ And
Pete said, ‘He’s right there.’ And I turned around, and there he was! And he showed
me his hands, and his feet.
Q: And then what happened?
A: Then he told me that it wasn’t time for me to be there. And he touched me. [Clara
describes the amazement of one particular doctor to her complete, rapid recovery]
But when I went back to the doctor and [her husband] was with me, when I went back
to the doctor for the fist time after that, he took both of my hands in his and he said,
‘I’ll believe anything you tell me because,’ he said, ‘you did a 360-degree turn
around.’ He said, “I’ve never seen anything like it.’ Because I came back so whole,
and I wasn’t when I left.
Q: So, you were unconscious?
A: Yes, I was unconscious.
Q: Do you know how long you were unconscious?
A: Well, they tried all that day to get through to me. And the only thing I remember is
that at the end of the day, and I mean it was late in the afternoon, I can remember a
doctor come to talk to me because they had been taking x-rays of my brain and my
brain stem to see what was going on. And they had called special doctors in to do
that. And one came to me and he said, ‘Are you okay?’ And he said, ‘Do you know
who I am?’ And I called him a doctor, I don’t know why because I don’t remember
59
Appendix A: (Continued)
meeting the man at all, I didn’t even know him. He said, ‘She’s going to be alright.’
And that is the first thing I remember after I woke up.
But the doctor said I wasn’t there. He tried to talk to me and I wasn’t there. Well,
I knew I wasn’t there, ‘cause I knew where I was!
Q: Now, when you saw Pete, Pete had given you a message.
A: For Darlene.
Q: For Darlene, yes. What was that message that he gave you?
A: That he was sorry he had left her before he had got the windows sealed. That she had
wanted all of the windows sealed and he’d been so busy that he hadn’t got them done.
But she had gotten it done by somebody else!
Q: Did you get any messages for any other people?
A: For the pastor. There was [sic] three people, he and two others who had left the
church. One of them had told me to talk to [name] because I saw her husband, and
then I saw [another church member]. He had sent a message back to the pastor.
[Clara briefly describes the message.]
It didn’t seem like I was there a long time, but people who saw me the rest of that
day said that I just wasn’t there. And [her husband], when he came in he said that he
just couldn’t believe what was going on either. When I woke up, he and the pastor
were there and I told him I’d been to heaven.
[We discuss some other aspects of her experience. Clara emphasizes that she did not see
a tunnel, nor was she interested in seeing her body.]
60
Appendix A: (Continued)
Q: Had you ever heard of near-death experiences before you had this experience?
A: Yeah, I’d heard about this long tunnel that you go through and things like that. But I
felt it was like Christians ought to be: It was they’re just immediately in heaven.
There’s no pussy-footing around! [laughs]
Q: Had you read any books about near-death experiences?
A: No.
Q: Have you read any since then?
A: No. I just know what I saw and what happened to me. And I know it was only about
30 minutes from the time I started hurting until I was gone. You don’t have time to
pray. You don’t even think about it when you are in pain. You’ve got to be prayed
up ahead of time.
Q: When did this happen?
A: It’ll be almost five years ago. I had my second stroke in May. And I had it on a
Saturday night, and that was a Monday morning.
Q: And you were already in the hospital?
A: I was already in the hospital. Because they were going to do an MRI that day to find
out. Because I had a stroke before and my strokes are in the head. Some of the tissue
collapses. In the brain.
Q: And that was about five years ago?
A: No, that was about 8 years ago. And then four years after I had the first one, I had the
second one.
61
Appendix A: (Continued)
Q: Do you know what your diagnosis was when you were having this experience? Did
you have another stroke right then?
A: That’s what they say. That I’d had a second stroke. Because my blood pressure had
been real high, and then all of a sudden it just bottomed out. And they don’t know
why.
[We discuss some medical complications from Clara’s strokes.]
Q: How long were you in the hospital before they released you?
A: About twelve days.
[We discuss Clara’s amazing recovery. She recovered strong and fast. Clara reports the
doctors’ amazement.]
Q: Do I have your permission to use this information in a paper that I am writing?
A: Sure.
Q: Would you like me to use an alias?
A: No. It doesn’t matter. It doesn’t matter at all.
62
Appendix B: Interview with Darlene
The following is the transcript of the interview I conducted with Darlene on
December 28, 2003. This interview was conducted, recorded and transcribed by myself.
I obtained verbal consent from Darlene to record and print this interview in my thesis.
The verbal consent can be found at the end of the interview. Because of the length of the
interview and the amount of tangential material that was discussed, this is an abridged
version.
Q: When was the first time you heard about Clara’s experience?
A: It was after she was in the hospital when she had a stroke. I’m trying to remember if
she … I don’t know if it was [the pastor’s wife] who told me… uh, but just a few
days after the incident we visited her in the hospital and she confronted and we talked
about it. I don’t know if it was somebody from the church who mentioned that she
had this experience.
Q: And then did Clara talk to you about it herself also?
A: Yes. When we went to visit her in the hospital, we asked… she said “I’ve got
messages”. And [Clara’s husband] had told us about the doctor and leaving and that
part of the story as well, and the after death experience when she came back that she
saw Jesus and she saw Pete, and that he was in his flight suit, and that he had a
message for us. […] And Jesus told her [Clara] that it wasn’t her time, because she
had work to do, you know, she had to deliver these messages to people. And one to
our family, and several other church members, and I think, some of her own family.
Q: What was the message for your family?
63
Appendix B: (Continued)
A: You know, the first thing that I remember that she said first was, this is Pete talking
to Clara, “Tell Darlene that it wasn’t my fault. And that I love them very much.” And
that he knows that men from the church will take care of our family. And then he had
a message for each child.
[She describes some encouraging messages from Pete for the two children.]
And he said, “I’m sorry that I didn’t get to caulk the windows.” We had had, after
we moved back in the house, we’d been out of the house for about six and a half
years, we’d been in it for about a year. And he was a very good handyman, but not
the best. Because his talents were, you know, elsewhere. And he realized you do
certain things and you pay other people to do certain things. Well, he thought, ‘yeah,
I can caulk the windows.’ Well he started, and his bead was terrible, so I ended up
doing two windows and thought ‘this is hard work!’ So we never got that project
finished before his death. So he said ‘sorry about not caulking the windows.’ And
since his death, before that time, a guy from the church [name] had already come over
and caulked the windows and replaced a garbage disposal. So his message ‘I knew
the men at the church would be able to take care of you’ were true [sic] because they
had already stepped in. It wasn’t immediately after his death, but it was a couple of
months somebody said, ‘can I do anything for you?’
You know it may be silly to somebody, but that [the message about the windows]
was still a kind of big thing in a way, that we had started that and I knew it needed to
be finished. So, that was neat. There was no way that Clara would have known about
64
Appendix B: (Continued)
that. Because, you know, how trivial. [Darlene talks about the reassurance of these
messages and about the nature of Pete’s accident.]
Q: When did Pete die?
A: August of ‘98. August 27 of ’98.
Q: How much time had passed by the time you received this message?
A: The work was done in the fall on the house, and Clara… I think it was January. So, it
was four, five… five or six months, something like that. [Darlene elaborates on
Clara’s vivid memory of the experience, the other people she saw, and the
reassurance it brought.]
Q: Just to clarify one more time, from the time Clara had her experience until the time
that she told you this message herself, do you know how many days or how long it
had taken?
A: I think … I think her experience happened on Monday. And it was either Tuesday or
Wednesday when we saw her in the hospital. So, it was pretty close. [Darlene
mentions the doctors’ surprise at Clara’s miraculous recovery.]
Q: Do I have your permission to use this story in a paper?
A: Yes. You may.
Q: I can use an alias if you like. Do you have a preference?
A: No. I don’t have a preference. I know that everything happens for a reason, and it’s
amazing how all of the pieces fit together. You know, God’s plan. So, no, I don’t
have any qualms at all about you using it. I hope it helps someone else.
65